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SELECT   CHARTERS 


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SELECT  CHARTERS 

AND 
OTHER  ILLUSTRATIONS 

OF 

ENGLISH  CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY 

FROM     THE     EARLIEST    TIMES 
TO    THE     REIGN     OF    EDWARD    THE     FIRST 


ARRANGED    AND    EDITED 
BY 

WILLIAM  JTUBBS,   D.I). 

liishop  of  Chester 
Late  Regius   Professor  of  Modern   History,    Oxford 


Sixth  Edition 


AT    THE    CLARENDON    PRESS 

M.UCCC.LXXXVllI 

[  All  rights  rtserced  J 


ill 
57 


PREFACE. 

JL  HIS  book  is  intended  to  be  primarily  a  treasury  of  reference ; 
an  easily  handled  repertory  of  the  Origines  of  English  Consti- 
tutional History ;  and,  secondarily,  a  manual  for  teachers  and 
scholars.  With  a  view  to  the  first  purpose,  I  have  tried  to 
collect  in  it  every  constitutional  document  of  importance  during 
the  peiiod  that  it  covers.  With  a  view  to  the  second,  I  have 
attempted  by  way  of  illustration  to  point  out  the  bearings  of  the 
several  documents  on  one  another  and  on  the  national  polity ; 
supplying  in  the  Introductory  Sketch  a  string  of  connexion  and 
some  sort  of  continuous  theory  of  the  development  of  the 
system. 

The  study  of  Constitutional  History  is  essentially  a  tracing  of 
causes  and  consequences ;  the  examination  of  a  distinct  growth 
from  a  well-defined  germ  to  full  maturity :  a  growth,  the  parti- 
cular direction  and  shaping  of  which  are  due  to  a  diversity  of 
causes,  but  whose  life  and  developing  power  lies  deep  in  the 
very  nature  of  the  people.  It  is  not  then  the  collection  of 
a  multitude  of  facts  and  views,  but  the  piecing  of  the  links  of 
a  perfect  chain.  And  in  this  comparatively  complete  and  intel- 
ligible connexion  of  cause  and  consequence,  it  has  a  certain  charm 
that  makes  up  for  the  default  of  everything  depending  on  the 
play  of  personal  character,  the  unlooked-for  and  the  picturesque. 

It  is  of  the  greatest  importance  that  this  study  should  become 
a  recognised  part  of  a  regular  English  education.  No  know- 
ledge of  English  history  can  be  really  sound  without  it :  it  is  not 
creditable  to  us  as  an  educated  people  that  while  our  students  are 
well  acquainted  with  the  state  machinery  of  Athens  and  Home, 
they  should  be  ignorant  of  the  corresponding  institutions  of 
our  own  forefathers  :  institutions  that  possess  a  living  interest 
for  every  nation  that  realises  its  identity,  and  have  exercised  on 
the  wellbeing  of  the  civilised  world  an  influence  not  inferior 
certainly  to  that  of  the  Classical  nations. 

b 


vi  Preface. 

I  have  pointed  out  in  the  introductory  chapter  my  reasons 
for  not  going  further  than  the  reign  of  Edward  I.  The  later 
history  is  rather  a  history  of  politics  than  of  polity,  and  has  to 
be  illustrated  by  a  very  different  sort  of  documents.  A  more 
consistent  supplement  or  companion  to  this  volume  would  be  a 
comparative  assortment  of  corresponding  Origines  of  the  other 
constitutions  of  Europe.  This  is  a  branch  of  study  without  which 
the  student  cannot  fully  realise  either  the  peculiar  characteristics 
of  his  own  national  polity,  or  the  deep  and  wide  basis  which  it 
has  in  common  with  those  of  the  modern  nations  of  the  Continent. 
To  have  furnished  however  in  this  volume,  even  the  bare  texts 
of  the  chief  constitutional  monuments  of  France,  Germany,  Spain, 
Italy,  and  Scandinavia,  would  have  obliged  me  to  alter  the  plan 
altogether ;  nor  could  the  comparative  Constitutional  History  of 
Europe  be  illustrated  at  all  thoroughly  on  the  same  scale. 

For  the  present,  I  commend  this  little  book  to  the  good 
offices  of  teachers,  and  to  the  tender  mercies  of  pupils,  in  the 
firm  conviction  that  the  subject  it  illustrates  is  of  the  first 
educational  importance,  and  in  the  hope  that  the  plan  and  line 
of  study  which  it  suggests  will  be  found  well  calculated  to  draw 
out  the  mind,  and  to  extend  the  area  of  sound  teaching. 

OXFORD,  October  7,  1870. 


In  the  Second  Edition  a  few  additions  have  been  made  to  the 
Excerpts,  and  five  or  six  documents  of  interest  have  been  added, 
amongst  which  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  and  the  Act  of  Settle- 
ment are  the  most  important.  An  interesting  charter  of  Canute 
will  be  found  inserted  at  p.  75. 

OXFORD,  January  14,  1874. 


CONTENTS. 


PAKT  I. 

PAG« 

A  SKETCH  OP  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY  OP  THE  ENGLISH 
NATION  DOWN  TO  THE  BEIGN  OP  EDWARD  I        ..         ..         ..1-51 

PAET  H. 

EXTRACTS  ILLUSTRATIVE  OF  THE  EARLY  POLITY  OP  THE  ENGLISH  52 
Extracts  from  Caesar       ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..52 

Extracts  from  Tacitus      ..          ..          ..           ..          ..          ..          ..  54 

Extracts  from  the  Early  Laws  of  the  English  . .          . .          . .          ..  60 

Ethelbert       ..          , 61 

Hlothaere  and  Eadric          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  61 

Wihtred         61 

Ini      ..         .,          ..          ..         ..         ..         ..         ..         ..  61 

Pontificale  Egberti  ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  62 

Cone.  Legatin.  A.D.  787    ..          ..          62 

Alfred            62 

Edward          64 

Oath  of  Fealty         64 

People's  Ranks  and  Law     ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  65 

OfWergilds 65 

Athelstan      ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..66 

Edmund         67 

Edgar            68 

Ordinance  of  the  Hundred ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  68 

Ethelred        72 

Canute           ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  73 

Edward  the  Confessor         76 

PART   III. 

SELECT  CHARTERS  AND  EXCERPTS;  NORMAN  PERIOD. 

WILLIAM  I           ..  79 

Excerpts        ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  80 

Charter  to  the  City  of  London       ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  82 

Statutes         83 

b2 


viii  Contents. 


PAOS 


Ordinance  separating  the  Spiritual  and  Temporal  Courts          ..       85 
Extracts  from  Domesday  Book      ..          ..          ..          ..          ..85 

Title  of  the  Ely  Domesday 86 

Customs  of  Chester      ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..        87 

Customs  of  Lincoln      ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..        89 

Customs  of  Oxford  and  Oxfordshire  ..          ..          ..          ..        90 

Customs  of  Berkshire  ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..        91 

WILLIAM  II          91 

Excerpts        ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..        92 

HENRY  I   ..         93 

Excerpts        ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..       96 

Charter  of  Liberties  ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..        99 

Letter  of  Henry  I  to  Anselm        ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  102 

Order  for  holding  the  Courts  of  the  Hundred  and  the  Shire     ..  103 

Extracts  from  the  Leges  Henrici  I  . .          . .          . .          . .  104 

Charter  to  the  Citizens  of  London  ..          ..          ..          ..  107 

Charter  of  Thurstan  to  Beverley    ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  109 

Customs  of  Newcastle-upon-Tyne  ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  no 

STKPHEW 113 

Excerpts 114 

First  Charter  ..          ..          ..  119 

Second  Charter        ..          ..          ..         ..         ..         ..         ..  119 

PART   IV. 
SELECT  CHAKTEKS  AND  EXCERPTS;  HENRY  II. 

HENRY  H  122 

Excerpts        127 

Charter  of  Liberties  *34 

Constitutions  of  Clarendon  ..          ..          ..          •  •          ..  135 

Assize  of  Clarendon  ..          ..          ..          ..          ••          ••  140 

Liability  to  Scutage  ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  146 

Inquest  of  Sheriffs    ..          ..          ..          ..          ••          ••          ••  147 

Assize  of  Northampton       ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  150 

Assize  of  Arms         ..          ..          ..          ••          ••          ••          ••  153 

Assize  of  the  Forest  ..          ••          ••          ••          ••          ••  156 

Ordinance  of  the  Saladin  Tithe      ..          ..          ..          ••          ••  159 

Extracts  from  Glanvill         160 

Charters  of  Boroughs  ..          ..          .•          ••          ••          ••  164 

Winchester        ..          ..          ..          ••          ••          ••          ••  165 

Winchester        ..          ..          ••          ••          ••          ••          ••  165 

Lincoln  ..  166 

Nottingham      ..          ••  1 66 

Oxford  .. 167 


Contents.  ix 

PAGB 

Dialogns  de  Scaccario          ..         ..          ..         ..         ..         ..  168 

Praefatio            ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  168 

Liber  Primus     ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  170 

Liber  Secundus             ..          ..          ..          ..          ..         ..  309 

PART  V. 
SELECT  CHAETEKS  AND  EXCERPTS;  RICHARD  AND  JOHN. 

RICHARD  I           249 

Excerpts        251 

Form  of  proceeding  on  the  Judicial  Visitation    ..          ..          ..  358 

Proclamation  for  the  Preservation  of  Peace        . .          ..          ..  263 

Charters  of  Towns   ..          ..          ..          ..          . .          ..          .  •  264 

Winchester        ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          . .          ..  265 

Lincoln..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  266 

JOHN        268 

Excerpts        ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  270 

Writ  for  levying  a  defensive  force              ..          ..          ..          ..  281 

Summons  to  a  Great  Council          ..         ..          ..          ..          ..  282 

Writ  for  the  Assessment  of  the  Thirteenth          ..          ..          ..  283 

Concession  of  the  Kingdom  to  the  Pope  . .          . .          . .          . .  284 

Summons  to  a  Great  Council          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  286 

Grant  of  Freedom  of  Election  to  Churches          ..          . .          ..  287 

Articles  of  the  Barons          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  289 

Great  Charter  of  Liberties ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  296 

Order  for  Inquiry  into  Evil  Customs         ..          ..          ..          ..  306 

Charters  of  Cities  and  Boroughs    ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  307 

(1)  Nottingham            ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  308 

(2)  Northampton         ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  310 

(3)  Dunwich 311 

(4)  Lincoln 312 

(5)  York           ..          ..          312 

(6)  Hartlepool 313 

(7)  Niort          313 

(8)  Helstone    ..         ..         ..         ..         ..         ..         ..  313 

(9)  Helstone 314 

(10)  London      ..         ..          ..         ..         ..         ..         ..  314 

PART  VI. 

SELECT  CHARTERS  AXD  EXCERPTS  ;   HENRY  ITI. 

HENRY  III          316 

Excerpts        ..          ..         ..          ..          ..          ..         ..          ..  320 

Announcement  of  the  Reissue  of  the  Charter      ..         ..          ..  337 


Contents. 

PAGE 

First  Charter  of  Henry  III  339 

Summons  of  the  Sheriff  to  bring  up  the  County  in  Arms           ..  343 

Second  Charter  of  Henry  III         . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  344 

Charter  of  the  Forest           ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  347 

Writ  for  the  Collection  of  a  Carucage  ..  ..  ..  ..  351 

Third  Charter  of  Henry  III  353 

Writ  for  the  Collection  of  the  Fifteenth  ..          ..          ..          ..  355 

Writ  for  the  summoning  of  Four  Knights  of  the  Shire  . .          . .  357 

Writ  for  assembling  the  County  Court  before  the  Judges 

Itinerant            . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  358 

Writ  for  assembling  the  '  Jurati  ad  Arma '          ..         ..          ..  359 

Writ  for  the  Collection  of  the  Fortieth     ..          ..          ..          ..  360 

Writ  for  the  Conservation  of  the  Peace    ..          ..          ..          ..  362 

Writ  for  the  Collection  of  Scutage             ..          ..          ..          ..  3^4 

Confirmation  of  the  Charters  ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  365 

Writ  for  the  Collection  of  the  Thirtieth 366 

Record  of  a  debate  in  the  Council  of  the  Nation  ..  ..  368 

Writ  for  enforcing  Watch  and  Ward  and  the  Assize  of  Arms  ..  370 
Sentence  of  Excommunication  against  Transgressors  of  the 

Charters             ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  373 

Writ  for  carrying  out  the  Watch  and  Ward  and  Assize  of  Arms  374 

Writ  summoning  two  Knights  of  the  Shire  to  grant  an  Aid  . .  375 

Charter  of  Henry  III  to  Oxford 377 

Documents  relating  to  the  Provisions  of  Oxford  ..  ..  . .  378 

I.  The  King's  consent  to  a  Project  of  Reform  . .          . .  380 

II.  The  King's  consent  to  the  Election  of  the  Twenty- 

four             381 

III.  Petition  of  the  Barons,  at  Oxford      ..          ..          ..  382 

IV.  Provisions  of  Oxford    ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  387 

Translation    . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  393 

V.  Proclamation   of  the  King's   adhesion  to  the  Pro- 

visions       . .          . .          . .          . .          • .          . .  396 

VI.  Provisions  of  the  Barons         . .          . .          . .          . .  400 

VII.  Writ   summoning   three   Knights   of  the   Shire  to 

Parliament             . .          . .          . .           . .           . .  405 

VIII.  Award  of  S.  Lewis      . .         . .          •  •         . .          . .  406 
Documents  connected  with  Simon  de  Montfort's  Administration  409 

I.         Writ  for  Conservation  of  the  Peace  and  Summons  to 

Parliament  ..          ..          ..          ..          ..411 

H.        Form  of  Peace  determined  on  in  the  Parliament    ..  412 

III.  Summons  to  the  Parliament  of  1265  ..          ..          ..  415 

IV.  Confirmation  of  the  Charters  ..          ..          ..         ..  416 

V.  Summons  to  Parliament  at  Winchester         ..          *.  418 

VI.  Dictum  de  Kenil worth            ..          ..          ..          ..  419 


Contents.  xi 

PART  VII. 

SELECT  CHARTERS  AND  EXCERPTS;  EDWARD  I. 

PAGE 

EDWARD  I           ..         ..         ..         ..         ..         ..         ..         ..  426 

Excerpts        . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  429 

Order  for  the  Proclamation  of  the  King's  Peace             . .          ..  447 

First  Parliament  of  Edward  I        ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  448 

I.  Statute  of  Westminster  I  (Extract)    . .         . .         . .  450 

II.  Grant  of  Custom  on  Wool         451 

Summons  to  Ecclesiastical  Councils          ..          ..          ..          ..  452 

I.  Summons  to  a  Council  of  Bishops        ..          ..          ..  453 

II.  Summons  to  a  Convocation  of  Prelates,  Archdeacons, 

and  Collegiate  and  Monastic  Clergy         . .          . .  45  3 

III.  Summons  to  a  Convocation  in  which  the  Archdeacons 

act  as  Proctors  for  the  Parochial  Clergy  . .          . .  454 

IV.  Summons  to  a  Convocation  in  which  the  Diocesan 

Clergy  are  represented  by  Episcopal  Nominees   . .  455 

V.  Summons  to  a  Convocation  in  which   the  Diocesan 

Clergy  are  represented  by  their  Proctors  ..          ..  455 

Writ  for  Distraint  of  Knighthood              ..          ..          ..          ..  456 

Statute  of  Mortmain            . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  45  7 

Writs  for  Parliament  and  Councils  in  1282  and  1283     . .          . .  460 

I.  Letter  of  Credence  for  a  Royal  Commissioner  to  raise 

an  Aid          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  464 

II.  Letter  of  Thanks  for  the  Aid  negotiated      ..          ..  464 

III.  Writ  of  Summons  of  Knights  of  the  Shire    . .          . .  465 

IV.  Writ  of  Summons  to  the  Archbishops  and  Clergy  . .  466 

V.  Writ  of  the  Archbishop  summoning  Convocation    ..  466 
VI  a.   Summons  of  Borough  Members  to  a  National  Council  467 
VI  6.    Statute  of  Merchants  ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  469 

VII.     Writ  for  the  Collection  of  a  Thirtieth            ..          ..  469 

Statute  of  Winchester         ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  469 

Translation           ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  473 

Transactions  in  Parliament  in  1290           ..          ..          ..          ..  475 

I.  Grant  of  Aid  pur  fille  marier   ..         ..         ..         ..  477 

II.  Summons  of  Knights  of  the  Shire        ..          ..          ..  477 

III.  Statute  Quia  Emptorea  ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  478 

Parliament  of  1 294              ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  479 

I.  Summons  of  the  Clergy             ..          ..          ..          ..  480 

II.  Summons  of  the  Knights  of  the  Shire             . .          . .  48 1 
Great  Council  and  Parliament  of  1295      ..          ..          ..          ..  482 

I.  Summons  of  the  Archbishop  to  a  Great  Council        ..  484 

II.  Summons  of  the  Archbishop  and  Clergy  to  Parliament  484 


xii  Contents. 

PAGE 

III.  Summons  of  an  Earl  to  Parliament     ..          ..          ..  485 

IV.  Summons  of  the  Representatives  of  Shires  and  Towns 

to  Parliament  . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  486 

V.  Writ  for  the  Collection  of  an  Aid        ..          ..          ..  486 

Confirmation  of  the  Charters          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  487 

De  Tallagio  non  Concedendo          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..497 

Summons  to  the  Parliament  of  Lincoln    . .          . .          . .          . .  499 

Summons  to  a  Colloquium  of  Merchants   . .          . .          . .          . .  500 

Writ  for  the  Collection  of  Talliage  ..          ..          ..          ..  501 

Modus  Tenendi  Parliamentum      ..         ..         ..         ..         ..  502 

APPENDIX. 

Petition  of  Right 515 

Habeas  Corpus  Act  ..          ..          ..          ..          ..          ..  517 

Bill  of  Rights . .  523 

Act  of  Settlement     ..         ..         ..         ..         ..         ..          ••  528 


GLOSSARY        533 


PART    I. 


A  SKETCH  OF  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY 

OF  THE  ENGLISH  NATION   DOWN  TO 

THE   REIGN    OF    EDWARD  I. 

J.HE  English  nation  is  of  distinctly  Teutonic  or  German 
origin.  The  Angles,  Jutes,  and  Saxons,  who,  according  to  Bede, 
furnished  the  mass  of  immigrants  in  the  fifth  century,  were 
amongst  those  tribes  of  Lower  Germany  which  had  heen  the 
least  affected  by  Roman  influences.  They  entered  upon  a  land 
whose  defenders  had  forsaken  it,  and  had  carried  away  with 
them  most  of  the  adventitious  civilisation  which  they  had  main- 
tained for  four  hundred  years ;  whose  inhabitants  were  enervated 
and  demoralised  by  long  dependence,  wasted  by  successive  pesti- 
lences, worn  out  by  the  attacks  of  half-savage  neighbours  and 
by  their  own  suicidal  wars ;  whose  vast  forests  and  unreclaimed 
marsh-lands  afforded  to  the  new-comers  a  comparatively  easy 
conquest,  and  the  means  of  reproducing  at  liberty  on  new 
ground  the  institutions  under  which  they  had  lived  at  home. 

This  new  race  was  the  main  stock  of  our  forefathers  :  sharing 
the  primeval  German  pride  of  purity  of  extraction ;  still  regard- 
ing the  family  tie  as  the  basis  of  social  organisation  ;  migrating 
in  groups  of  allied  and  kindred  character,  and  commemorating 
the  tribal  identity  in  the  names  they  gave  to  their  new  settle- 
ments; honouring  the  women  of  their  nation,  and  strictly  careful 
of  the  distinction  between  themselves  and  the  tolerated  remnant 

B 


a  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

of  their  predecessors.  The  variations  of  physical  and  mental 
characteristics  which  in  the  progress  of  fourteen  hundred  years 
have  been  developed  between  the  English  and  North  German 
types,  may  be  amply  accounted  for  by  natural  and  political 
causes  :  the  natural  ones,  the  air,  food,  water,  and  other  almost 
imperceptibly  efficient  workings  of  the  land  on  its  inhabitants ; 
the  political  ones,  the  total  difference  of  history,  and  of  mental 
and  moral  discipline. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  suppose  that  any  general  intermixture 
either  of  Roman  or  of  British  blood  has  affected  this  national 
identity.  Doubtless  there  were  early  intermarriages  between 
the  invaders  and  the  natives,  and  probably  in  the  west  of 
England  a  large  and  continuous  infusion  of  Celtic  blood.  But 
though  it  may  have  been  locally  or  relatively  great,  it  could 
only  be  in  very  small  proportion  to  the  whole.  The  language, 
the  personal  and  local  names,  the  character  of  the  customs 
and  common  law  of  the  English,  are  persistent  during  historic 
times.  Every  infusion  of  new  blood  since  the  first  migration 
has  been  Teutonic  ;  the  Dane,  the  Norseman,  and  even  the 
French-speaking  Norman  of  the  Conquest,  serve  to  add  intensity 
to  the  distinctness  of  the  national  identity.  It  is  true  that,  as 
civilisation  has  advanced,  the  language  and  the  legal  system 
have  absorbed  new  elements,  some  of  them  peculiar,  some  of 
them  common  to  all  civilisation.  The  language,  continuous 
in  its  perfect  identity  from  the  earliest  date,  unchanged  in 
structure  and  tenacious  in  vocabulary,  has  drawn  in  from  the 
Latiu  services  of  the  Church,  and  from  the  French  of  the 
Courts,  new  riches  of  expression  ;  as  it  has  become  the  literary 
language  of  a  free  people,  it  has  received  from  the  common 
sources  of  all  literature  new  forms,  which,  as  the  nation  has 
educated  itself,  have  been  thoroughly  incorporated  with  the 
older  ones.  It  is  true,  in  the  same  way,  that  from  the  scientific 
study  of  law,  somewhat  of  Roman  forms,  and  somewhat  more 
of  Roman  principles,  have  entered  into  a  combination  with  the 
elder  and  more  purely  developed  institutions  of  the  race ;  but 
neither  the  growth  of  modern  English  as  a  literary  language, 
nor  that  of  English  law  in  its  composite  form,  can  be  made  to 


I.]  Ancient  German  Polity.  3 

synchronise  in  any  stage  with  any  possible  infusion  of  foreign 
blood.  They  bear  the  marks  of  a  rapid  civilisation  assimilating 
new  elements,  not  of  a  much  mixed  race  retaining  fragments  of 
earlier  and  shattered  systems. 

But  were  the  evidences  of  intermixture  of  race  much  stronger 
and  mere  general  than  they  are,  to  the  student  of  constitutional 
history  they  are  without  significance,  from  the  Briton  and 
the  Roman  of  the  fifth  century  we  have  received  nothing.  Our 
whole  internal  history  testifies  unmistakably  to  our  inheritance 
of  Teutonic  institutions  from  the  first  immigrants.  The  Teu- 
tonic element  is  the  paternal  element  in  our  system,  natural 
and  political. 

The  first  traces,  then,  of  our  national  history  must  be  sought 
not  in  Britain  but  in  Germany :  in  the  reports  given  by  Caesar 
and  Tacitus  of  the  tribes  which  they  knew.  In  these  reports 
we  have,  it  is  true,  a  somewhat  indistinct  picture  :  so  indistinct 
that  it  has  been  interpreted  in  many  and  even  in  contradictory 
ways ;  but  one  which  is  certainly  capable  of  being  interpreted 
by  the  clearer  history  of  the  later  stages  of  the  institutions 
which  are  common  to  the  race ;  and  which  so  interpreted  does 
give  a  probable  and  consistent  representation.  "We  have  in  the 
Germans  of  the  first  century  a  family  of  tribes  whose  common 
political  characteristics  are  these  : — 

They  have  in  the  time  of  Tacitus  ceased  to  be  pastoral  and 
unsettled  races  :  they  occupy  fixed  seats  instead  of  annually 
changing  their  pastures  and  hunting-grounds,  as  they  were  said 
to  do  when  Caesar  wrote  ;  but  they  are  not  so  far  settled  as  to 
have  divided  the  land  amongst  individuals.  The  several  com- 
munities allot  annually  their  arable  lands  among  the  freemen  : 
these  have  their  own  several  homesteads ;  but  the  pasture  lands 
are  not  only  held  but  used  in  common,  and  the  whole  land  of 
the  settlement  belongs  to  the  community.  The  community,  the 
vicus  of  Tacitus,  is  joined  with  others  of  the  same  tribe,  and 
the  aggregate  is  the  pagus  :  an  aggregation  of  pagi  is  a 
civitas  or  populus.  The  vici  and  pagi  are  governed  by 
principes  appointed  by  the  nation  in  its  popular  assembly. 
These  principes  administer  justice,  but  with  the  aid  of  a 

B  2 


4  Introductory  Sketch.  [FART 

hundred  companions  or  assessors  in  each  district.  Out  of  them 
probably  are  chosen  the  duces  or  leaders  of  the  host  in  war, 
to  whose  force  each  district  contributes  its  hundred  fighting 
men,  but  whose  authority  over  the  allied  chieftains  is  based  on 
personal  prowess,  not  on  delegated  or  otherwise  vested  right. 
These  principes  have  the  privilege  of  being  attended  by  a 
train  of  comites,  who  fight  for  them  in  battle,  wait  on  them 
in  peace,  and  regard  the  honour  of  association  with  them  as 
more  than  a  compensation  for  such  diminution  of  freedom  as 
the  relation  of  patron  and  dependent  involves.  Some  of  the 
tribes  are  led  by  their  principes  only:  others  have  adopted 
royalty  :  possibly  in  imitation  of  neighbouring  polities ;  possibly 
as  a  relic  of  a  patriarchal  stage,  in  which  the  family  tie  was  not 
merely  the  chief  but  the  only  bond  of  organisation,  and  the 
head  of  the  race  possessed  a  priestly  character  or  represented 
a  semi-divine  descent ;  possibly  as  a  centre  and  symbol  of  unity 
among  confederated  tribes,  desiring  to  embody  their  own  iden- 
tity in  a  common  hereditary  monarchy.  In  connexion  with 
this  royalty  we  read  of  nobiles,  in  blood  more  dignified,  but 
with  no  rights  other  than  those  enjoyed  by  all  the  freemen  of 
the  tribe.  The  king  is  chosen  on  the  ground  of  noble  descent ; 
but  his  royalty  does  not,  if  we  take  the  simple  words  of  Tacitus, 
imply  much  authority  :  the  communities  are  governed  by  their 
principes  chosen  in  the  national  assembly;  and  in  war  they 
are  led  by  the  duces  whose  prowess  exacts  their  respect :  the 
whole  business  of  the  nation  is  transacted  by  the  Councils  of 
the  nation. 

In  these  Councils,  held  at  stated  times  and  attended  by  all  the 
freemen  of  the  tribe,  who  by  admission  to  the  use  of  arms  have 
added  to  their  character  of  members  of  the  family  that  of  full 
membership  of  the  ci vitas,  the  principes  form  a  separate 
body  which  has  authority  to  determine  minor  business  and  to 
prepare  agenda  for  the  larger  gathering.  The  whole  people 
meet  in  that  larger  gathering,  and  treat  of  and  decide  on  mea- 
sures of  higher  import.  In  the  several  administrations  the  rule 
of  the  magistrate  is  limited  by  the  advice  of  his  assessors :  the 
dux  cannot  punish  without  the  assistance  of  the  priests :  the 


I.]  Ancient  German  Polity.  5 

king  is  unable  to  act  without  the  national  council ;  by  it  the 
principes  are  elected,  lawsuits  terminated,  offenders  against 
the  tribe  condemned.  Nor  is  the  relation  of  the  king  to  the 
principes  parallel  with  that  of  the  princeps  to  his 
comites.  The  princeps  fights  not  for  the  king  but  for 
his  own  glory;  the  comes  fights  not  for  glory,  but  for  the 
princeps.  The  king  then  represents  but  the  unity  of  the 
tribe,  the  princeps  the  authority  of  the  community,  the  dux 
the  influence  of  personal  pre-eminence. 

There  are  at  the  bottom  of  the  scale  unfree  cultivators  of 
the  soil,  not  slaves,  but  tenants  paying  rent  and  holding  land 
under  the  free ;  slaves  proper,  such  as  captives  in  war,  or 
gamblers  who  have  staked  and  lost  all ;  and  lastly,  freedmen. 

Tacitus  does  not  mention  the  Jutes  or  Saxons  at  all,  and 
the  Angles  only  as  one  of  a  list  of  North  German  tribes  whose 
places  he  does  not  fix.  To  Ptolemy  we  owe  the  identification 
of  the  seats  of  the  two  last,  between  the  Elbe,  the  Eyder  and  the 
"Warnow,  in  the  modern  duchies  of  Holstein,  Lauenburg  and 
Mecklenburg.  We  can  discern  nothing  distinctive  about  them, 
except  that  in  the  second  century  they  were  recognised  but 
insignificant  tribes. 

Between  the  age  of  Tacitus  and  Ptolemy  and  that  of  Bede  we 
have  very  few  distinct  data  :  we  know,  however,  that  during  the 
period  the  name  of  Saxon  was  extended  to  a  great  aggregation 
of  North  German  tribes,  which  retained  their  independence  of 
Rome,  their  ancient  religion  and  seats,  and  very  much  of  their 
ancient  barbarism.  To  what  extent  they  had  developed  the 
germs  of  a  political  system  common  to  them  with  the  rest  of 
the  Germans,  before  they  took  possession  of  their  new  home,  can 
only  be  conjectured.  We  may,  however,  safely  argue  that  their 
progress  had  not  been  rapid  :  it  is  certain  that  whatever  pro- 
gress was  made  was  free  from  Roman  elements :  it  is  probable 
that  the  Saxons  were  behind  the  rest  of  the  Germans  in  the 
distinctness  of  polity  which  belongs  to  the  tribes  with  which 
the  Romans  were  better  acquainted.  The  importance  attached 
to  the  tie  of  kindred,  even  in  the  eighth  century,  in  England, 
marks  a  more  primitive  or  more  purely  developed  system  than 


6  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

that  described  by  Tacitus,  whilst  Bede's  account  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Old  Saxons,  the  Saxons  of  Germany  of  his  own 
day,  bears  evidence  of  a  state  of  things  little  removed  from  that 
described  by  Caesar.  In  the  midst  of  the  obscurity,  two  points 
stand  out  with  clearness, — (i)  that  the  Teutonic  occupation  of 
Britain  was  a  migration  and  not  a  mere  conquest ;  and  (2)  that 
the  nations  so  migrating  came  from  a  settled  country,  and  must 
be  credited  with  the  same  amount  of  organisation  here  which 
they  had  possessed  at  home.  We  are  thus  freed  from  the 
necessity  of  supposing  that  our  forefathers  had  after  their 
migration  to  begin  with  the  first  elements  of  settled  civilisa- 
tion ;  but  we  are  also  prepared  to  see  changes  in  the  primeval 
system  under  which  they  had  lived  at  home,  originated,  neces- 
sitated, and  shaped  by  the  fact  that  they  had  made  so  great 
and  general  a  movement. 

In  the  first  place,  a  nation  moving  in  mass  has  not  to  learn 
the  first  lessons  of  colonial  life.  It  has  the  names,  the  offices, 
the  functions  of  the  system  in  which  its  corporate  organisation 
is  inherent.  The  tie  of  kindred  is  strong,  but  it  does  not  super- 
sede, nay,  it  carries  with  it  the  organism  of  the  vicus  and  the 
pagus,  probably  also  that  of  the  civitas.  The  new-comers 
have  but  to  divide  the  land,  and  then  for  peace  or  war,  justice 
or  politics,  simply  to  reproduce  their  own  old  condition.  The 
vicus,  mark,  or  township,  will  even  retain  its  old  proportionate 
numbers  :  the  superior  divisions  will  have  that  indefiniteness 
which  even  in  the  age  of  Tacitus  belonged  to  the  hundreds, 
the  centeni  of  the  Germans.  The  system,  such  as  it  is,  is 
transported  whole,  at  the  point  of  development  which  it  has 
reached  at  home. 

But,  in  the  second  place,  it  will  be  modified  and  advanced 
by  the  very  process  of  migration  :  the  necessity  of  order  and 
mutual  reliance  will  have  strengthened  the  cohesion  of  the  mass. 
The  successful  dux  or  princeps  who  has  brought  his  people 
over  the  sea,  although  at  home  he  was  no  king,  and  perhaps 
owned  no  king,  has,  now  that  he  has  reached  the  new  land,  won 
for  himself  a  rank  beyond  that  of  an  elective  magistrate;  he 
has  shown  himself  a  son  of  Woden,  the  great  leader  of  the 


I.]  Effects  of  Migration  and  Conquest.  7 

migrations,  and  founds  a  new  royalty  and  nobility  in  his  own 
person.  He  unites  the  hereditary  character  of  royalty  with  the 
prestige  of  the  successful  leader  and  the  authority  of  the  elective 
magistrate.  The  king  of  the  new  land  is  much  stronger  than 
the  king,  the  dux,  or  the  princeps  of  the  old. 

These  processes  are,  of  course,  not  peculiar  to  the  occupiers 
of  Britain  :  they  are  of  the  necessities  of  all  the  migrations  : 
the  Franks  and  the  Goths,  as  they  move,  are  affected  in  the 
same  way.  Yet  out  of  the  Frank  and  Gothic  systems  arises, 
under  the  influences  of  Roman  intermixture,  a  new  one  so 
rapidly  and  so  greatly  advanced,  that  it  is  in  some  respect  an 
antithesis  to  that  of  the  English.  The  civilising  power  of  Rome 
and  the  necessities  of  conquest  have,  in  the  sixth  century,  in 
France  and  Spain,  forced  the  process  into  a  maturity  which  it 
has  not  reached  in  England  or  in  un- Romanised  Germany  four 
centuries  later.  We  must  add  to  the  two  conditions  already 
specified,  that  the  Teutonic  system  transplanted  with  the  race 
into  Britain  grows  up  more  purely  and  is  developed  more  freely, 
with  less  of  imitation,  and  with  slower,  steadier,  stronger 
growth. 

The  progress  towards  political  union  in  England  does  not 
begin  with  the  aggregation  of  units.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
the  substantial  truth  of  the  traditions  which  ascribe  the  origin 
of  the  kingdoms  of  Kent,  Sussex,  East  Anglia,  Deira  and  Ber- 
nicia,  to  the  conquests  of  single  chieftains ;  or  that  the  kingdom 
of  Wessex  was  the  result  of  a  long  series  of  aggressions  led  by 
a  single  line  of  princes  with  their  dependent  under-kings ;  or 
that  Mercia  was  an  accretion,  under  one  great  organiser,  of  a 
considerable  number  of  little  states,  created  by  late  migrations 
under  more  insignificant  chiefs  into  a  country  the  dangers  of 
which  were  now  known,  and  the  organisation  of  the  immigrants 
consequently  less  close. 

"N3£e  thus  arrive  at  the  point  of  time  at  which  the  conversion 
of  the  people  to  Christianity  introduces  a  new  bond  of  union, 
the  influences  of  a  higher  civilisation,  and  a  greater  realisation 
of  the  place  of  the  English  in  the  commonwealth  of  nations. 
The  reduction  of  the  whole  of  the  Church  organisation  of  the 


8  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

seven  kingdoms  into  the  National  Church,  was  the  work  of 
Theodore  of  Tarsus :  the  introduction  of  the  forms  and  decencies 
of  ecclesiastical  councils  into  the  meetings  of  the  nations  gives 
its  peculiar  character  to  the  English  Witenagemot;  and  the 
union  of  ecclesiastical  and  civil  organisation  throughout  the  land 
impresses  a  perpetuity  on  the  divisions  and  subdivisions  which 
before  had  been  determined  by  the  occupancy  of  the  family  or 
tribe.  The  mark,  vicus,  or  township,  becomes  the  sphere  of 
duty  of  a  single  priest,  and  'later  is  called  his  parish  ;  the 
kingdom  becomes  the  diocese  of  a  bishop  ;  the  whole  land  the 
province  of  the  metropolitan :  the  rival  archbishops  head  rival 
nationalities ;  the  greater  dioceses  are  subdivided  on  the  lines 
of  the  earlier  under-kingdoms  in  six  of  the  seven  states,  and 
when  Wessex  late  in  the  day  begins  to  subdivide,  she  follows 
the  same  idea.  The  organisms  of  Church  and  State  advance 
side  by  side ;  the  shires  become  the  archdeaconries,  and  the  hun- 
dreds the  deaneries  of  a  later  age.  The  archdeacon  or  bishop 
presides  with  the  ealdorman  and  sheriff  in  the  shiremoot ;  the 
parish  priest  leads  his  people  to  the  hundredmoot,  or  even  to 
the  fyrd ;  the  witenagemot  has  its  most  distinct  and  permanent 
constituent  in  the  clergy,  bishops,  and  abbots. 

There  are  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  system,  as  we  find  it  in  the 
laws  and  charters  of  the  kings,  certain  distinct  steps  of  growth 
in  political  insight;  but  as  the  development  during  five  centuries 
was  very  gradual,  there  are  many  features  of  the  system  which 
remain  almost  in  permanence  during  the  whole  period,  and 
run  on  in  different  combinations  still  later.  The  system  is 
developed  purely  and  slowly,  and  we  are  at  no  loss  to  trace 
the  continuity  of  its  growth  from  the  earlier  germs.  From  the 
seventh  to  the  eleventh  century  the  national  organism  may  be 
generally  described  thus  : — 

The  people  occupy  settled  seats ;  the  land  is  appropriated 
to  separate  townships,  and  in  these  certain  portions  belong  in 
entire  possession  to  alodial  owners,  whilst  others  are  the  common 
property  of  the  community  ;  and  there  are  large  unappropriated 
estates  at  the  disposal  of  the  nation.  Each  of  these  townships 
has  an  organisation  of  its  own ;  for  certain  purposes  the  in- 


I.]  Anglo-  Saxon  System.  9 

habitants  are  united  by  the  mutual  responsibility  of  the  kin- 
dred; for  others  they  are  under  the  authority  of  their  reeve, 
who  settles  their  petty  disputes,  collects  their  contributions 
to  the  national  revenue,  leads  the  effective  men  to  the  fyrd, 
and  with  his  four  companions  represents  the  township  in  the 
court  of  the  hundred  or  in  the  folkmoot.  The  townships  are 
not  always  independent;  sometimes  they  are  the  property  of 
a  lord,  who  is  a  noble  follower,  comes,  gesith,  thegn,  of 
the  king,  with  jurisdiction  over  the  men  of  the  township, 
and  many  of  the  rights  which  we  associate  with  feudalism. 
"Where,  however,  this  is  the  case,  the  organisation  is  of  the 
same  sort ;  the  reeve  is  the  lord's  nominee,  the  moot  is  the 
lord's  court,  the  status  of  the  inhabitants  is  scarcely  less  than 
free,  and  their  duties  to  the  state  are  as  imperative  as  if  they 
were  free. 

A  cluster  of  townships  is  the  hundred  or  wapentake;  its 
presiding  officer  is  the  hundred-man  :  he  calls  the  hundred- 
moot  together,  and  leads  the  men  of  the  hundred  to  the  host, 
or  to  the  hue  and  cry,  or  to  the  shiremoot.  He  is  generally 
elected,  although  sometimes  the  feudal  element  is  all  powerful 
here  also,  and  he  is  nominated  by  the  noble  or  prelate  to  whom 
the  hundred  belongs.  He  has  no  undivided  authority ;  he  is 
helped  by  a  body  of  freemen,  twelve  or  a  multiple  of  twelve, 
who  declare  the  report  of  the  hundred,  and  are  capable  of 
declaring  the  law.  Nearly  all  the  work  of  judicature  is  con- 
tained in  this,  for  questions  of  fact  are  determined  by  compur- 
gation  and  ordeal.  The  shiremoot  is  a  ready  court  of  appeal, 
and  the  royal  audience  is  accessible  only  when  both  hundred- 
moot  and  folkmoot  have  failed  to  do  justice. 

A  cluster  of  hundreds  makes  the  shire ;  its  officers  are 
the  ealdorman,  the  sheriff,  and  the  bishop ;  its  councillors  are 
the  thegns,  who  declare  the  report  of  the  shire ;  its  judges  are 
the  folk  assembled  in  the  shiremoot,  the  people,  the  lords  of 
land  with  their  stewards,  and  from  the  townships  the  reeve  and 
four  men  and  the  parish  priest. 

The  shiremoot  is  the  most  complete  organisation  under  the 
system  :  it  is  the  FOLKMOOT;  not  the  witenagemot  of  the 


io  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

shire,  but  the  assembly  of  the  people  j  in  it  all  freemen  in  person 
or  by  representation  appear.  Its  ealdorman  is  appointed  by 
the  wit  an  of  the  whole  nation,  like  the  princeps  of  Tacitus ; 
its  reeve  once,  perhaps,  elected  from  below  and  authorised  from 
above,  like  the  king  or  bishop  himself.  The  ealdorman  leads  the 
whole  shire  to  the  host,  the  sheriff  commands  the  freemen,  the 
lords  their  comites  and  vassals,  the  bishop's  reeve  or  abbot's 
reeve  the  tenants  of  the  churches ;  all  under  the  ealdorman  as 
the  national  leader.  The  ealdorman  and  bishop  attend  the 
witenagemot ;  the  sheriff  executes  justice  and  secures  the  rights 
of  the  king  or  nation  in  the  shire. 

The  union  of  shires  is  the  kingdom ;  whether  there  be  two 
or  three  as  in  any  of  the  seven  kingdoms,  or  all  together  in  the 
kingdom  of  Athelstan  or  Edgar.  But  the  kingdom  is  merely 
an  aggregation  of  shires,  which  in  many  cases  have  themselves 
been  kingdoms  of  earlier  formation,  with  the  minimum  of 
necessary  administration.  The  king  is  at  the  head :  the  national 
council  is  the  witenagemot. 

^  Under  the  Heptarchic  arrangement  there  was  no  organised 
unity  but  the  ecclesiastical.  The  Church  in  this  aspect  is  older 
than  the  State.  The  Church  councils  were  the  only  national 
councils,  the  metropolitan  the  only  person  whose  word  had  the 
same  force  everywhere :  it  was  through  the  Church  that  the  nation 
first  learned  to  realise  its  unity.  Yet  the  unity  of  the  race, 
though  not  available  for  organised  government,  was  not  for- 
gotten. There  was  no  period  within  historic  times  when  one 
of  the  seven  kingdoms  had  not  an  honorary  and  more  or  less 
real  precedence.  "Whether  or  no  this  precedence  was  expressed 
by  the  title  of  Bretwalda,  it  involved  no  inherent  authority,  nor 
does  it  imply  any  unity  of  administration.  Each  kingdom  has 
its  own  witenagemot,  and  the  deliberations  of  the  kings  are 
rather  consultations  of  plenipotentiaries  than  national  councils. 
Only  when  Wessex  has  finally  annexed  the  other  kingdoms,  is 
the  nation  counselled  for  by  one  witenagemot. 

Neither  in  its  earlier  nor  in  its  later  form,  neither  in  the 
seven  nor  in  the  one,  is  the  witenagemot  formed  on  the  model 
of  the  lower  courts.  It  is  not  a  folkmoot ;  although  it  repre- 


I/]  King  and  Witenagemot.  n 

sents  the  people,  it  is  not  a  collection  of  representatives  :  its 
members  are  the  principes,  the  sapientes,  the  comites  and 
counsellors  of  royalty,  the  bishops,  the  ealdormen,  and  the  king's 
thegns.  The  witenagemot  can  never  have  been  a  large  as- 
sembly; seventeen  bishops,  a  variable  number  of  ealdormen, 
according  as  the  shires  were  distributed  singly  or  in  clusters, 
never  perhaps  more  than  twenty ;  of  vassal  members  also  a 
variable  number,  gradually  increasing  as  the  power  of  the  crown 
became  greater  and  the  number  of  jurisdictions  multiplied 
under  the  leaven  of  feudalism. 

The  process  of  time  and  change  of  circumstances  have  now 
reversed  the  dictum  of  Tacitus.  On  greater  matters  the  princes 
consult,  on  smaller  matters  all;  the  plebs,  the  folk,  rises 
no  higher  than  the  shiremoot.  But  the  whole  claims  of  the 
people  as  against  the  king  are  vested  in  the  witenagemot,  and 
as  the  character  of  the  king  varies,  those  claims  are  more  or 
less  actively  exercised.  The  witan,  where  they  are  able,  have 
the  right  of  electing  and  deposing  kings ;  in  conjunction  with 
the  king,  of  nominating  ealdormen  and  bishops,  of  regulating 
the  transfer  of  public  lands,  of  imposing  taxes,  of  voting  sup- 
plies and  so  deciding  war  and  peace,  of  authorising  the  en- 
forcement of  ecclesiastical  decrees,  of  joining  in  the  making 
of  laws,  of  sitting  as  a  high  court  of  justice  over  all  persons 
and  causes. 

But  under  a  strong  king  many  of  these  claims  are  futile ; 
the  whole  public  land  seems,  by  the  eleventh  century,  to  have 
been  regarded  as  at  the  king's  disposal  really  if  not  in  name : 
the  sheriffs,  ealdormen,  and  bishops  are  named  by  the  king ; 
if  he  be  a  pious  one,  the  bishops  are  chosen  by  him  with  respect 
to  the  consent  of  the  diocesan  clergy ;  if  he  be  a  peremptory 
one,  they  are  appointed  by  his  determined  will.  But  the  powers 
of  legislation  and  taxation  are  never  lost,  nor  does  the  king 
execute  judgment  without  a  court  which  is  in  name,  and  in 
reality  perhaps,  a  portion  of  the  witenagemot. 

Neither  taxation  nor  legislation  is  very  onerous  work  :  the 
trinoda  necessitas  and  the  rents  of  the  public  lands  supply 
fur  a  long  time  all  the  necessary  expenses  of  government.  Ex- 


12  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

traordinary  taxation  is  imposed  by  the  witenagemot,  as  the  Dane- 
geld  or  the  shipgeld ;  a  regular  tax  of  two  shillings  on  every 
hide  of  land  furnishes  a  bribe  to  the  Danes,  or  a  contribution 
of  a  ship  and  its  equipments  is  levied  on  the  shires  in  due 
proportions,  to  enable  the  king  to  resist  them.  The  laws  are 
mostly  concerned  with  minute  adjustments  and  modifications 
of  usages,  the  great  body  of  the  common  law  being  yet  trans- 
mitted orally  or  by  custom,  not  reduced  to  writing  until  it  is 
in  danger  of  being  forgotten. 

The  fabric  is  crowned  by  the  king ;  not  the  supreme  law- 
giver of  Roman  ideas,  nor  the  fountain  of  justice,  nor  the 
irresponsible  leader,  nor  the  sole  and  supreme  politician,  nor 
the  one  primary  landowner ;  but  the  head  of  the  race,  the 
chosen  representative  of  its  identity,  the  successful  leader  of  its 
enterprises,  the  guardian  of  its  peace,  the  president  of  its  assem- 
blies ;  created  by  it,  and,  although  empowered  with  a  higher 
sanction, in  crowning  and  anointing,  answerable  to  his  people. 
He  is  the  national  representative;  the  national  officers  are  his 
officers ;  he  leads  the  army  of  the  nation  as  the  ealdorman  that 
of  the  shire ;  he  is  supreme  judge,  as  the  sheriff  is  in  the  shire- 
moot  ;  in  each  capacity  his  power  is  limited  by  a  council  of  free 
advisers ;  and  he  is  bound  by  oaths  to  his  people  to  govern 
well,  to  maintain  religion,  peace,  and  justice,  they  being  bound 
to  him  in  turn  by  a  general  oath  of  fidelity. 

It  would  be  rash  to  affirm  that  the  system  thus  characterised 
ever  existed  in  integrity,  much  more  so  that  it  existed  in  any- 
thing like  this  integrity  for  the  whole  four  centuries  that  pre- 
ceded the  Conquest.  Yet  that  every  single  portion  of  it  existed 
at  some  period  during  those  centuries,  and  when  it  ceased  to 
exist  was  superseded  by  some  other  arrangement  of  the  same 
kind,  is  capable  of  proof.  Varieties  of  practice  may  have  pre- 
vailed in  different  ages  and  districts,  as  to  the  names  of  the 
inferior  courts,  as  to  the  number  and  functions  of  the  assessors 
of  the  shiremoot,  as  to  the  law  of  computation,  wergild  and 
ordeal,  as  to  the  responsibility  of  the  kindred,  the  hundred  or 
the  township  for  the  production  of  culprits ;  but  the  general 
machinery  was  permanent,  and  during  the  greater  part  of 


I.]  Later  Development.  13 

the  time  little  affected  by  Frank,  Roman,  or  Celtic  laws  or 
politics. 

From  the  end  of  the  tenth  century  a  change  sets  in  which 
might  ultimately  by  a  slow  and  steady  series  of  causes  and  con- 
sequences have  produced  something  like  continental  feudalism. 
The  great  position  taken  by  Edgar  and  Canute,  to  whom  the 
princes  of  the  other  kingdoms  of  the  island  submitted  as  vas- 
sals, had  the  effect  of  centralising  the  government  and  in- 
creasing the  power  of  the  king.  Early  in  the  eleventh  century 
he  seems  to  have  entered  on  the  right  of  disposing  of  the 
public  land  without  reference  to  the  witan,  and  of  calling  up 
to  his  own  court  by  writ  suits  which  had  not  yet  exhausted 
the  powers  of  the  lower  tribunals.  The  number  of  royal  vassals 
was  thus  greatly  increased,  and  with  it  the  power  of  royal  and 
noble  jurisdictions.  Canute  proceeded  so  far  in  the  direction 
of  imperial  feudalism  as  to  rearrange  the  kingdom  under  a  very 
small  number  of  great  earls,  who  were  strong  enough  in  some 
cases  to  transmit  their  authority  to  their  children,  though  not 
without  new  investiture,  and  who,  had  time  been  given  for  the 
system  to  work,  would  have  no  doubt  developed  the  same  sort 
of  feudality  as  prevailed  abroad.  Already  by  subiufeudation  or 
by  commendation  great  portions  of  the  land  of  the  country  were 
being  held  by  a  feudal  tenure,  and  the  alodial  tenure  which  had 
once  been  universal,  was  becoming  the  privilege  of  a  few  great 
nobles  too  strong  to  be  unseated,  or  a  local  usage  in  a  class  of 
landowners  too  humble  to  be  dangerous. 

The  Norman  Conquest  in  one  aspect  stopped  this  natural  growth 
of  feudalism :  in  another,  it  may  be  said  to  have  introduced 
the  feudal  system.  Had  this  system  been  developed  naturally, 
it  would  have  doubtless  become,  as  it  did  abroad,  the  framework 
of  government.  The  Conqueror  saw  the  evils  of  this  exemplified 
in  France.  He,  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  attempted  to 
rule  as  the  national  sovereign,  not  as  the  feudal  lord.  The  great 
confiscations  resulting  from  the  rebellions  of  the  native  earls 
threw,  however,  enormous  territories  into  his  hands,  and  these 
being  distributed  among  his  followers  on  the  feudal  conditions, 
constituted  him  at  once  the  supreme  landowner.  To  these 


14  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

conditions  all  other  tenures  were  gradually  but  rapidly  assimi- 
lated ;  they  were  not,  perhaps,  entirely  so  assimilated  when 
Domesday-book  was  drawn  up,  but  before  the  accession  of 
Henry  I  they  seem  to  have  become  uniformly  feudal. 

On  the  Continent,  the  feudal  system  had,  under  the  necessities 
of  conquest  and  by  the  influence  of  Eoman  principles  of  law, 
worked  itself  into  the  very  machinery  of  government.  The 
origin  of  vassalage  has  been  traced  to  the  relation  of  the 
comes  to  the  princeps  in  the  German,  or  to  that  of  the  client 
to  his  patron  in  the  Roman  system ;  and  the  double  title  to 
the  land,  either  to  the  emphyteutic  tenure  of  the  latter,  or  to 
the  beneficium  of  the  Merovingian  conquerors.  But  so  far 
it  was  a  tenure  only.  "When  the  beneficium  began  to  be  here- 
ditary, and  the  provincial  governors  to  be  the  great  beneficiary 
proprietors  in  the  province,  often  also  by  marriage  or  descent 
great  alodial  owners,  then  the  powers  of  jurisdiction  and 
military  command  became  feudal  also.  The  royal  power 
was  eclipsed  by  that  of  its  own  officers,  and  the  king  became 
primus  inter  pares,  or  often  enough  the  servant  of  his  own 
servants. 

This  was  the  condition  of  things  with  which  William  the 
Conqueror  had  been  conversant  in  France,  and  in  a  lower  degree 
in  Normandy  itself,  where  the  greater  vassals  were  always  try- 
ing to  reduce  the  duke's  authority  to  a  shadow,  to  maintain 
the  immunity  of  their  lands  from  his  higher  jurisdiction,  and  to 
get  rid  of  his  ancient  right  to  garrison  their  castles.  It  was 
not  without  a  long  struggle  that  he  had  established  his  position 
against  the  predecessors  of  the  nobles  who  formed  the  strength 
of  the  confederation  by  which  he  had  to  secure  his  conquest. 
To  avoid  the  renewal  of  the  struggle  upon  the  new  soil, 
"William  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign  took  strong  and  de- 
cided measures.  At  the  earliest  opportunity  he  abolished  the 
great  earldoms  which  Canute  had  created,  and  placed  the  govern- 
ment of  the  shires,  through  the  office  of  sheriff,  in  direct  depend- 
ence on  himself.  For  the  vassals  who  demanded  and  had  a  right 
to  demand  a  share  in  the  fruits  of  their  victory,  he  provided  by 
liberal  gifts  of  land;  but  these  were  scattered  throughout  the 


I.]  Results  of  the  Norman  Conquest.  15 

country  In  a  way  that  made  united  organisation  of  great  estates 
impossible.  In  the  cases  in  which  he  is  said  to  have  created  or 
continued  palatine  counties, — those  of  Chester  and  Shrewsbury 
on  the  "Welsh  march,  that  of  Durham  on  the  Scottish  border, 
and  that  of  Kent  as  a  guard  against  aggression  from  Picardy, — 
two  were  entrusted  to  ecclesiastics  who  could  not  found  families ; 
arid  generally  not  even  his  most  faithful  servants  were  trusted 
with  either  large  connected  estates  or  great  hereditary  jurisdic- 
tions. He  further  maintained  in  full  efficiency  all  the  lower  or- 
ganisation of  the  earlier  system,  adding  definiteness  and  distinct- 
ness where  it  was  wanted :  he  enforced  the  frankpledge,  and  upheld 
the  courts  of  the  hundred  and  the  shire,  although  in  so  doing  he 
had  to  suffer  the  continuance  of  the  private  jurisdictions  or  fran- 
chises of  the  nobles,  and  even  the  extension  of  the  principle  on 
a  small  scale  to  the  new  estates  of  his  vassals.  But  in  order  to 
preclude  any  hope  of  creating  an  independent  jurisdiction  to  the 
exclusion  of  his  own,  he  renewed  the  old  custom  by  which  every 
freeholder  took  an  oath  of  fealty  to  the  king ;  nor  did  he,  whilst 
trying  to  strengthen  the  national  institutions,  at  all  relax  the 
hold  which  his  feudal  position  gave  him  on  the  Normans,  in  the 
exaction  of  all  customary  rights  and  dues. 

In  all  the  organisation  of  the  state,  however,  great  changes 
did  follow  the  Conquest.  The  officers  of  the  government  were 
Normans ;  their  offices  received  Norman  names ;  and  the  assi- 
milation of  all  tenures  to  the  feudal  introduced  the  feudal 
principle  into  every  department.  Hence,  although  not  perhaps 
all  at  once,  the  national  council,  instead  of  being  the  assembly 
of  the  wise  men  of  the  nation,  became  the  king's  court  of  feudal 
vassals  :  the  royal  revenue  began  to  consist  largely  of  feudal 
aids  and  other  incidents :  as  the  feudal  lord,  the  king  became 
the  head  and  source  of  all  jurisdiction,  and  the  administration 
of  his  court  and  household  a  centralisation  of  all  lower  organi- 
sation, national  or  imported. 

In  both  respects,  then,  in  the  maintenance  of  the  inferior 
organisation  and  in  the  creation  of  a  ministerial  body  in  the  feudal 
court  itself,  "William  imposed  a  check  on  the  feudatories  already 
crippled  by  the  dispersion  of  their  estates  and  the  limitation  of 


1 5  Introductory  Sketch.  [PAET 

their  jurisdictions ;  and  the  restriction  of  their  power  was  the 
security  of  the  people  at  large  : — but  to  work  the  composite  sys- 
tem he  was  compelled  to  use  the  feudatories ;  and  they  naturally 
worked  it  to  their  own  purposes,  thus  gaining  a  vantage-ground 
for  their  struggle  against  the  royal  power  which  lasted  for 
nearly  a  century,  and  ended  in  the  humiliation  or  extinction 
of  all  the  great  families  of  the  Conquest.  Throughout  this 
struggle  it  may  fairly  be  said  that,  although  in  the  way  of  pecu- 
niary exaction  the  kings  pressed  their  hold  on  the  great  vassals 
to  an  undue  extent,  the  interests  of  the  crown  and  the  people 
were  one. 

At  the  head  of  the  administrative  system,  now,  stands  the 
king,  the  feudal  lord  of  all  the  land,  the  source  of  all  jurisdic- 
tion, the  supreme  arbiter  of  war  and  peace.  His  court,  whose 
counsel  and  consent  are  the  only  restriction  on  his  power,  is 
composed  of  his  own  vassals,  even  the  prelates  being  compelled 
to  do  homage  in  token  of  their  secular  dependence  on  him.  But 
he  is  also  the  king  of  the  nation,  his  council  is  the  witenagemot 
of  the  nation,  and  the  laws  by  which  he  rules  are  the  laws 
which  his  people  have  claimed  from  him  as  their  own.  Inde- 
pendently of  the  whole  feudal  machinery,  the  people  are  bound 
to  him  by  oath,  and  he  to  them  by  his  coronation  promises  and 
charter  of  liberties. 

The  enormous  amount  of  business  entailed  on  the  king  by 
this  complication  of  new  and  old  relations,  compels  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  minister  who  shall  stand  to  him  in  the  whole  king- 
dom in  the  same  relation  in  which  the  sheriff  does  in  each 
shire.  This  is  the  justiciar,  or  lieutenant-general  of  the  king, 
who  is  the  king's  representative  in  all  matters ;  regent  of  the 
kingdom  in  his  absence ;  and,  whether  the  king  is  absent  or 
present,  the  supreme  administrator  of  law  and  finance.  Under 
him  the  king's  clerks  or  chaplains  are  formed  into  a  body  of 
secretaries,  the  chief  of  whom  bears  the  title  of  Chancellor. 
The  Conqueror  himself  executed  in  person  a  great  part  of  the 
business  of  the  state ;  it  is  under  William  Hufus  that  the  jus- 
ticiar becomes  the  prime  minister  :  in  this  great  office  the  Con- 
queror was  strong  enough  to  employ  a  great  baron ;  William 


I.]  The  Norman  Kings.  17 

Rufus  employed  a  safer  official,  a  lawyer  or  a  chaplain  after 
his  own  heart. 

The  organisation  of  the  justiciar's  administration  dates  from 
the  reign  of  Henry  I,  the  chief  systematiser  of  it  being  Roger, 
bishop  of  Salisbury,  whose  family  retained  the  direction  of  the 
machinery  for  nearly  a  century.  The  staff  of  the  justiciar  is 
a  selection  from  the  barons  or  vassals  of  the  crown  who  are 
more  nearly  connected  with  the  royal  household,  or  qualified  by 
their  knowledge  of  the  law  for  the  position  of  judges.  These 
are  formed  into  a  supreme  court  attendant  on  the  king,  the 
Curia  Regis,  wliich  when  employed  upon  finance  sits  in  the 
chamber  and  is  known  by  the  name  of  the  Exchequer.  The 
several  members  are  called,  in  the  Curia,  justices,  their  head 
being  the  capitalis  justiciarius,  or  chief  justice;  in  the 
Exchequer,  barones  or  barones  scaccarii,  a  title  which 
continues  to  belong  to  them  after  they  have  ceased  to  be  chosen 
from  the  ranks  of  the  great  vassals. 

This  staff  of  officers,  which  may  be  regarded  as  standing  to 
the  justiciar  in  the  relation  in  which  the  twelve  thegns  stand 
to  the  sheriff  in  the  folkmoot,  as  a  judicial  committee  repre- 
senting the  whole  court  of  vassals,  is  the  germ  of  the  entire 
administrative  machinery  of  the  constitution.  By  it  all  appeals 
are  decided,  and  to  it  all  suits  may  be  called  up  on  application 
of  the  suitors  :  to  it  belongs  the  assessment  and  collection  of  all 
revenue.  As  the  royal  council,  it  shares  in  the  revision  and 
registration  of  the  laws  and  charters  which  it  attests.  Below 
it  the  only  judicial  machinery  is  the  old  one  of  the  shires,  the 
hundreds,  and  the  local  franchises.  But  in  the  decreeing  of 
taxation  and  the  authorising  of  laws  it  has  no  direct  influence ; 
these  powers  are  still  vested  in  the  king  and  the  witan, — 
the  king  and  the  national  assembly  now  composed  of  his 
vassals. 

The  legislative  functions  of  the  national  council  are  under 
the  Norman  kings  rather  nominal  than  real.  But  the  form  of 
participation  is  retained  :  it  is  still  with  the  counsel  and  consent 
of  his  faithful  that  Henry  I  amends,  as  his  father  had  done,  the 
old  laws.  This  immemorial  counsel  and  consent  descends 

c 


1 8  Introductory  SkdcJi.  [PART 

from  the  earliest  Teutonic  legislation,  and  is  preserved  to  our 
own  day,  a  standing  and  perpetual  protest  against  the  imperial 
doctrine  favoured  by  the  lawyers  and  founded  on  the  devolution 
of  all  legislative  power  on  the  king,  — 'Quod  principi  placuit 
legis  habet  vigorem.' 

The  taxation  of  the  country  involves  little  trouble  to  the 
supreme  council.  It  depends  partly  on  the  ancient  national 
system,  partly  on  the  new  feudal  one.  A  tax  based  on  the 
former  requires  no  new  authorisation  :  a  grant  from  the  latter 
merely  the  vote,  and  a  statement  of  the  amount  wanted,  where 
a  special  gift  over  and  above  the  prescriptive  feudal  dues  is 
demanded.  Under  the  Norman  kings,  there  is  no  instance  in 
which  such  grant  is  debated,  much  less  refused.  It  is  no  small 
limitation  of  autocratic  tyranny  that  it  should  have  been  thought 
necessary  to  ask  it. 

The  assessment  and  collection  of  the  revenue  is  the  work  of 
the  Exchequer :  there  on  two  fixed  days  in  the  year  every  sheriff 
appears  and  accounts  for  the  sums  due  from  his  shire  : — the 
ferm  of  the  shire,  that  is,  the  rent  formerly  paid  in  kind  or  in 
maintenance,  now  commuted  for  fixed  sums,  from  old  public 
lands  and  royal  demesnes  :  the  Danegeld,  also  probably  com- 
pounded for  :  the  proceeds  of  the  fines  of  the  local  courts  :  the 
feudal  aids,  and  other  incidents.  It  is  only  in  these  latter  heads 
that  any  variation  occurs  that  requires  adjustment.  The  others 
are  all  fixed  by  law,  and  the  proportions  payable  by  each  estate 
are  determined  by  Domesday-book.  But  as  the  lands  have 
changed  hands,  and  immunities  and  franchises  are  constantly 
altered  by  royal  charter,  some  debate  between  the  payers  and 
receivers  is  needed.  The  sheriff,  who  is  often  a  local  magnate, 
cannot  be  trusted  to  arrange  this ;  so  a  detachment  of  the  staff 
of  the  justiciar  makes  the  circuit  of  the  shires :  these  officers 
debate  with  the  landowners  the  number  of  hides  for  which  they 
owe  Danegeld,  or  the  number  of  knights'  fees  from  which  aids 
and  reliefs  are  due;  they  likewise  assess  the  towns,  which  are 
now  becoming  important  contributors  to  the  revenue.  These 
fiscal  visitations  of  the  barons  lead  to  judicial  visitations  also, 
and  so  to  a  union  for  both  purposes  with  the  local  organisations. 


i.J  The  Norman  Kings.  19 

which,  as  time  advances,  is  a  long  etep  towards  the  consolida- 
tion of  constitutional  government. 

In  this  way  the  Norman  administration  worked ;  in  many 
cases  with  great  hardship  to  individuals,  but  rather  depressing 
than  crushing  the  old  national  organism.  It  is  gradually  de- 
veloped. William  the  Conqueror  was,  so  far  as  any  king  of  the 
English  could  be,  an  irresponsible  ruler ;  he  was  not  a  great 
organiser,  but  a  powerful  and  laborious  man.  His  hand  was 
in  everything,  and  his  wisdom  kept  him  from  being  a  tyrant. 
"William  Rufus  was  a  tyrant  of  the  worst  sort ;  but  he  was  with- 
out the  business  powers  of  his  father,  and  the  work  of  govern- 
ment in  the  hands  of  Ranulf  Flambard  was  full  of  irresponsible 
and  wanton  oppression.  Henry  I,  as  able  a  man  as  his  father, 
and  as  despotic  as  his  brother,  by  the  employment  of  organised 
administration,  set  a  limit  on  his  own  caprice.  Routine  is  the 
only  safeguard  of  a  people  under  a  perfect  autocracy,  and  by 
routine  Henry  I  helped  to  bring  on  the  reign  of  law.  It  is 
only  in  the  struggles  of  the  clergy  that  the  idea  of  liberty  finds 
any  expression. 

The  attitude  of  the  people  to  the  crown  during  these  reigns 
is  constant :  the  whole  national  system  is  safe  in  their  support 
of  one  another.  The  great  vassals  are  the  common  enemies  of 
both.  Hence  William  Rufus  and  Henry  I  in  their  emergencies 
found  it  easy  to  purchase  the  effectual  aid  of  the  country  by 
promises ;  and  the  people  were  sustained  in  their  ancient  cus- 
toms by  the  king's  fear  of  increasing  the  jurisdictions  of  the 
barons.  The  words  by  which  Henry  I  in  his  Charter  provides 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  rights  of  the  lower  landowners,  are 
a  significant  proof  of  this,  and  of  the  way  in  which  matters 
have  to  change  before  it  is  necessary  for  the  barons  to  force  the 
game  provisions  on  John  ;  in  little  more  than  a  century  the 
attitudes  of  the  king  and  barons  are  reversed.  In  one  important 
way,  however,  Henry  I  connected  the  local  courts  with  the  Curia 
Regis,  by  uniting  several  sheriffdoms  under  one  of  his  justices. 
The  justices  were  among  the  novi  homines  of  the  baronage, 
and,  like  all  ministerial  bodies,  were  jealously  watched  by  both 
nobles  and  people. 

C   3 


2O  Introductory  Sketch.  [PAET 

The  twenty  years  that  follow  the  death  of  Henry  T,  and  are 
called  the  reign  of  Stephen,  are  a  period  without  example  in  our 
history.  The  feudal  haronage  take  advantage  of  the  struggle 
for  the  crown,  to  throw  off  every  sort  of  restraint ;  and  by 
dividing  between  the  two  parties  in  a  way  that  prevents  either 
from  gaining  a  decided  advantage,  to  destroy  the  new  admini- 
strative machinery,  and  exercise  irresponsible  powers  on  their 
own  estates.  They  now  exemplify  all  the  mischievous  charac- 
teristics of  continental  feudalism  :  private  wars ;  countless  for- 
tified castles ;  the  cruel  exercise  of  summary  jurisdictions  ;  the 
striking  of  private  coinage.  Each  baron  is  a  king  in  his  own 
castle.  That  it  is  only  for  their  own  immunities  that  they  fight, 
appears  clearly  from  their  desertions  and  tergiversations  during 
the  continuance  of  the  war.  To  this  disorganisation  and  the 
irreconcilable  opposition  of  the  Empress,  Stephen  had  nothing 
of  his  own  to  oppose.  He  was  a  brave  man,  but  without  re- 
sources, without  administrative  power,  and  devoid  of  political 
tact.  By  one  act  of  impolicy,  intemperate  rather  than  unjustifi- 
able, he  broke  with  the  clergy,  to  whom  he  owed  his  throne, 
and  with  the  administrative  corps,  at  the  head  of  which  Bishop 
Roger  of  Salisbury  still  was,  without  whose  aid  he  had  not  a 
chance  of  maintaining  it.  His  weakness  had  suffered  the  power 
of  both  to  become  overweening ;  his  impolicy  set  both  in  array 
against  him,  and  by  one  act  he  alienated  every  element  in  the 
state,  and  cut  off  his  own  sources  of  revenue.  The  attempt 
which  he  had  made  to  create  for  himself  a  strong  party  and  a 
rival  nobility,  by  erecting  new  earldoms  to  be  provided  for  out 
of  the  Exchequer  and  by  the  demesne  lands  of  the  crown,  pro- 
voking the  jealousy  of  the  barons  and  impoverishing  the  royal 
revenue,  threw  him  for  support  on  taxation  which  he  had  no 
means  of  enforcing.  The  natural  result  was  war,  and  anarchy 
succeeding  war,  in  which  all  central  administration,  except  the 
ecclesiastical,  collapsed.  When  all  parties  were  exhausted,  the 
bishops  obtained  the  place  of  mediators,  at  which  they  had  long 
aimed ;  and  the  succession  of  Henry  II  was  the  result  of  the 
compromise.  Amongst  the  terms  of  the  pacification  which  were 
intended  to  bind  both  Stephen  and  Henry,  was  a  regular  pro- 


I.]  Policy  of  Henry  II.  2i 

gramme  of  administrative  reform,  for  the  abolishing  of  the 
evils  of  the  late  anarchy,  and  the  restoration  of  national  pros- 
perity. The  castles  were  to  be  rased,  the  coinage  reformed, 
the  sheriffs  to  be  replaced,  the  crown  lands  to  be  resumed,  the 
new  earldoms  to  be  extinguished,  foreigners  to  be  banished, 
the  administration  of  justice  to  be  provided  for,  the  Golden 
Age  to  return. 

The  reign  of  Henry  II  initiates  the  rule  of  law.  The  ad- 
ministrative machinery,  which  had  been  regulated  by  routine 
under  Henry  I,  is  now  made  a  part  of  the  constitution,  enun- 
ciated in  laws,  and  perfected  by  a  steady  series  of  reforms.  The 
mind  of  Henry  II  was  that  of  a  lawyer  and  man  of  business. 
He  set  to  work  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  reign  to  place 
order  on  a  permanent  basis,  and,  recurring  to  the  men  and  mea- 
sures of  his  grandfather,  to  complete  an  organisation  which 
should  make  a  return  to  feudalism  impossible.  To  destroy  the 
'  adulterine'  castles,  to  abolish  the  '  fiscal'  earldoms,  to  resume 
the  alienated  crown  lands,  was  the  first,  the  destructive  part 
of  his  work;  to  restore  the  machinery  of _ the  Exchequer  and 
Curia  Regis,  to  extend  their  powers  and  to  bring  them  into  the 
closest  contact  with  the  provincial  organisation,  was  the  next 
step.  The  greatest  obstacles  to  the  carrying  out  of  this  policy 
were  the  barons,  and,  unfortunately,  the  clergy  also ;  the  former 
must  be  compelled  to  agree  to  the  restriction  of  their  hereditary 
jurisdictions  within  the  smallest  compass,  and  the  latter  to  allow 
themselves  to  be,  in  all  matters  not  purely  spiritual,  subject  to 
the  ordinary  process  of  the  law.  Hence  arose  the  two  great 
struggles  of  the  reign  :  in  that  with  the  barons  Henry  was 
successful ;  in  that  with  the  clergy,  although  worsted  and  humi- 
liated, he  carried  off  the  fruits  of  victory.  These  matters  ought 
not  to  be  regarded  separately ;  the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon 
were  but  a  part  of  a  scheme  which  was  to  reduce  all  men  to 
equality  before  the  same  system  of  law. 

In  his  first  years,  Henry  renewed  the  provincial  visitations 
of  the  justices  for  both  fiscal  and  judicial  purposes ;  at  a  later 
period  he  largely  increased  the  staff  of  judges  for  this  very  end, 
and  at  the  same  time  greatly  expanded  the  system  of  inquest  by 


23  Introductory  Sketcfi.  [PART 

jury,  whicli  superseded  the  old  processes  of  trial  by  battle  and 
compurgation,  and  led  by  no  indistinct  steps  to  the  incorpora- 
tion of  the  machinery  of  the  shire  and  of  the  borough  in  the 
national  council  or  parliament.  The  instructions  given  to  the 
visiting  judges  are  precise  enough, — they  are  to  enter  the  fran- 
chises of  the  barons,  and  to  take  cognisance  of  castle  guard  and 
every  relic  of  old  immunities. 

A  second  measure  of  reform  less  directly  aimed  at  the  feuda- 
tories, was  no  less  effectual  to  the  diminution  of  their  strength. 
The  commutation  of  military  service  for  a  money  payment, 
or  scutage,  placed  the  military  training  of  the  people  and  the 
disposal  of  their  forces  in  the  king's  hands.  It  enabled  him 
to  hire  mercenaries  for  his  foreign  wars,  to  dispense  with  the 
hated  Dan  eg  eld,  and  to  bring  the  ecclesiastical  baronage  under 
contribution.  The  revival  of  the  ancient  militia  system,  or 
fyrd,  by  the  Assize  of  Arms,  enabled  him  to  dispense  with 
the  military  services  of  the  barons  for  the  maintenance  of  order 
at  home.  This  ancient  force  had  been  called  out  under  William 
Rufus  and  Stephen ;  it  was  now  reorganised  and  ordered  to 
furnish  itself  with  modern  weapons.  Henry  trusted  the  people 
more  than  the  barons. 

A  third  symptom  of  his  decided  policy  was  the  bestowal  of 
the  office  of  sheriff  on  lawyers  and  soldiers  rather  than  on  the 
great  barons,  who  had  already  succeeded,  in  some  cases,  in 
making  it  hereditary  ;  during  the  whole  of  Henry's  later  years, 
these  very  important  functionaries  were  drawn  from  the  class 
which  furnished  the  barons  of  the  Exchequer  and  itinerant 
justices ;  and  their  powers  were  easily  limited  and  regulated  by 
the  Curia  Regis. 

All  these  measures  have  a  greater  significance,  viewed  as  parts 
of  an  extended  scheme  of  administration  ;  the  reforms  which 
they  betoken  run  into  every  region  of  public  business. 

Henry  II  made  the  national  council  a  different  thing  from 
what  Henry  I  bad  left  it ;  he  summoned  it  at  regular  intervals, 
twice  or  thrice  every  year  of  his  stay  in  England.  Its  composition 
was  that  of  a  perfect  feudal  court ;  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots, 
priors,  earls,  barons,  knights  and  freeholders.  The  business 


I.]  Judicial  System  under  Henry  II.  23 

transacted  in  it  was  political,  fiscal,  legislative  and  judicial.  In 
every  public  matter  the  nation  was,  in  theory,  consulted ;  the 
laws  were  issued  '  cum  consensu  et  consilio ; '  even  taxation,  as 
we  may  infer  from  the  questions  raised  by  Becket  in  the  council 
of  Woodstock,  was  suffered  to  come  into  debate ;  the  king  sat  in 
person  to  hear  the  complaints  of  his  people,  and  decided  them 
by  the  advice  of  his  bishops  and  judges.  It  was  in  a  great 
council  that  he  determined  on  the  resumption  of  the  alienated 
demesne ;  in  another  he  arranged  the  great  quarrel  between 
Castille  and  Xavarre ;  in  another  he  issued  the  assize  of  Cla- 
rendon ;  in  another  he  discussed  the  marriage  of  his  daughter. 
That  towards  the  end  of  the  reign  he  found  it  necessary  to  limit 
the  numbers  of  lower  freeholders  who  attended  the  councils,  is 
very  probable ;  the  use  of  summonses  which  prevailed  from  the 
first  years  of  the  reign  gave  him  the  power  of  doing  this. 

The  Curia  Regis  and  Exchequer  continue  to  be  united,  but 
undergo  a  large  modification  by  the  increase  and  diminution  of 
the  number  of  judges.  It  is  probable  that  Henry,  as  Edward  I 
afterwards  did,  found  the  chances  of  corruption  and  oppression 
too  tempting  for  the  sort  of  men  that  he  was  educating,  the 
lawyers  and  clerks  of  the  court.  He  found  it  necessary  in  1178 
to  restrict  the  number  of  those  who  exercised  their  functions  in 
the  Curia  to  five,  and  to  reserve  for  his  own  hearing  in  council 
the  causes  in  which  this  court,  which  until  now  had  been 
a  final  court  of  appeal,  failed  to  do  justice.  This  limited 
tribunal  is  the  lineal  predecessor  of  the  existing  Courts  of  King's 
Bench  and  Common  Pleas ;  whilst  the  upper  court  of  appeal, 
the  king  in  his  ordinary  council,  is  the  body  from  which  at 
later  dates  the  judicial  functions  of  the  Privy  Council  and  the 
equitable  jurisdiction  of  the  Chancellor  emerged.  It  is  this 
council  which,  in  conjunction  with  the  elements  of  parliament, 
summoned  to  meet,  but  not  under  the  proper  parliamentary 
style,  constitutes  the  great  councils  of  the  next  century.  And 
further  still,  this  ordinary  council,  in  union  with  the  barons 
and  bishops,  containing  all  who  received  a  special  summons  to 
parliament,  formed  in  the  fourteenth  century  the  Magnum 
Concilium,  or  great  council  of  the  king.  It  was  from  the 


24  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

mixture  of  the  powers  of  the  two  bodies  that  the  House  of 
Lords  received  its  judicial  character  as  a  court  of  appeal,  and 
the  Privy  Council  derived  its  legislative  character,  which  it 
attempted  to  carry  out  in  the  form  of  ordinances.  The  original 
tribunal,  the  king's  ordinary  council,  retained  its  undiminished 
powers  throughout,  changing  at  various  times  and  throwing 
off  new  offshoots,  such  as  the  Court  of  Star  Chamber,  until  it 
has  reached  our  own  time  in  the  form  of  the  Judicial  Com- 
mittee of  Privy  Council.  The  limited  tribunal  of  the  Curia 
Regis  continues,  with  varying  numbers,  until  the  reign  of  John, 
when  the  Common  Pleas  are  separated  from  the  other  business 
and  fixed  at  Westminster.  Soon  after  the  date  of  Magna  Carta 
it  divides  and  arranges  its  business  into  that  of  three  courts, 
retaining  the  same  staff  of  judges  for  all,  and  the  chief  justiciar 
at  the  head.  Towards  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Henry  III  the 
three  courts  receive  each  a  distinct  staff,  and  the  extinction  of 
the  old  pre-eminence  of  the  great  justiciar  results  in  the  com- 
plete separation  of  the  three  for  all  purposes.  In  the  Ex- 
chequer Chamber,  however,  they  still  retain  a  trace  of  their 
ancient  unity  of  organisation. 

The  visits  made  to  the  shires  by  the  itinerant  judges  and 
barons  form  a  very  important  part  of  the  training  of  the  people 
for  self-government ;  not  only  in  the  judicial,  but  in  the  fiscal 
business  also.  Henry  II,  if  not  the  inventor,  was  the  great 
improver  of  the  system  of  recognitions  by  jury.  The  machinery 
which  had  been  occasionally  used  before,  and  which  may  be 
traced  to  Karolingian  usage,  he  applied  to  every  description  of 
business.  By  the  ordinance  of  the  grand  assize,  the  person 
whose  possession  of  land  was  impugned  was  empowered  to 
make  choice  between  trial  by  battle,  and  the  examination 
of  his  right  by  a  body  of  twelve  sworn  recognitors,  who 
were  selected  by  four  sworn  knights  summoned  for  the  purpose 
by  the  sheriff  acting  under  a  royal  writ.  In  the  other  recog- 
nitions, as  of  Mortdancester  and  Novel  disseisin,  the  twelve 
recognitors  were  simply  summoned  by  the  sheriff,  acting  in  this 
case  also  under  a  special  precept  from  the  king.  Out  of  these 
recognitions  arose  the  system  of  trial  by  jury ;  the  jurors  are  at 


I.]  Recognition  ly  Jury.  25 

first  witnesses  of  the  fact ;  as  business  increases  they  are,  under 
Edward  I,  afforced  by  the  addition  of  persons  better  acquainted 
with  the  matter ;  a  further  step  separates  these  afforcing  jurors 
from  the  original  twelve,  and  the  former  then  engross  the  cha- 
racter of  witnesses,  the  jury  becoming  the  judges  of  fact  after 
hearing  evidence.  The  sworn  knights  who  nominate  the  re- 
cognitors  of  the  grand  assize  are,  further,  the  first  germ  of  a 
county  representation.  By  the  assize  of  Clarendon,  a  like  prin- 
ciple is  applied  to  criminal  jurisdiction.  Twelve  lawful  men  of 
each  hundred,  with  four  lawful  men  from  each  township,  are 
sworn  to  present  criminals  or  reputed  criminals  of  their  district, 
in  each  county  court ;  the  prisoners  so  presented  being  sent  at 
once  to  the  ordeal.  In  this  case,  Henry  simply  utilised  the 
machinery  that  had  existed  probably  since  the  time  of  Edgar,  but 
he  adapted  it  to  the  principle  of  recognition  ;  the  twelve  lawful 
men  are  witnesses,  as  they  were  under  the  older  system,  but  the 
process  is  an  inquest  under  oath,  as  in  the  case  of  the  great 
assize.  From  this  double  character  of  judge  and  witness  the 
grand  jury  system  historically  descends ;  the  permission  to  tra- 
verse the  verdict  of  the  grand  jury  by  a  new  inquest  is  of  later 
introduction,  and  was  adopted  as  a  consequence  of  the  abolition 
of  ordeal  in  the  reign  of  Henry  III, 

But  the  principle  of  recognition  by  jury  is  found  applicable 
to  other  matters  than  judicature.  As  early  as  the  year  1070, 
William  the  Conqueror  had  used  it  to  obtain  from  the  native 
population  an  enunciation  of  the  laws  under  which  they  claimed 
to  live.  In  the  preparation  of  the  Domesday  survey  it  had 
been  applied,  moreover,  to  fiscal  business.  The  inquest  then 
was  made  by  the  oath  of  the  sheriff,  the  barons  and  freeholders 
of  the  shire  and  the  hundred,  the  priest,  the  reeve,  and  six 
villeins  of  each  township ;  and  it  was  used  to  ascertain  the 
extent  and  liability  of  every  estate  in  the  kingdom.  It  was  not, 
however,  applied  generally  to  the  purpose  of  taxation  until  the 
reign  of  Richard  I.  The  steps  by  which  so  important  a  stage 
towards  self-taxation  and  representation  was  gained  are  of 
curious  importance.  An  aid  having  been  decreed  by  the 
national  council,  the  collection  of  it  becomes  the  work  of  the 


26  Introductory  Sketch.  [PAET 

sheriffs  and  of  the  officers  of  the  Exchequer.  The  classes  from 
which  it  is  to  be  demanded  are,  roughly  speaking,  the  knights, 
the  towns,  and  the  socage  tenants  ;  the  barons,  greater  and 
lesser,  the  boroughs,  and  the  lower  freeholders.  The  military 
tenants  are  allowed  to  certify  by  their  own  cartel  the  number 
of  knights'  fees  for  which  they  are  liable.  The  towns,  through 
their  burgage  holders,  make  their  agreement  with  the  barons 
itinerant ;  but  the  lower  freeholders  are  assessed  by  the  sheriff 
and  his  officers,  and  have  no  check  upon  their  exactions  unless 
their  hardships  can  be  made  known  to  the  king.  When  taxa- 
tion descends  to  personal  property,  the  sheriff  has  no  basis  of 
calculation ;  it  is  in  this,  then,  that  the  necessity  of  some  ma- 
chinery of  assessment  first  introduces  the  jury  system.  Under 
the  assize  of  arms  in  1181,  Henry  II  directs  the  liability 
of  each  man,  either  in  rent  or  in  chattels,  to  be  estimated  by  a 
sworn  body  of  knights  or  lawful  men  of  the  venue ;  and  the 
same  plan  is  used  for  the  levying  of  the  Saladin  tithe,  also  on 
personal  as  well  as  real  property,  in  1 188.  When  Richard  I,  in 
1198,  exacted  a  carucage  or  aid  of  five  shillings  on  the  hide,  he 
applied  the  principle  of  jury  assessment  in  the  most  elaborate 
way  to  the  whole  land  of  the  country.  How  important  were 
these  developments  of  the  idea  of  representation  will  be  seen 
by-and-by. 

These  are  but  a  few  of  the  measures  by  which  Henry  II  and 
his  ministers  provided  for  the  security  of  his  people, — through 
which  he  earned  their  confidence,  and  trained  them,  both  by 
the  enjoyment  of  legal  security  and  by  the  responsible  part  laid 
on  them  in  judicial  and  fiscal  matters,  for  a  time  when  their 
co-operation  would  be  required  in  the  higher  departments  of 
government,  in  the  decreeing,  not  the  executing  only,  of  legis- 
lation and  taxation.  In  these  the  king  had  the  help  of  the 
financial  family  founded  by  Bishop  Roger,  and  of  the  great 
legist  Ranulf  Glanvill.  He  lived  long  enough  to  see  the  success 
of  his  policy  in  making  England  rich  and  contented,  and  a  race 
of  nobles  springing  out  of  the  administrative  houses,  which  was 
to  strengthen  the  law  and  make  common  cause  with  the  people. 

Richard's  reign  is  in  constitutional  matters  the  supplement  of 


I.]  Principle  of  Election.  27 

his  father's ;  the  administrative  progress  which  may  be  traced  in 
it  is  to  be  credited  not  to  himself  but  to  his  ministers.  Richard 
FitzNeal,  the  treasurer,  continues  the  management  of  the 
Exchequer ;  Hubert  Walter,  the  justiciar,  develops  the  ma- 
chinery which  may  have  originated  in  the  genius  of  his  master, 
Henry  II,  or  his  uncle,  Ranulf  Glanvill.  The  pecuniary  neces- 
sities of  Richard,  and  his  long  absences  from  England,  threw 
the  whole  responsibility  on  the  ministers,  and  after  the  anarchy 
of  his  first  two  years,  owing  to  the  jealousy  of  the  barons  and 
the  faction  fights  arising  from  the  quarrels  of  John,  Geoffrey, 
and  "William  Longchamp,  this  devolved  altogether  on  Hubert 
Walter.  He  united  in  his  own  person  the  whole  secular  and 
spiritual  authority. 

From  the  transactions  of  the  earlier  part  of  the  reign  we 
gather  little  that  is  constitutionally  important.  The  attack  on 
the  chancellor  was  not  a  constitutional  attempt  to  assert  the 
responsibility  of  a  minister,  but  a  struggle  of  factions;  the 
encouragement  of  the  town  element  is  not  a  deliberate  act  of 
policy,  but  the  result  of  an  occasional  expedient  for  raising 
money.  One  or  two  apparently  minor  points,  however,  are  of 
importance.  We  have  seen  that  Richard's  ministers  were  the 
first  who  applied  the  representative  system  to  the  assessment  of 
real  property  in  general  for  the  purpose  of  national  taxation.  A 
step  which  is  scarcely  less  important  is  the  introduction  of  the 
system  of  election  to  county  functions  and  offices.  This  is  applied 
in  the  first  instance  to  the  choice  of  coroners,  who,  according  to  the 
assize  of  1194,  are  to  be  chosen  in  every  county,  three  knights 
and  a  clerk,  to  keep  the  pleas  of  the  crown.  The  measure  was 
doubtless  intended  to  be  a  check  on  the  power  of  the  sheriffs, 
who  were  forbidden  by  the  same  assize  to  act  as  justices  in  their 
own  counties  :  a  proof  that  the  baronial  party  still  required  to  be 
restrained  from  attempting  to  strengthen  their  hold  on  the  local 
jurisdictions.  This  assize  prescribes  also  the  way  of  selecting 
the  grand  jury :  four  knights  are  to  be  chosen  in  every  shire, 
who  in  turn  are  to  choose  two  out  of  each  hundred ;  these  two 
are  to  co-opt  ten  more  out  of  their  own  hundred,  and  the  twelve 
are  to  form  the  jury  for  the  hundred.  The  plan  partly  resembles 


28  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

that  used  for  the  nomination  of  recognitors  for  the  grand  assize, 
and  was  likewise  a  check  on  the  power  of  the  sheriff,  to  whom 
the  nomination  seems  to  have  before  belonged.  It  is  possible 
that  the  knights  electors  are  henceforth  chosen  by  the  suitors, 
and  that  the  article  of  Magna  Carta  which  orders  them  to  be 
elected,  for  the  recognitions  of  novel  disseisin,  mort-dancester, 
and  darrein  presentment,  by  the  county  court,  is  an  explanation 
of  earlier  custom.  But  in  the  case  of  the  coroner  there  is  no 
such  question ;  the  existing  immemorial  usage,  as  well  as  the 
words  of  the  assize,  proves  that  the  election  was  by  the  whole 
body  of  freeholders.  It  is  the  first  attempt  at  popular  election 
in  England  within  the  historic  period,  unless  we  regard  as  such 
the  privileges  granted  to  certain  of  the  boroughs  to  elect  their 
magistrates.  This  had  been  attained  by  some  towns,  by  payment 
of  a  fine,  under  Henry  II ;  in  the  reign  of  John  it  becomes  a 
general  privilege  conferred  by  charter. 

The  steps  taken  in  the  direction  of  freedom  and  security  under 
these  administrators  were  doubtless  of  importance  in  themselves. 
They  were  an  extension  of  the  rule  of  law  into  regions  where 
the  rule  of  force  had  been  far  too  general.  But  it  must  not  be 
thought  that  they  were  a  pure  concession  to  the  desire  of  free- 
dom and  good  government.  Henry  II  and  Hubert  Walter 
recognised  the  fact,  which  Henry  I  had  seen  before  them,  that  a 
people  able  to  count  on  personal  and  commercial  safety  is  much 
more  profitable  to  the  Exchequer  than  one  over-taxed  and  un- 
constitutionally oppressed.  The  reign  of  Richard  is  not  only  a 
period  of  reform  in  law,  but  of  unparalleled  exactions  in  money. 
The  various  plans  of  taxation  adopted  by  the  earlier  kings  are 
all  resuscitated  and  amplified.  The  scutage  of  Henry  II  is 
applied  to  the  raising  of  funds  for  the  king's  ransom,  and  in- 
creased in  amount.  The  carucage  of  Richard  is  but  the  Danegeld 
under  a  new  name,  and  of  larger  and  more  profitable  assessment. 
The  feudal  dues  are  all  exacted  ',  the  wool  of  the  Cistercians  is 
seized  ;  the  plate  of  the  churches  is  borrowed  ;  the  moveables  as 
well  as  the  land  are  rated.  These  plans  are  maintained  after  the 
original  call  for  them  has  been  answered.  Nor  is  the  opposition 
to  this  systematic  oppression  so  marked  as  might  be  expected. 


I.]  Reign  of  John.  29 

There  are  murmurs  against  the  justiciar;  the  regular  clergy 
are  compelled  by  virtual  outlawry  to  pay  the  carucage ;  the 
mob  of  London  rises  against  the  burghers,  because  of  the  unfair- 
ness of  the  assessment ;  but  the  only  formal  resistance  to  the 
king  in  the  national  council  proceeds  from  Saint  Hugh  of  Lin- 
coln and  Bishop  Herbert  of  Salisbury,  who  refuse  to  consent 
to  grant  him  an  aid  in  knights  and  money  for  his  foreign 
warfare.  This,  which  is  done  not  on  ecclesiastical  but  on  con- 
stitutional grounds,  is  an  act  which  stands  out  prominently  by 
the  side  of  Saint  Thomas's  protest  against  Henry's  proposal  to 
appropriate  the  sheriff's  share  of  Danegeld. 

The  peculiar  circumstances  with  which  the  reign  of  John 
begins — a  questionable  title,  perfected  by  the  election  of  the 
nation — might  have  seemed  for  a  time  to  necessitate  the  ob- 
servance of  legal  forms.     But  although  from  time  to  time  he 
summoned  his  vassals   and  demanded  an  aid  in  constitutional 
form,  he  more  frequently  exacted  the  taxes  without  a  formal 
grant,    and   by   imposing   fines    and    levying   ransoms   on   the 
barons  who  offended  him,  without  a  legal  process  or  sentence, 
went  in  oppressiveness  far  beyond  anything  done  by  Bichard's 
ministers.     From  the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  took  both  caru- 
cage and  scntage  as  a  matter  of  course,  and  raised  the  rate  of 
the  latter  from  twenty  shillings  to  two  marks  on  the  knight's 
fee.     In  1201  and  1205  he  exacted  from  the  army  which  he 
had  collected  at  Portsmouth  a  payment  in  commutation  of  ser- 
vice, much  as  William  Bufus  had  done  when  he  plundered  the 
national  militia  of  the  viaticum  provided  by  their  counties.     In 
1204  he  levied  from  the  tenants  in  chief  enormous  'auxilia  mili- 
taria,'  and  raised  the  rate  of  scutage  to  two  marks  and  a  half. 
In  1207  he  demanded  and  received  a  thirteenth  of  all  chattels 
throughout  the  country.     The  ingenuity  with  which  he  deve- 
loped the  system  of  fines  is  a  fertile  theme  of  historians.     After 
the  death  of  Hubert  Walter  in  1205,  relieved  from  the  incon- 
venient  admonitions   of  a   counsellor   to   whom   he  owed  so 
much — rid  also  of  his  competitor,  Arthur  —  having  lost  his 
French  dominions,  and  endangered  his  hold  on  England  by  his 
quarrel  with  the  clergy — he  took   advantage  of  the  general 


30  Introductory  Sketch.  [PAUT 

disorganisation  to  play  the  tyrant  without  restraint.  The  funds 
arising  from  the  confiscated  estates  of  the  Norman  nobles  and 
the  exiled  bishops  enabled  him  to  spend  lavishly,  to  hoard  also 
largely,  and  to  collect  an  army  and  fleet  for  resistance  to  Philip  II, 
and  even  for  the  invasion  of  France.  But  the  universal  disaffec- 
tion brought  all  his  preparations  to  nothing.  After  offending 
every  portion  of  his  people,  he  had  to  yield  to  the  papal  claims  ; 
and  when  he  had  yielded,  the  desertion  of  his  vassals  left  him 
powerless  even  for  revenge.  It  was  the  resistance  of  the 
northern  barons  to  his  command  that  they  should  join  his 
expedition  to  Poictou,  that  provoked  him  to  the  vindictive  pro- 
ceeding which  ended  in  his  complete  surrender.  The  barons 
found  a  counsellor  in  Archbishop  Langton,  and  a  programme 
for  the  redress  of  grievances  in  the  charter  of  Henry  I.  This 
they  compelled  John  to  renew,  with  large  additions,  at  Eunny- 
ruede,  and  in  securing  their  constitutional  rights  to  themselves 
bouud  him  to  observe  the  same  rules  towards  all  free  men. 
Thenceforth  no  tax  over  and  above'  the  customary  feudal  aids  is 
to  be  taken  without  consent  of  the  national  council,  the  common 
council  of  the  realm,  the  assembly  of  the  barons,  the  greater  of 
whom  are  to  be  summoned  by  special  writ,  the  lesser  by  a  general 
one  through  the  sheriffs.  The  privileges  secured  by  the  great 
charter  of  John  become  in  their  turn  the  basis  or  programme 
of  new  claims  which  are  the  subject  of  struggles  that  run 
through  the  whole  reign  of  Henry  III,  and  in  those  struggles 
are  made  good.  The  next  reign  sees  them  accepted  by  the  good 
faith,  and  denned  by  the  administrative  genius,  of  Edward  I. 

The  agreement  between  the  king  and  his  people — for  Magna 
Carta,  although  in  form  a  charter,  is  in  substance  a  treaty  of 
peace — that  no  tax  shall  be  exacted  without  a  grant  from  the 
common  council  of  the  kingdom,  and  that  that  common  council 
shall  be  summoned  in  a  definite  and  satisfactory  way,  may  seem 
to  be  but  a  small  instalment  of  constitutional  reform,  and  not  to 
go  beyond  what  was  already  the  theory  of  government  in  Eng- 
land. But  the  words  of  the  charter,  to  be  carried  out  at  all,  in- 
volved much  more  than  they  expressed.  The  old  state  of  things 
that  had  followed  the  Conquest  was  quite  worn  out.  The  legal 


I.]  Politics  of  the  Thirteenth  Century.  31 

reforms  and  general  policy  of  Henry  II  had  created  a  new 
nobility,  whose  interests  were  entirely  English,  and  had  restored 
the  ancient  county  organisation ;  whilst  the  privileges  procured 
by  fine  from  the  same  king,  and  bought  in  the  shape  of  charters 
from  his  sons  by  the  towns,  had  created  a  new  element  of  poli- 
tical life.  The  new  baronage  compelled  the  king  to  grant  the 
charter  :  the  counties  and  the  boroughs  had  to  work  their  way 
into  the  full  participation  of  its  provisions  by  s!ow  degrees.  The 
history  of  these  steps  has  an  interest  partly  political  and  partly 
constitutional,  and  deserves  examination  in  separate  detail. 

The  political  situation  may  be  generally  stated  thus  : — Since 
the  Conquest,  the  political  constituents  of  the  nation  had  been 
divided  between  two  parties,  which  may  be  called  the  national 
and  the  feudal.  The  former  comprised  the  king,  the  ministerial 
nobility  which  was  created  by  Henry  I  and  Henry  II,  and 
which,  if  less  richly  endowed  than  tliat  of  the  Conquest,  was 
more  widely  spread,  and  had  more  English  sympathies  ;  the 
other  contained  the  great  nobles  of  the  Conquest,  and  the 
always  large  but  varying  body  of  lower  vassals,  who  were 
intent  on  pursuing  the  policy  of  foreign  feudalism.  The  na- 
tional party  was  also  generally  in  close  alliance  with  the  clergy, 
whose  zeal  for  their  own  privileges  extended  to  the  defence  of 
the  classes  from  which  they  chiefly  sprang,  and  whose  vindi- 
cation of  class  liberties  maintained  in  the  general  recollection 
the  possibility  of  resisting  oppression. 

The  clergy  may  be  roughly  divided  into  three  schools, — the 
secular  or  statesman  school,  the  ecclesiastical  or  professional, 
and  the  devotional  or  spiritual.  Of  these,  the  representative 
men  are  Roger  of  Salisbury,  Henry  of  Winchester,  and  Anselm 
of  Canterbury.  Thomas  the  Martyr  more  or  less  combines  the 
characters  of  the  three  throughout  his  life.  The  three  stages 
through  which  he  passed,  that  of  chancellor,  that  of  primate, 
and  that  of  candidate  for  martyrdom,  answer  well  to  the  three 
schools  of  the  clergy.  Throughout  the  whole  period,  the  first 
of  these  schools  was  consistently  on  the  side  of  the  king,  the 
last  as  consistently  on  the  side  of  the  nation.  The  second, 
when  its  own  privileges  were  not  in  danger,  was,  from  the 


33  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

peace  of  the  Church  in  1107  to  the  Becket  quarrel,  and  after 
the  conclusion  of  that  quarrel,  continuously  on  the  same  side. 
No  division  of  the  clergy  ever  sympathised  with  the  feudal 
party. 

The  strength  of  the  parties  was  locally  divided.  The  national 
party  was  strongest  in  the  north,  where  the  successive  forfeitui-e 
of  English  and  Normans  had  put  it  in  the  royal  power  to  provide 
amply  for  its  supporters ;  where  the  national  spirit  and  insti- 
tutions lingered  the  longest,  and  only  required  the  assurance 
of  good  government  to  place  themselves  on  the  king's  side. 
The  domains  of  the  great  earls  lay  more  in  the  middle  of 
England,  which  was  therefore  the  seat  of  disaffection  and 
uneasiness  generally,  the  towns  taking  the  royal  or  national 
side  against  the  nobles.  The  southern  shires  were  more  de- 
cidedly royalist,  the  great  domains  and  strong  castles  of  the 
kings  and  their  kinsmen  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  seats  of 
government,  and  the  diffusion  of  episcopal  influence,  giving 
them  a  very  considerable  advantage.  The  feudal  party  made  up 
for  its  want  of  strength  in  other  classes  of  society  and  other 
parts  of  England,  by  foreign  alliances,  and  the  extent  and 
wealth  of  great  foreign  domains.  The  intense  dislike  of  the 
English  to  foreigners,  which  was  wisely  humoured  by  Henry  II, 
and  as  foolishly  disregarded  by  Stephen,  John,  and  Henry  III, 
contributed  an  ingredient  of  personal  partisanship. 

Henry  II  had  broken  the  feudal  party  by  war,  and  disarmed 
it  by  policy  :  he  had  succeeded  so  well,  that  the  very  men  who 
had  been  his  opponents  accepted  their  position,  and  became 
the  most  faithful  adherents  of  his  sons.  At  his  death,  and 
during  the  reign  of  Richard,  there  seemed  to  be  every  chance 
that  the  national  party  would  soon  comprise  every  element 
of  political  life ;  the  party  quarrels  of  the  period  arising  from 
mere  personal  causes,  and  the  great  body  of  the  baronage, 
as  well  as  the  rising  municipalities,  being  faithful.  And  these 
chances  might  have  been  made  a  certainty,  when  the  loss  of 
their  Norman  estates  had  robbed  the  feudalists  of  their  vantage- 
ground. 

But  the  growth  and  consolidation  of  the  national  party  had 


I.]  Politics  of  the  Thirteenth  Century.  33 

contributed  largely  to  the  increase  of  the  power  of  the  king. 
The  constitution  gained  in  strength  and  consistency,  and  the 
king  was  the  strongest  element  in  the  constitution.  Henry  II' s 
measures,  double  in  their  intention,  and  double  in  their  success, 
had  created  a  strong  royal  power  and  a  strong  national  spirit 
in  conjunction.  John's  despotic  conduct  set  the  two  forces 
which  his  father  had  laboured  to  strengthen  and  consolidate, 
in  array  against  each  other.  From  the  beginning  of  the  thir- 
teenth century  the  struggle  is  between  the  barons,  clergy,  and 
people  on  the  one  side,  and  the  king  and  his  personal  par- 
tisans, English  and  foreign,  on  the  other.  The  barons  and 
prelates  who  drew  up  the  Articles  of  the  Charter  were  the  sons 
of  the  ministerial  nobles  of  Henry  II,  the  imitators  of  Saint 
Anselm  and  Saint  Hugh,  of  Henry  of  Winchester,  and  Thomas 
of  Canterbury. 

In  the  history  that  follows  we  trace  new  elements  as  well  as 
old  complications.  The  national  party  of  1213  was  itself 
divided  between  those  who,  like  Robert  Fitz  Walter,  would 
bring  in  French  aid,  and  those  who  stood  merely  by  the  national 
rights.  The  king's  party  contained  two,  or  even  three  sections  : 
his  own  personal  friends  and  ministers,  his  foreign  allies,  and 
the  small  but  powerful  mediating  party  acting  under  papal  in- 
fluence. Of  these,  the  first  may  be  regarded  as  represented  by 
Hubert  de  Burgh  and  Peter  des  Roches ;  the  second  by  Falkes 
de  Breaute',  and  the  third  by  the  legate  Gualo.  John's  death 
removed  the  great  obstacle  to  the  union  between  the  elements 
which  were  capable  of  uniting  :  the  French  detachment  of  the 
national  party  collapsed,  and  the  position  of  the  foreign  allies 
of  John  was  made  untenable.  The  national  baronage  under 
"William  Marshall  and  the  king's  friends  under  Hubert  de 
Burgh  united,  and  the  papal  agents  were  gradually  but  effect- 
ually edged  out.  The  early  struggles  of  Henry  Ill's  reign 
were  for  the  expulsion  of  the  foreign  element.  But  the  happy 
omens  which  the  clearance  seemed  to  promise  were  rendered 
futile  by  the  folly,  the  falseness,  and  the  foreign  proclivities  of 
the  young  king  himself,  who  as  soon  as  he  grasped  the  sub- 
stance of  power  brought  back  into  the  political  arena  every 

D 


34  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

single  element  of  discord.  Refusing  to  be  bound  by  his  father's 
engagements,  treating  his  most  faithful  servant  with  personal 
ignominy,  and  in  that  act  reviving  the  rivalry  between  the 
friends  of  the  king  and  the  friends  of  good  government ;  throw- 
ing himself  into  the  closest  alliance  with  Rome,  and  crushing 
the  spirit  of  the  national  Church ;  rivalling  his  father  in  the 
multiplicity  of  his  exactions,  now  contrary  to  the  letter  of  his 
own  obligations  ;  and  bringing  in  hosts  of  foreigners  hateful  to 
the  people,  and  the  cause  of  unparalleled  extravagance  and  oppres- 
sion— he  let  loose  every  element  of  misery,  and  roused  every 
political  constituent  to  resistance. 

Strangely  enough  the  head  of  the  disaffection  was  the  man 
who  perhaps  had  least  of  all  in  common  with  the  nation,  except 
the  sense  of  justice.  Simon  de  Montfort  was  a  foreign  adven- 
turer ;  by  descent  representing  on  one  side  the  purest  feudalism 
of  Normandy,  and  on  the  other  the  great  feudal  party  of  the 
Conquest;  brother-in-law  of  the  king,  and  by  the  hereditary 
ambition  which  marked  bis  paternal  house,  fitted  rather  for  a 
usurper  than  for  a  defender  of  other  men's  rights.  Yet  there  is 
no  reason  to  doubt  either  his  political  wisdom  or  his  sincerity 
and  honesty.  His  strength,  however,  was  in  the  false  position 
of  the  king.  Neither  the  ability  of  the  versatile,  experienced, 
and  travelled  statesman,  nor  the  confidence  of  the  Church,  nor 
the  wealth  of  his  English  earldom,  nor  his  own  brilliant  nature, 
could  have  won  for  him  the  reputation  of  a  hero  and  martyr- 
saint,  much  less  the  substance  of  power.  At  the  head  of  the 
barons,  trusted  by  the  clergy  and  worshipped  by  the  people, 
he  forced  on  the  king  the  new  programme  of  good  government ; 
a  programme  which  contained  indeed  little  more  than  was 
already  binding,  but  which  owed  its  importance,  as  its  advo- 
cate owed  his  strength,  to  Henry's  falseness.  Strong  in  resist- 
ance, and  victorious  in  battle,  Simon  de  Montfort  undertook  to 
administer,  and  attempted  to  unite  under  a  premature  political 
organisation,  all  the  possessors  of  power  in  the  land.  But  the 
force  which  had  been  so  great  against  the  king  in  arms,  was 
inefficient  in  supremacy :  again  it  became  clear  that  Simon's 
chief  strength  was  in  his  rival's  folly  and  weakness.  The  escape 


I.]  Edward  I.  35 

of  Edward  from  captivity  renewed  the  strife,  this  time  with  a 
different  result.  The  death  of  Simon  restored  Henry  III  to 
the  throne,  and  left  the  party  which  Simon  had  united  broken 
and  ready  for  new  combinations. 

The  long  struggle  of  the  constitution  for  existence  ends  with 
the  reign  of  Edward  I.  This  great  monarch,  whose  command- 
ing spirit,  denning  and  organising  power,  and  thorough  honesty 
of  character,  place  him  in  strong  contrast  not  merely  with  his 
father,  but  with  all  the  rest  of  our  long  line  of  kings,  was  not 
likely  to  surrender  without  a  struggle  the  position  which  he 
had  inherited.  For  more  than  twenty  years  he  reigned  as 
Henry  II  had  done,  showing  proper  respect  for  constitutional 
forms,  but  exercising  the  reality  of  despotic  power.  He  loved 
his  people,  and  therefore  did  not  oppress  them  :  they  knew  and 
loved  him,  and  endured  the  pressure  of  taxation,  which  would 
not  have  been  imposed  if  it  had  not  been  necessary.  He  admits 
them  to  a  share,  a  large  share,  in  the  process  of  government :  he 
develops  and  defines  the  constitution  in  its  mechanical  character 
in  a  way  which  Simon  de  Montfort  had  never  contemplated. 
The  organisation  of  parliament,  of  convocation,  of  the  courts 
of  law,  of  provincial  jurisdiction,  is  elaborated  and  completed 
until  it  seems  to  be  as  perfect  as  it  is  at  the  present  day ;  and 
the  legislation  is  so  full  that  the  laws  of  the  next  three  cen- 
turies are  little  more  than  a  necessary  expansion  of  it.  But 
until  he  is  compelled  by  the  action  of  the  barons,  he  retains  the 
substance  of  royal  power,  the  right  to  the  purse-strings,  the 
right  to  talliage  the  towns  and  the  demesnes  of  the  crown 
without  a  grant  from  the  parliament.  Edward  I  would  not 
have  been  nearly  so  great  a  king  as  he  was  if  he  had  not 
thought  this  right  worth  a  struggle ;  nor  if,  when  that  struggle 
was  going  against  him,  he  had  not  seen  that  it  was  time  to 
yield;  nor  if,  when  he  had  yielded,  he  had  not  determined 
honestly  to  abide  by  his  concessions.  The  political  party  that 
forced  him  to  the  concession  was  not  to  be  compared  with  the 
earlier  combinations  of  the  century :  Bohun  and  Bigod  had 
doubtless  personal  claims  at  heart,  and  not  political  ones  :  but 
they  took  advantage  of  a  state  of  things  which  Edward  saw 

D  2 


36  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

could  not  be  resisted.  The  confirmation  of  the  Charters  com- 
pletes the  present  survey  of  political  history. 

The  idea  of  constitutional  government,  defined  by  the  mea- 
sures of  Edward  I,  and  summed  up  in  the  legal  meaning  of  the 
word  parliament,  implies  four  principles:  first,  the  existence 
of  a  central  or  national  assembly,  a  '  commune  consilium  regni ;' 
second,  the  representation  in  that  assembly  of  all  classes  of  the 
people,  regularly  summoned;  third,  the  reality  of  the  repre- 
sentation of  the  whole  people,  secured  either  by  its  presence  in 
the  council,  or  by  the  free  election  of  the  persons  who  are  to 
represent  it  or  any  portion  of  it;  and  fourth,  the  assembly  so 
summoned  and  elected  must  possess  definite  powers  of  taxation, 
legislation,  and  general  political  deliberation.  We  will  now  trace 
very  briefly  the  origin,  growth,  and  combination  of  these. 

First.  The  Commune  Concilium  had  existed  from  the  earliest 
times,  first  as  the  witenagemot,  and  afterwards  as  the  court  of 
the  king's  vassals,  or,  io  a  manner,  as  combining  the  characters 
of  both.  It  had  in  neither  stage  been  representative,  in  the 
modern  meaning  of  the  word.  The  witenagemot  acted  for  the 
nation,  but  was  not  delegated  or  elected  by  it :  the  Great  Council 
of  the  Norman  kings  included  in  theory  all  tenants  in  chief  of 
the  crown,  but  had  no  special  provision  for  these  to  represent 
their  under-tenants,  or  for  the  securing  of  the  rights  of  any  not 
personally  present.  The  witenagemot  possessed  and  exercised 
all  the  powers  of  a  free  council  j  the  Norman  court  or  parlia- 
ment, claiming  the  character  of  a  witenagemot,  if  it  possessed 
these  rights  in  theory,  did  not  exercise  them.  At  no  period, 
however,  of  our  early  history  was  the  assembling  of  the  national 
council  dispensed  with. 

Second.  The  representation  of  all  classes  of  the  people  is 
necessary  for  the  complete  organisation  of  a  national  council, 
and  that  complete  organisation  is  legally  constituted  by  sum- 
mons to  pailiament.  In  this  three  principles  are  involved  :  the 
idea  of  representation,  the  idea  of  exhaustive  representation, 
and  the  definite  summons. 

I.  The  idea  of  representation  was  familiar  to  the  English  in 
the  minor  courts,  the  hundredmoot  and  the  shiremoot.  The 


I.]  National  Representation.  37 

reeve  and  four  men  represented  the  township  in  these  assem- 
blies ;  the  twelve  assessors  of  the  sheriff  represented  the  judicial 
opinion,  sometimes  the  collective  legal  knowledge  of  the  shire. 
At  a  later  period  the  inquest  by  sworn  recognitors,  in  civil 
suits,  in  the  presentment  of  criminals,  and  in  the  assessment  of 
real  and  personal  property,  represented  the  country,  that  is  the 
shire  or  hundred  or  borough,  for  whose  business  they  were 
sworn  to  answer. 

II.  The  political  constituents  of  the  nation  (exclusive  of  the 
king), — the  three  estates  of  the  realm, — are  the  clergy,  the 
baronage,  and  the  commons.  A  perfect  national  council  must 
include  all  these  :  the  baronage  by  personal  attendance,  the 
clergy  and  people  by  representation.  The  bishops,  although 
their  right  to  appear  personally  in  the  Commune  Concilium  is 
older  than  the  introduction  of  the  feudal  principle  on  which 
the  theory  of  baronage  is  based,  have,  by  the  definition  of  lawyers, 
been  made  to  sink  their  character  of  witan  in  that  of  barons, 
amongst  whom  they  may  for  our  present  purpose  be  included. 
The  representation  of  the  estates  then  implies  the  union  in 
parliament  of  (i)  the  baronage  lay  and  clerical,  (2)  the  lower 
clergy,  and  (3)  the  commons. 

1.  The  baronage,  in  its  verbal  meaning,  includes  all  barones, 
that  is  all  homagers,  holding  directly  of  the  crown ;  but  by  suc- 
cessive changes,  the  progress  of  which  is  far  from  easy  to  fix 
chi'onologically,  it  has  been  limited,  first,  to  all  who  possess  a 
united   '  corpus '  or  collection  of  knights'  fees  held  under  one 
title :  secondly,  to  those  who,   possessing  such  a  barony,   are 
summoned   by  special    writ :    thirdly,   to   those   who,  whether 
entitled  by  such  tenure  or  not,  have  received  a  special  sum- 
mons :  and  finally,  to  those  who  have  become  by  creation  or 
prescription  entitled  hereditarily  to  receive  such  a  summons. 
The  variations  of  dignity  among  the  persons   so   summoned, 
represented  by  the  names  duke,  marquis,  earl,  and  viscount,  are 
of  no  constitutional    significance.      The  baronial  title  of  the 
bishops  and  mitred  abbots  originates  in  the  second  and  third 
of  the  principles  thus  stated. 

2.  The  inferior  clergy  had  immemorially  their  diocesan  as- 


38  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

semblies  and  their  share  in  the  provincial  councils  of  the  Church, 
— a  share  which  would  be  as  difficult  to  define  as  is  that  of  the 
plebs  or  populus  in  the  '  commune  consilium  regni ;'  but  which 
does  not  much  affect  constitutional  history  until  the  period  of 
Magna  Carta.  At  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  the 
doctrine  was  gaining  ground  that  the  taxpayer  should  have  a 
voice  in  the  bestowal  of  the  tax ;  the  legal  position  of  the  bene- 
ficed  clergy  had  been  long  definitely  settled  ;  and  the  changes  in 
the  character  of  taxation  took  from  them  the  immunities  which 
they  had  earlier  possessed  and  still  persistently  claimed.  The 
aids  which  John  condescended  to  ask  of  the  inferior  clergy  were 
not  granted  by  assemblies,  but  collected  by  separate  negotiation 
through  the  archdeacons,  in  the  same  way  that  the  sheriffs  or 
itinerant  judges  negotiated  the  aids  of  the  towns  and  counties. 
In  a  council  held  by  John  in  1207  the  regular  clergy  were  re- 
presented by  the  abbots;  in  another  in  1213  the  cathedral 
clergy  were  represented  by  the  deans  ;  the  rest  of  the  clergy  not 
at  all.  In  both  of  these  cases  there  are  analogies  with  the  deal- 
ings of  the  lay  estates  that  might  be  traced  at  length.  Passing 
over  the  anomalous  councils  of  the  next  forty  years,  we  find  in 
1254  a  writ  directing  the  archbishops  and  bishops  to  assemble 
all  the  clergy  for  the  purpose  of  granting  an  aid ;  in  1255  the 
proctors  of  the  clergy  appeared  in  parliament  at  Westminster 
and  presented  their  gravamina.  In  1283,  Edward  I  summoned 
them  by  their  proctors  to  great  councils  at  Northampton  and 
York;  in  1294  they  were  summoned  by  their  proctors  to  the 
parliament  at  Westminster;  and  in  1295,  by  the  clause praemu- 
nientes  in  the  writ  summoning  the  bishops  to  parliament,  the 
clergy  were  summoned  to  appear  there ;  the  deans  and  priors  of 
the  cathedrals  and  the  archdeacons  in  person,  the  chapters  by 
one  proctor,  and  the  clergy  of  each  diocese  by  two,  having  full 
and  sufficient  power  from  the  chapters  and  the  clergy.  This 
clause  has  been  inserted,  with  a  few  exceptions,  ever  since ;  the 
constant  usage  dating,  as  stated  by  Hody,  from  the  28th  of 
Edward  III ;  but  it  has  not  been  acted  upon  since  the  fourteenth 
century.  We  may  trace  in  this  the  defining  hand  of  Edward  I, 
who  doubtless  intended  by  this  means  to  introduce  a  complete 


I.]  County  Representation.  39 

and  symmetrical  system  of  representation  into  the  lower  depart- 
ment of  his  parliament.  It  was  defeated  by  the  clergy  them- 
selves, who  preferred  to  vote  their  aids  in  convocation,  their  own 
especial  assembly  or  provincial  council;  which,  also  during  the 
reign  of  Edward  I,  was  a  few  years  earlier  reconstituted  on  the  ^ 
representative  basis,  in  two  divisions,  one  meeting  at  London  and 
the  other  at  York.  The  convocations,  which  were  summoned  by 
the  archbishops  and  were  divided  according  to  the  provinces,  the 
measure  of  representation  differing  in  the  two,  must  be  care- 
fully distinguished  from  the  parliamentary  representation  of  the 
clergy,  which  was  summoned  by  the  king's  writ  directed  to  the 
archbishops  and  bishops,  and  was  intended  to  be  an  estate  of 
parliament. 

3.  The  commons  must  be  regarded  as  composed,  for  political 
purposes,  of  the  population  of  the  shires,  the  ancient  divisions 
on  the  administration  of  which  the  early  political  system  of  the 
country  was  based ;  and  that  of  the  towns  or  boroughs,  which 
had  been  erected  by  successive  grants  of  privileges  into  the 
status  of  substantive  political  bodies. 

(a)  Enough  has  been  said  already  of  the  origin  and  growth 
of  representation  in  the  former.  It  would  not  appear  that  there 
was  any  provision  for  the  incorporation  of  the  representatives 
of  the  shires  in  the  Commune  Concilium  before  the  reign  of 
John ;  and  when  the  principle  is  adopted,  it  is  questionable 
whether  they  owed  their  privilege  to  their  constitutional  posi- 
tion as  the  most  prominent  portion  of  an  estate  of  the  realm,  or 
to  their  being  the  most  ready  machinery  for  the  representation 
of  the  minor  barons,  the  lower  tenants  of  the  crown.  The  I4th 
Article  of  Magna  Carta  promises  that  these  shall  be  summoned 
by  a  general  writ,  and  through  the  sheriffs.  The  only  constitu- 
tional mode  of  the  sheriff's  action  was  in  the  county  court. 
Hence  the  minor  barons,  to  be  consulted  at-  all,  must  be 
consulted  in  the  crmnty  court.  But  that  court  was  already 
constituted  of  all  the  freeholders,  and  the  machinery  of  repre- 
sentation and  election  was  already  familiar  to  them.  It  would 
then  appear  certain  that  from  the  time  at  which  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  shires  were  first  summoned,  they  were  held  to 


40  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

represent  the  whole  body  of  freeholders  ;  and  although  there  was 
at  a  later  period  a  question  whether  the  wages  of  the  knights 
of  the  shire  should  be  paid  by  the  whole  body  of  freeholders, 
or  only  by  the  tenants  in  knight  service,  it  was  never  peremp- 
torily determined ;  nor  has  there  ever  been  a  doubt  but  that 
the  representation  was  that  of  the  whole  shire,  and  the  election 
made,  theoretically  at  least,  in  plena  comitatu,  down  to  the 
Act  of  Henry  VI,  which  restricted  the  electoral  franchise  to  the 
forty  shillings  freeholders. 

The  first  occasion  on  which  the  representatives  of  the  shires 
were  summoned  to  consult  with  the  king  and  other  estates  is 
in  the  I5th  of  John,  1213  :  when  the  king  by  writ,  addressed 
to  the  sheriffs,  directs  that  four  discreet  men  of  each  shire  shall 
be  sent  to  him,  '  ad  loquendum  nobiscum  de  negotiis  regni 
nostri.'  These  '  four  discreet  men'  must  be  regarded  in  con- 
nexion with  the  custom  of  electing  four  knights  in  the  county 
court  to  nominate  the  recognitors  and  grand  jury;  and  the 
1 4th  Clause  of  the  Charter,  directing  the  summons  of  the  minor 
barons  by  the  sheriff,  must  be  interpreted  or  illustrated  by  this 
writ.  The  next  case  in  which  it  is  clear  that  representatives 
of  the  shire  were  called  to  parliament  is  that  of  1254,  when  two 
knights  represent  each  county.  In  1261  the  barons,  and  after 
them  Henry  III  in  opposition,  summoned  three  knights  from 
each  shire.  In  1264,  Simon  de  Mont-fort  summoned  four;  to 
the  famous  assembly  of  1265  he  summoned  two.  In  the  great 
assembly  which  swore  allegiance  to  Edward  I  in  1273,  four 
knights,  and  in  the  second  parliament  of  1275  two,  represented 
each  shire.  The  mention  of  the  commonalty  in  the  early  writs 
and  statutes  of  Edward  I  seems  to  show  that  the  practice  was 
pursued  with  some  approach  to  continuity,  and  certainly  in 
some  cases,  as  in  the  councils  of  1283  and  in  the  parliament 
of  Shrewsbury,  it  was  fully  carried  out.  But  the  character  of 
these  assemblies  is  a  matter  of  debate,  and  it  cannot  certainly 
be  said  that  the  knights  of  the  shire  were  formally  summoned 
to  proper  parliaments  until  the  year  1290,  or  that  they  were 
regarded  as  a  necessary  ingredient  of  parliament  until  1294. 
Their  regular  and  continuous  summons  dates  from  1295. 


i.]  Growth  of  BorougJis.  41 

(6)  The  boroughs  of  England,  like  the  counties,  stood  in  a 
double  relation  to  the  king.  In  very  many  cases  they  were  in 
his  demesne,  and  had  received  their  privileges  as  a  gift  or  pur- 
chase from  him ;  and  in  all  cases  they  were  a  very  important 
element  in  taxation.  Either  then  on  the  feudal  principle  as 
demesne  lands,  or  on  the  political  ground  as  an  influential  part 
of  the  nation,  they  stood  on  a  basis,  not  indeed  so  old  as  that 
of  the  county  organisation,  but  in  all  other  respects  scarcely 
less  important.  Their  history  tells  its  own  tale :  beginning  as 
demesne  of  a  king  or  of  a  bishop,  abbot  or  secular  lord,  they 
had  by  the  time  of  the  Conquest  obtained  recognition,  as  indi- 
vidualities apart  from  the  body  of  the  counties  to  which  locally 
they  belonged.  They  were  indeed  generally  subject  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  king  as  his  demesne,  and  not  included  in  the 
corpus  comitatus.  But  the  towns  so  situated  at  the  time  of  the 
Domesday  survey  were  few,  and,  even  for  a  century  after,  they 
increased  in  number  and  importance  slowly.  Their  internal 
condition  was  but  that  of  any  manor  in  the  country ;  the  reeve 
and  his  companions,  the  leet  jury  as  it  was  afterwards  called, 
being  the  magistracy,  and  the  constitution  being  further 
strengthened  only  by  the  voluntary  association  of  the  local 
guild,  whose  members  would  naturally  furnish  the  counsellors 
of  the  leet.  The  towns  so  administered  were  liable  to  be  called 
on  for  talliage  at  the  will  of  the  lord,  and  the  townsmen  were 
in  every  respect,  except  wealth  and  closeness  of  organisation, 
in  the  same  condition  as  the  villeins  of  an  ordinary  demesne. 
The  next  step  taken  in  the  direction  of  emancipation  was  the 
purchase,  by  the  tenants,  of  the  firma  burgi,  that  is,  the  ferm  of 
the  dues  payable  to  the  lord,  or  the  king,  within  the  borough : 
instead  of  being  collected  severally  by  the  reeve  or  the  sheriff, 
these  were  compounded  for  by  a  fixed  sum,  which  was  paid 
by  the  burghers  and  reapportioned  amongst  themselves.  The 
grant  of  the  ferm  was  accompanied  by,  or  implied,  an  act  of 
emancipation  from  villein  services ;  and  the  recipients  of  the 
grant  were  the  burghers,  as  members  of  the  leet  or  of  the  guild, 
or  in  both  capacities.  The  burgage  rent  was  apportioned  among 
the  houses  or  tenements  of  the  burghers,  who  thus  became 


4$  Introductory  Sketch.  [JPART 

tenants  in  burgage  and  on  an  equality  with  tenants  in  free  and 
common  socage.  The  possessors  of  these  hurgages  were,  until 
a  further  organisation  was  provided,  the  political  constituents 
of  the  borough. 

The  privileges  of  the  boroughs  had  not  got  much  beyond  this 
at  the  death  of  Henry  I ;  the  burghers  of  Beverley,  who  were 
chartered  during  his  reign  by  their  lord  tho  archbishop  of  York, 
with  the  same  privileges  as  those  enjoyed  by  the  citizens  of 
York,  are  empowered  by  their  charter  to  have  their  hans-hus, 
and  there  to  make  their  by-laws,  and  to  enjoy  certain  immu- 
nities from  tolls  within  the  shire.  It  is  impossible  to  argue 
from  the  privileges  of  the  city  of  London  to  those  of  the  pro- 
vincial towns ;  and  in  the  scarcity  and  uncertainty  of  the  early 
charters  there  are  many  serious  hindrances  to  any  generalisa- 
tion. Amongst  the  rights  claimed  by  London  at  this  date,  are 
those  of  electing  its  own  sheriff,  of  exemption  from  external 
judicature,  freedom  from  several  specified  imposts,  and  protec- 
tion for  corporate  estates.  London,  however,  can  never  have 
been  regarded  as  a  town  in  demesne  ;  and  its  privileges,  vested 
in  the  powerful  burghers  of  the  free  city,  served  as  a  model  for 
those  which  were  gradually  emancipated.  Under  Henry  II  we 
trace  an  increase  in  the  privileges  recognised  or  granted  by 
charter :  the  king  confirms  the  liberties  enjoyed  during  the 
reigns  of  Edward,  William,  and  Henry  I ;  by  special  privilege 
the  villein  who  has  stayed  a  year  and  a  day  in  a  chartered  town 
unclaimed  is  freed  in  perpetuity,  or  the  towns  are  exempted 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  sheriff  or  king's  officer.  It  is  only 
by  fine  that  they  obtain  now  and  then  the  right  to  elect  their 
own  officers.  This  and  other  rights  scarcely  less  important  are 
occasionally  granted  in  the  charters  of  Richard,  and  commonly 
in  those  of  John,  which  seem  to  recognise  in  the  borough  a 
modified  corporate  character  but  little  short  of  the  later  idea 
of  incorporation.  The  charter  of  John  to  Dunwich  is  especially 
full ;  bestowing  the  character  of  a  free  borough,  enumerating 
the  rights,  such  as  Sac  and  Soc,  in  which  the  burghers  enter  into 
the  possession  of  the  status  before  belonging  to  the  lord  of  the 
franchise ;  the  ferm  of  their  town ;  immunity  from  all  juris- 


I.]  So-rough  Representation.  43 

diction  except  that  of  the  king's  justices ;  the  right  to  appear 
before  the  justices,  if  summoned,  by  representation  of  twelve 
lawful  men,  and  of  being  assessed  in  case  of  an  amercement  by  a 
mixed  jury,  half  named  out  of  their  own  body.  The  privileges 
of  the  towns  advanced  very  little  further  than  this  during  the 
thirteenth  century  :  but  at  the  beginning  of  it  the  principle  of 
representation  and  election  was  thus  applied  to  them. 

No  idea  of  summoning  the  towns  to  appear  before  the  king 
by  their  representatives  can  be  traced  higher  than  the  reign  of 
John.  Before  and  after  this  the  richer  tenants  in  burgage  may 
have  occasionally  attended  the  royal  councils  with  the  other 
freeholders.  They  would,  however,  have  no  representative  cha- 
racter whatever;  nor  is  there  any  trace  of  their  magistrates, 
to  whom  such  a  character  would  belong,  being  summoned  to 
Parliament,  as  they  were  to  the  States  General  in  France  by 
Philip  the  Fair.  The  first  notice  of  a  united  representation 
occurs  in  1213,  when  John  summoned  the  representatives  of  the 
demesne  lands  of  the  crown  to  estimate  the  compensation  to  be 
paid  to  the  plundered  bishops.  By  a  writ  to  the  sheriffs,  they 
are  directed  to  send  to  S.  Albans  four  men  and  the  reeve  from 
every  township  in  demesne.  In  this  may  be  distinctly  traced 
a  connexion  with  the  county  court  representation  of  earlier  and 
later  times.  The  assembly  so  constituted  met,  and  is  dignified 
by  Matthew  Paris  with  the  title  of  a  council ;  the  archbishop, 
bishops,  and  magnates  being  present  at  it.  It  is  indeed  the 
assembly  to  which,  through  the  justiciar,  John  proposed  the 
restoration  of  the  laws  of  Henry  I.  From  this  date,  however, 
to  the  parliament  of  Simon  de  Montfort,  we  find  no  further 
traces :  nor  can  this  case  be  taken  as  more  than  pointing  the 
way  to  the  later  system.  The  taxation  was  still  a  matter  of 
arrangement  with  the  officers  of  the  exchequer,  and  for  no  other 
purpose  were  the  towns  likely  to  be  consulted.  The  summons 
of  Simon  de  Montfort  was  directed  to  the  citizens  and  burghers 
of  the  several  cities  and  boroughs,  each  of  which  was  to  send 
two  representatives.  After  the  year  1265  there  is  again  a  long 
blank ;  for  although  in  several  places  the  burghers  are  spoken  of 
as  joining  in  grants  of  money  at  the  king's  request,  it  cannot 


44  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

be  shown  that  their  representatives  were  convoked  for  the  pur- 
pose before  the  year  1295.  The  national  councils  of  1273  and 
1283,  and  the  parliament  of  Shrewsbury,  contained  represen- 
tatives of  the  towns,  but  they  are  not  allowed  by  constitutional 
lawyers  the  full  name  of  parliaments  ;  nor  is  it  certain  whether 
the  representatives  attended  as  representing  an  estate  or  a  part 
of  one,  or  merely  for  the  purpose  of  informing  the  king  and 
magnates.  In  1294  the  towns  were  asked  for  their  contri- 
butions by  distinct  commissions;  in  1295  they  were  summoned 
regularly  to  parliament ;  and  although  the  series  of  Avrits  is 
not  so  complete  in  the  case  of  the  towns  as  in  that  of  the 
counties,  their  right  was  then  recognised,  their  presence  was 
seen  to  be  indispensable,  and  the  representation  has  been  con- 
tinuous, or  nearly  continuous,  ever  since. 

The  great  difference  between  the  representation  of  the  coun- 
ties and  that  of  the  boroughs  is  this,  that  it  was  in  the  power  of 
the  crown  or  its  advisers  to  increase  or  diminish  the  number 
of  boroughs  represented — a  power  based  on  the  doctrine  that 
their  privilege  was  the  gift  of  the  crown,  and  their  status 
historically  that  of  royal  demesne.  But  their  association  with 
the  knights  of  the  shire,  whose  numbers  could  not  be  altered, 
and  whose  possession  of  their  right  sprang  from  the  more 
ancient  part  of  the  constitution,  prevented  the  third  estate  from 
falling  into  the  condition  into  which  the  corresponding  body  fell 
in  Spain,  where  the  custom  of  summoning  towns  was  adopted 
earlier ;  and  in  France,  where  it  was  possibly  imitated  by  Philip 
the  Fair  from  the  practice  of  Edward  I. 

III.  The  status  of  the  parliament  was  constituted  by  the 
writs  of  summons,  addressed  to  the  barons  individually,  and  to 
the  sheriffs  for  the  representation  of  the  third  estate.  In  the 
latter  case  both  towns  and  counties  chose  their  representatives 
in  the  shiremoot.  Where  the  particular  form  of  writ  was  not 
observed, — and  both  for  military  levies  of  the  vassals  and  for 
great  councils  a  distinct  form  was  in  use,  —  the  assembly, 
although  it  might  contain  every  element  of  a  parliament,  was 
not  regarded  as  one.  The  obscurity  of  our  knowledge  on  this 
point,  caused  by  the  loss  of  the  ancient  writs,  occasions  the 


I.]  Great  Councils.  45 

difficulty  that  exists  about  the  assemblies  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  III  and  of  the  early  years  of  Edward  I,  during  which 
many  councils  were  held  which  contained  certainly  knights  of 
the  shire,  and  possibly  deputies  from  the  towns,  but  which  are 
called  Great  Councils  rather  than  parliaments,  for  this  technical 
reason  —  either  they  contained  other  ingredients  besides  the 
regular  ones  of  parliament ;  or  they  did  not  contain  all  the 
ingredients  of  parliament ;  or  the  towns  were  summoned  other- 
wise than  through  the  sheriffs  ;  or  the  number  of  representatives 
varied ;  or  the  selection  of  the-  boroughs  was  irregular ;  or  the 
purpose  specified  in  the  writ  was  other  than  parliamentary. 
Such  councils  were  occasionally  held  in  the  succeeding  reigns, 
and  exercised  many  of  the  powers  of  parliament,  but  taxes 
imposed  by  them,  and  laws  enacted  by  their  authority,  were 
regarded  as  of  questionable  validity,  and  sometimes  had  to  be 
formally  re-enacted.  These  councils  were,  however,  a  part 
of  the  process  by  which  the  institution  of  parliaments  ripened. 
The  regular  tribunal  of  later  date,  to  which  the  same  name 
of  Great  Council  is  given,  contained  the  lords  spiritual  and 
temporal,  the  judges  of  the  courts  and  the  other  members  of  the 
king's  ordinary  council.  For  judicial  purposes  it  exercised  a 
right  which  parliament  as  such  had  not,  and  which  has  descended 
from  it  to  the  House  of  Lords  only.  It  also  advised  the  crown 
in  all  matters  of  government,  although  any  attempt  at  legisla- 
tion was  watched  very  jealously  by  the  Commons. 

Third.  The  combination  of  the  principle  of  election  with  that 
of  representation  has  been  illustrated  by  what  precedes.  The 
idea  of  election  was  very  ancient  in  the  nation,  and  had  been 
theoretically  maintained  in  both  the  highest  and  the  lowest 
regions  of  the  polity  :  the  kings  and  prelates  were  supposed  to 
be  elected ;  the  magistrates  of  towns,  the  judicial  officers  of  the 
counties  and  forests,  were  really  so  from  the  beginning  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  if  not  before.  In  this,  as  in  every  other 
constitutional  point,  the  freedom  claimed  and  often  secured  by 
the  clergy  served  to  maintain  the  recollection  or  idea  of  a  right. 
In  the  reign  of  Edward  I  the  lawyers  represented  it  as  an 
ancient  Teutonic  right  that  the  ealdorman,  the  heretoga,  and 


46  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

the  sheriff  were  elected  officers.  The  election  of  sheriff  was 
claimed  for  the  counties  during  the  parliamentary  struggle 
which  produced  the  Provisions  of  Oxford,  and  was  secured  to 
the  freeholders  by  the  Articuli  super  Cartas  in  1300;  but  the 
privilege  was  withdrawn  early  in  the  next  reign.  The  two 
principles  of  election  and  representation  have  never  been  divided 
in  England  since  the  reign  of  Edward  I,  although  the  variety 
of  franchises  and  disputes  on  the  right  of  voting  for  members 
of  parliament  are  for  many  centuries  bewildering  in  the  ex- 
treme. The  towns,  however  close  the  elective  franchise,  have 
never  been,  as  in  France,  represented  by  their  magistrates 
as  such. 

Fourth.  Of  the  four  normal  powers  of  a  national  assembly, 
the  judicial  has  never  been  exercised  by  the  parliament  as  a 
parliament.  The  House  of  Commons  is  not,  either  by  itself 
or  in  conjunction  with  the  House  of  Lords,  a  court  of  justice : 
the  House  of  Lords  has  inherited  its  jurisdiction  from  the 
Great  Council.  Another  power,  the  political,  or^  right  of  general 
deliberation  on  all  national  matters,  is  too  vague  in  its  extent 
to  be  capable  of  being  chronologically  defined ;  nor  was  it  really 
vindicated  by  the  parliament  until  a  much  later  period  than 
that  on  which  we  are  now  employed.  The  two  most  important 
remain,  the  legislative  and  the  taxative,  the  tracing  of  whose 
history  must  complete  our  present  survey. 

i.  The  ancient  theory  that  the  laws  were  made  by  the  king 
and  witan  co-ordinately,  if  it  be  an  ancient  theory,  has  within 
historic  times  been  modified  by  the  doctrine  that  the  king 
enacted  the  laws  with  the  counsel  and  consent  of  the  witan. 
This  is  the  most  ancient  form  existing  in  enactments,  and  is 
common  to  the  early  laws  of  all  the  Teutonic  races  :  it  has 
of  course  always  been  still  more  modified  in  usage  by  the 
varying  power  of  the  king  and  his  counsellors,  and  by  the  share 
that  each  was  strong  enough  to  vindicate  in  the  process. 
Until  the  reign  of  John  the  varieties  of  practice  may  be  traced 
chiefly  in  the  form  taken  by  the  law  on  its  enactment.  The 
ancient  laws  are  either  drawn  up  as  codes,  like  Alfred's,  or  as 
amendments  of  customs  :  often  we  have  only  the  bare  abstract 


I.]  Counsel  tind  Consent.  47 

of  them,  the  substance  that  was  orally  transmitted  from  one 
generation  of  witan  to  another ;  where  we  have  them  in  in- 
tegrity the  counsel  and  consent  of  the  witan  are  specified.  The 
laws  of  the  Norman  kings  are  put  in  the  form  of  charters  ; 
the  king  in  his  sovereign  capacity  grants  and  confirms  liberties 
and  free  customs  to  his  people,  but  with  the  counsel  and  con- 
sent of  his  barons  and  faithful.  Henry  II  issued  most  of  his 
enactments  as  edicts  or  assizes,  with  a  full  rehearsal  of  the 
counsel  and  consent  of  his  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  priors, 
earls,  barons,  knights,  and  freeholders.  The  compact  of  John 
with  the  barons  has  the  form  of  a  charter,  but,  as  already 
stated,  is  really  a  treaty  based  on  articles  proposed  to  him,  and 
containing  additional  articles  to  secure  execution.  From  the 
time  of  John  the  forms  vary,  and  the  reign  of  Henry  III  con- 
tains statutes  of  every  shape — the  charter,  the  assize,  the 
articles  proposed  and  accepted,  and  the  special  form  of  provisions, 
which  are  analogous  to  the  canons  of  ecclesiastical  councils. 
From  the  reign  of  Edward  I  the  forms  are  those  of  statutes  and 
ordinances,  differing  in  some  ascertained  respects,  the  former 
formally  accepted  in  the  parliament  as  laws  of  perpetual  obliga- 
tion, and  enrolled  :  the  latter  proceeding  from  the  king  and  his 
council  rather  than  from  the  king  and  parliament,  being  more 
temporary  in  character,  and  not  enrolled  among  the  statutes. 
All  alike  express  the  counsel  and  consent  with  which  the  king 
fortifies  his  own  enacting  power :  but  several  of  the  early 
statutes  of  Edward  are  worded  as  if  that  enacting  power  resided 
in  the  king  and  his  ordinary  council ;  and  it  is  not  clear  whether 
this  assumption  is  based  on  the  doctrine  of  the  scientific  jurists 
who  were  addicted  to  the  civil  law,  or  on  imitation  of  the 
practice  of  the  French  kings,  just  then  made  illustrious  by  the 
Establishments  of  Saint  Lewis. 

The  actual  force  of  the  expression  '  counsel  and  consent,'  which 
is  preserved  during  so  long  a  period  and  under  such  various 
developments  of  the  royal  power,  can  only  be  estimated  approxi- 
mately, according  to  the  occasion  or  the  needs  or  the  character 
of  the  sovereign  who  acknowledges  it.  It  stands,  for  at  least  a 
century  after  the  Conquest,  as  the  record  of  a  right  rather  than 


48  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

the  expression  of  a  fact.  Under  Henry  II  and  his  descendants, 
by  whom  a  large  share  of  power  was  actually  vested  in  the 
ministers  and  judges,  the  facility  of  consultation  was  much 
increased,  but  it  remains  an  obscure  point,  whether  consent 
could  be  withheld  as  well  as  bestowed,  and  whether  it  was  not 
generally  taken  for  granted.  From  the  reign  of  Henry  III  it 
was  probably  a  reality ;  and  from  that  of  Edward  I  downwards 
the  form  has  a  typical  force,  and  the  variations  later  introduced 
into  it  have  a  great  deal  of  meaning.  After  the  permanent  in- 
corporation of  the  commons,  from  1318  downwards,  the  form  is, 
by  the  assent  of  the  prelates,  earls,  barons,  and  the  commonalty 
of  the  realm.  From  the  first  year  of  Edward  III  the  share  of 
the  commons  is  frequently  expressed  as  petition  ;  by  the  assent 
of  the  prelates,  earls,  and  barons,  and  at  the  request  of  the 
commons  :  under  Richard  II  the  assent  is  occasionally  expressed 
as  simply  that  of  the  lords  and  commons.  Henry  IV  enacts 
with  the  advice  and  assent  of  the  lords  at  the  request  of  tlie 
commons.  In  the  23rd  of  Henry  VI  the  addition  by  authority 
of  parliament  first  occurs;  and  from  the  ist  of  Henry  VII  the 
mention  of  petition  is  dropped,  and  the  regular  form  becomes, 
the  advice  and  assent,  or  consent,  of  the  lords  spiritual  and 
temporal  and  commons  in  parliament  assembled,  and  by  authority 
of  tlue  same.  These  forms  certainly  are  not  uniformly  observed, 
but  the  origin  of  the  changes  may  be  exactly  traced,  and  will  be 
found  to  synchronise  with  the  later  changes  in  the  balance  of 
power  between  the  several  estates  and  the  sovereign. 

The  further  question,  Were  the  estates  on  an  equality  in 
respect  of  legislation  ?  may  be  thus  briefly  answered.  The 
claim  of  the  clergy  and  commons  to  a  voice  was  not  admitted 
so  early  in  legislation  as  in  the  case  of  taxation  :  once  admitted, 
the  power  of  the  commons  very  quickly  eliminated  all  direct 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  clergy.  Down  to  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  Edward  I  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  the  right  of  counsel 
was  extended  to  the  commons  at  all ;  it  is  in  the  next  reign 
that  their  power  of  initiation  by  way  of  petition  is  first  recog- 
nised. As  late  as  the  i8th  of  Edward  I,  the  statute  Quia 
Emptores  was  passed  by  the  king  and  barons,  before  the 


I.]  Taxation.  49 

day  for  •which  the  commons  were  summoned.  As  to  the  clergy, 
there  is  no  doubt  either  that  they  exercised  the  right  of  petition 
or  that  the  king  occasionally  made  a  statute  at  their  request, 
with  the  counsel  of  the  lords,  and  without  reference  to  the 
commons ;  hut  acts  so  sanctioned  were  not  regarded  by  the 
lawyers  as  of  full  authority,  and  are  relegated,  perhaps  rightly, 
to  the  class  of  ordinances.  Possibly  the  royal  theory  was  that 
the  right  of  petition  belonged  to  both  clergy  and  commons, 
whilst  the  counsel  and  consent  of  the  lords  only  was  indispen- 
sable. It  was  not  until  the  i$th  of  Edward  II  that  the 
voice  of  parliament,  when  revoking  the  acts  of  the  ordainers, 
distinctly  enunciated  the  principle  that  all  matters  to  be  esta- 
blished for  the  estate  of  the  king  and  people  '  shall  be  treated, 
accorded,  and  established  in  Parliaments  by  the  king  and  by  the 
assent  of  the  prelates,  earls,  barons,  and  commonalty  of  the 
realm,  accoi'ding  as  it  hath  been  hitherto  accustomed.' 

The  growth  of  the  right  of  the  commons  may  be  traced  in 
the  forms  of  the  writs :  in  those  of  John,  the  knights  of  the 
shire  are  summoned  simply  '  ad  loquendum  ;'  those  of  Simon  de 
Montfort  describe  them  as  '  tractaturi  et  consilium  impensuri ;' 
ad  tractandum  as  well  as  ad  consulendum  et  consentiendum 
being  the  form  of  summons  usual  in  the  case  of  a  Great  Council. 
Edward  I,  in  1283,  summons  the  representatives  of  the  towns 
ad  audiendum  et  faciendum ;  in  1294,  he  summons  the  knights 
of  the  shire  ad  consulendum  et  consentiendum,  pro  se  et  commu- 
nitate  ilia,  Us  quae  comites,  barones,  et  proceres  praedicti  ordi- 
naverint ;  with  which  agrees  the  fact,  that  in  1290  they  were 
not  assembled  until  the  legislative  part  of  the  work  of  the  par- 
liament had  been  transacted.  From  the  year  1295,  however, 
the  form  is  '  ad  faciendum  ;'  under  Edward  II  it  becomes  '  ad 
consentiendum  et  faciendum?  to  assent  and  enact.  From  this 
time,  then,  the  commons  were  admitted  to  a  share  of  the  cha- 
racter of  the  Sapientes  which  in  this  respect  the  bishops  and 
barons  had  engrossed  since  the  Conquest,  and  the  king  was 
enabled  to  state  with  truth,  as  Edward  I  did  to  the  pope,  that 
the  custom  of  England  was,  that  in  business  affecting  the  state 
of  the  kingdom  the  counsel  of  all  whom  the  matter  touched 

E 


50  Introductory  Sketch.  [PART 

should  be  required.  The  corresponding  variations  in  the 
praemunientes  clause  summoning  the  clergy  are  : — in  1295,  'ad 
tractandum,  ordinandum,  et  faciendum  ;'  in  1 299, '  ad  faciendum 
et  consentiendum  ;'  from  1381,  only  'ad  consentiendum,'  a 
function  adequately  discharged  by  absence. 

2.  The  share  of  the  commons  in  taxation  takes  precedence  of 
their  share  in  legislation.     The  power  of  voting  money  was 
more  necessary  than  that  of  giving  counsel.      Of  this  power,  as 
it  existed  up  to  the  date  of  Magna  Carta,  enough  has  been  said. 
The  witenagemot,  and  its  successor  the  royal  council  of  barons, 
could    impose    the  old   national    taxes ;    the    ordinary   feudal 
exactions  were  matters  of  common  law  and  custom,  and  the 
amount  of  them  was  limited  by  usage.     But  the  extraordinary 
aids  which  Henry  II  and  his  sons  substituted  for  the  Danegeld, 
and  the  taxes  on  the  demesne  lands  of  the  crown,  were  arbitrary 
in  amount  and  incidence ;  the  former  clearly  requiring,  and  the 
latter,  on  all  moral   grounds,   not  less  demanding,  an  act  of 
consent   on   the   part  of  the   payers.      This    right  was   early 
recognised ;  even  John,  as  we  have  seen,  asked  his  barons  some- 
times for  grants,  and  treated  with  the  demesne  lands  and  towns 
through  the  Exchequer,   with  the  clergy  through  the  bishops 
and  archdeacons.     Magna  Carta  enunciates  the  principle  that 
the  payers  shall  be  called  to  the  common  council  to  vote  the 
aids  which  had  been  previously  negotiated  separately ;  but  the 
clause  was  never  confirmed  by  Henry  III,  nor  was  it  applicable 
to  the  talliaging  of  demesne.     It  is  as  the  towns   begin    to 
increase,  and  at  the  same  time  taxation  ceases  to  be  based  solely 
on  land  and  begins  to  affect  personal  as  well  as  real  property, 
that  the  difficulties  of  the  king  and  the  hardships  of  the  estates 
liable  to  talliage  become  important.     The  steps  by  which  the 
king  was    compelled  to  give  up  the  right    of  taking   money 
without  a  parliamentary  grant,  are  the  same  as  those  which  led 
to  the  confirmation  of  the  charters  by  Edward  I.   It  was  virtually 
surrendered   in  the  clause  then  conceded  in   addition  to  the 
charter,    which   is   commonly  known   under  the   form    of  the 
articles,  De  Tallagio  non  concedendo.      And  this  completed  the 
taxative  powers  of  parliament,      The  further  steps  of  develop- 


I.]  Edicard  I.  51 

ment,  the  determination  of  tie  different  proportions  in  which 
the  various  branches  of  the  three  estates  voted  their  supplies, 
and  the  final  engrossing  of  the  taxing  power  by  the  House  of 
Commons,  the  struggles  by  which  the  grants  were  made  to 
depend  on  the  redress  of  grievances,  and  the  determination  of 
the  disposal  of  supplies  assumed  by  the  parliament,  belong  to 
later  history. 

We  have  thus  brought  our  sketch  of  Constitutional  History 
to  the  point  of  time  at  which  the  nation  may  be  regarded  as 
reaching  its  full  stature.  It  has  not  yet  learned  its  strength, 
nor  accustomed  itself  to  economise  its  power.  Its  first  vagaries 
are  those  of  a  people  grown  up,  but  not  disciplined.  To  trace 
the  process  by  which  it  learned  the  full  strength  of  its  organism 
— by  which  it  learned  to  use  its  powers  and  forces  with  dis- 
crimination and  effect — to  act  easily,  effectually,  and  economi- 
cally,— or,  to  use  another  metaphor,  to  trace  the  gradual  wear 
of  the  various  parts  of  the  machinery,  until  all  roughnesses 
were  smoothed,  and  all  that  was  superfluous,  entangling,  and 
confusing  was  got  rid  of,  and  the  balance  of  forces  adjusted,  and 
action  made  manageable  and  intelligible,  and  the  power  of 
adaptation  to  change  of  circumstances  fully  realised, — is  the 
story  of  later  politics,  of  a  process  that  is  still  going  on,  and 
must  go  on  as  the  age  advances,  and  men  are  educated  into 
wider  views  of  government,  national  unity,  and  political  re- 
sponsibility. We  stop,  however,  with  Edward  I,  because  the 
machinery  is  now  completed,  the  people  are  at  full  growth.  The 
system  is  raw  and  untrained  and  awkward,  but  it  is  complete. 
The  attaining  of  this  point  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  defining 
genius,  the  political  wisdom,  and  the  honesty  of  Edward  I, 
building  on  the  immemorial  foundation  of  national  custom ; 
fitting  together  all  that  Henry  I  had  planned,  Henry  II  organ- 
ised, and  the  heroes  of  the  thirteenth  century  had  inspired  with 
fresh  life  and  energy. 


E  2 


PART  II. 

EXTRACTS   ILLUSTRATIVE  OF  THE  EARLY 
POLITY  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 

EXTBACTS    FBOM    CAESAB. 

_L  HE  account  of  the  Germans  given  by  Caesar,  and  drawn  by 
him.  more  from  the  reports  of  their  neighbours  than  from  his 
own  knowledge  of  them,  must  not  be  regarded  as  more  than  a 
partial  glimpse  of  a  small  portion  of  the  great  family  under 
special  circumstances.  It  would,  then,  be  wrong  to  look  on  it 
as  a  picture  of  an  earlier  phase  of  the  life  of  the  people  who  are 
a  century  later  described  in  detail  by  Tacitus,  or  to  infer  from 
the  difference  of  the  pictures  that  the  intervening  period  wit- 
nessed the  transition  from  one  condition  to  the  other.  The 
features  remarked  on  by  Caesar — the  perpetual  state  of  war,  the 
neglect  of  agriculture  for  pastoral  pursuits  and  hunting,  the 
annual  migrations  of  tribes — are,  it  is  true,  commonly  viewed  as 
charactei-istjc  of  the  first  steps  out  of  barbarism  into  civilisation ; 
but  the  first  two  are  extremely  liable  to  exaggeration  by  rumour, 
and  the  prominence  of  the  whole  three  in  this  description  is 
owing  to  the  generally  unsettled  state  of  all  tribes  bordering  on 
the  Roman  conquests.  It  would  be  unsafe  to  regard  any  point 
in  which  the  report  of  Caesar  is  not  confirmed  by  Tacitus  as 
certainly  characteristic  of  the  life  of  the  Germans  at  home.  Its 
interest  depends  chiefly  on  the  fact,  that  it  is  the  first  attempt 
at  an  account  of  the  life  of  our  forefathers,  and  that  it  comes 
from  the  pen  of  one  of  the  greatest  statesmen  that  ever  lived. 

C.  JUL.  CAESARIS,  Comrn.  de  Bello  GdlUco,  VI.  21.    Germani 
multum   ab   hac   (sc.    Gallorum)    consuetudine   differunt,   nam 


Caesar.  53 

neque  Druides  habent,  qui  rebus  divinis  praesint,  neque  sacri- 
ficiis  student.  Deorum  numero  eos  solos  ducunt,  quos  cernunt 
et  quorum  aperte  opibus  juvantur,  Solem  et  Vulcanum  et  Lu- 
nam ;  reliquos  ne  fama  quidem  acceperunt.  Vita  omnis  in 
venationibus  atque  in  studiis  rei  militaris  consistit ;  ab  parvulis 
labori  ac  duritiei  student 

Ib.  c.  22.  Agricultural  non  student;  majorque  pars  eorum 
victus  in  lacte,  caseo,  carne  consistit;  neque  quisquam  agri 
modum  certum  aut  fines  habet  proprios  ;  sed  magistratus  ac 
principes  in  annos  singulos  gentibus  cognationibusque  homi- 
num  qui  una  coierunt,  quantum  et  quo  loco  visuin  est  agri 
attribuunt  atque  anno  post  alio  transire  cogunt.  Ejus  rei 
multas  afferunt  causas,  ne  assidua  consuetudine  capti  studium 
belli  gerendi  agricultura  commutent ;  ne  latos  fines  parare 
studeant,  potentioresque  humiliores  possessionibus  expellant,  ne 
accuratius  ad  frigora  atque  aestus  vitandos  aedificent ,  ne  qua 
oriatur  pecuniae  cupiditas,  qua  ex  re  factiones  dissensionesque 
nascuntur :  ut  animi  aequitate  plebem  contineant,  cum  suas 
quisque  opes  cum  potentissimis  aequari  videat. 

Ib.  c.  23.  Civitatibus  maxima  laus  est,  quam  latissime 
circum  se  vastatis  finibus  solitudines  habere.  Hoc  proprium 
virtutis  existimant,  expulsos  agris  finitimos  cedere,  neque  quem- 
quam  prope  audere  consistere :  simul  hoc  se  fore  tutiores 
arbitrantur,  repentinae  incursionis  timore  sublato.  Cum  bellum 
civitas  aut  illaturn  defendit  aut  infert,  magistratus  qui  ei  bello 
praesint,  ut  vitae  necisque  habeant  potestatem,  deliguntur.  In 
pace  nullus  est  communis  magistratus,  sed  principes  regionum 
atque  pagorum  inter  suos  jus  dicunt,  controversiasque  minuunt. 
Latrocinia  nullam  habent  infamiam,  quae  extra  fines  cuj  usque 
civitatis  fiunt :  atque  ea  juventutis  exercendae  ac  desidiae  minu- 
endae  causa  fieri  praedicant.  Atque  ubi  quis  ex  principibus  in 
concilio  se  dixit  ducem  fore,  qui  sequi  velint,  profiteantur,  con- 
surgunt  ii  qui  et  causam  et  hominem  probant,  suumque 
auxilium  pollicentur,  atque  ab  multitudine  collaudantur ;  qui 
ex  his  secuti  non  sunt  in  desertorum  ac  proditorum  numero 
ducuntur ;  omniumque  his  rerum  postea  fides  derogatur.  Hos- 
pites  violare  fas  non  putant ;  qui  quaque  de  causa  ad  eos  vene- 
runt,  ab  injuria  prohibent,  sanctosque  habent :  hisque  omnium 
domus  patent,  victusque  communicatur. 

Lib.  IV.  c.  i.  Sueborum  gens  est  longe  maxima  et  bellico- 
sissima  Germanorum  omnium  :  hi  centum  pagos  habere  dicuntur 
ex  quibus  quotannis  singula  milia  armatorum,  bellandi  causa, 
ex  finibus  educunt ;  reliqui  qui  dorni  manserunt  se  atque  illos 
alunt.  Hi  rursus  invicem  anno  post  in  arinis  sunt,  illi  domi 


54  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PART 

remanent.  Sic  neque  agricultura,  nee  ratio  atque  usus  belli 
intermittitur.  Sed  privati  ac  separati  agri  apud  eos  nih.il  est ; 
neque  longius  anno  rernanere  uno  in  loco  incolendi  causa  licet ; 
neque  multum  frumento  sed  maximam  parteua  lacte  atque  pecore 
vivunt,  multumque  sunt  in  venationibus ;  quae  res  et  cibi 
genere  et  cotidiana  exercitatione,  et  libertate  vitae,  cum  a  pueris 
nullo  officio  aut  disciplina  assuefacti  nihil  omnino  contra  volun- 
tatem  faciant,  et  vires  alit  et  immani  corporum  maguitudine 

homines  efficit 

Ib.  c.  3.  Publice  maximam  putant  esse  laudem  quam  latis- 
sime  a  suis  finibus  vacare  agros ;  hac  re  significari  magnum 
numerum  civitatum  suam  vim  sustinere  non  potuisse.  Itaque 
una  ex  parte  a  Suebis  circiter  milia  passuum  sexcenta  agri 
vacare  dicuntur.  Ad  alteram  partem  succedunt  Ubii,  quorum 
fuit  civitas  ampla  atque  florens,  ut  est  captus  Germanorum,  et 
paulo  sunt  ejusdem  generis  ceteris  humaniores,  propterea  quod 
Rhenum  attingunt,  multique  ad  eos  mercatores  ventitant,  et 
ipsi  propter  propinquitatem  Gallicis  sunt  moribus  assuefacti. 
Hos  cum  Suebi,  multis  saepe  belJis  experti,  propter  amplitudinem 
gravitatemque  civitatis,  finibus  expellere  non  potuissent,  tamen 
vectigales  sibi  fecerunt,  ac  multo  humiliores  infirmioresque 
redegerunt 


EXTEACTS   FROM    TACITUS. 

The  following  extracts  contain  nearly  everything  in  the 
'  Germania '  which  touches  on  matters  of  government  and  law. 
The  picture  thus  drawn  must  be  regarded  as  a  very  general 
outline  of  the  Teutonic  system,  as  it  was  known  to  the  Romans, 
in  those  parts  of  Germany  which  came  more  closely  under  their 
view;  and  it  gives  thus  an  impression  of  greater  political 
solidity  in  the  institutions  of  the  Germans  at  the  time  than 
would  probably  be  warranted  by  fact.  Of  its  substantial  truth 
there  can  be  no  doubt;  its  very  generality  is  a  proof  of  the 
careful  honesty  of  the  writer,  and  of  the  great  historical  insight 
which  enabled  him  to  catch  at  a  glance  the  common  charac- 
teristics of  a  large  family  of  tribes  each  of  which  had  customs 
peculiarly  its  own.  It  must  however  be  remembered  that 
Tacitus  was  likely  to  remark  with  particular  force  the  points 
in  which  primitive  German  institutions  contrasted  with  the 


ii.]  Tacitus.  55 

adventitious  and  artificial  civilisation  of  Rome  ;  and  although 
it  would  be  absurd  to  regard  the  general  view  as  drawn 
intentionally  for  the  purpose  of  contrast,  such  an  influence 
would  necessarily  affect  the  exactness  and  proportion  of  the 
drawing.  In  particular  it  may  be  remarked  that  the  force  of 
the  tie  of  kindred  appears  in  our  own  early  English  laws  more 
prominently  than  in  this  picture ;  but  this  is  a  mark  of  a  state 
of  society  less  artificially  organised  than  that  of  the  '  Germania.' 
As  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  Germans  were  in  a  retro- 
grade state  from  the  second  century  to  the  sixth,  we  are  left  to 
infer  that  the  completeness  of  Tacitus's  outline  applies  only  to 
the  most  advanced  tribes,  or  owes  something  to  the  defining 
genius  of  the  historian.  It  might  moreover  be  difficult  to  blend 
into  a  single  picture  all  that  Tacitus  tells  us  of  the  use  of 
royalty  and  nobility  with  the  conciliar  structure  of  the  tribal 
polity,  or  with  what  we  know  of  the  condition  of  the  Saxons 
in  these  respects  some  centuries  later :  it  is  possible  that  he 
has  combined  into  one  sketch  features  characteristic  of  different 
tribes  or  of  different  stages  of  development.  But  if  this  be  so, 
it  only  renders  the  outline  more  readily  applicable,  and  places  it 
in  closer  connexion  with  later  history.  That  is,  we  have  in  it 
a  general  view  of  the  ideal  of  the  Teutonic  system;  in  which 
it  may  be  all  parts  thus  described  did  not  exist  contempora- 
neously in  this  exact  proportion,  but  which  is  approximately 
applicable  to  it  at  every  stage  of  its  early  development. 

CORN.  TACITI,  De  Situ,  Moribus  et  Populis  Germaniae, 
c.  2.  Ipsos  Grermanos  indi<;enas  crediclerim,  mmimeque  aliaruin 
gentium  adventibus  et  hospitiis  mixtos.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  3.  Celebrant  carminibus  antiquis  quod  unum  apud  illos 
memoriae  et  annaliuin  genus  est,  Tuisconem  deum  terra  edituni, 
et  filium  Mannum,  originem  gentis  conditoresque.  Manno  tres 
filios  assignant,  e  quorum  nominibus  proximi  Oceano  Ingae- 
vones,  medii  Herminones,  ceteri  Iscaevones  vocentur.  .  .  . 
Germaniae  vocabulum  recens  et  nuper  additum.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  4.  Ipse  eorum  opinionibus  accedo  qui  Germaniae 
populos  nullis  aliarum  nationum  connubiis  infectos  propriam 
et  sinceram  et  tautum  sui  similem  gentem  exstitisse  arbitrantur. 
Unde  habitus  quoque  corporum  quanquam  in  tanto  homiuum 


56  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PART 

numero  idem  omnibus,  truces  et  caerulei  oculi,  rutilae  comae, 
magna  corpora  et  tantum  ad  impetum  valida. 

Ib.  c.  5.  Terra  .  .  .  satis  ferax,  frugiferarumque  arborum 
impatiens,  pecorum  fecunda  sed  plerumque  improcera.  Ne 
armeutis  quidem  suus  honor  aut  gloria  frontis  :  numero  gaudent, 
eaeque  splae  et  gratissimae  opes  sunt.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  6.  ...  In  universum  aestimanti  plus  penes  pedltem 
roboris;  eoque  mixti  praeliantur,  apta  et  congruente  ad  equestrem 
pugnam  velocitate  peditum,  quos  ex  omni  juventute  delectos 
ante  aciem  locant.  Definitur  et  numerus :  centeni  ex  singulis 
pagis  sunt;  idque  ipsum  inter  suos  vocantur,  et  quod  primo 
numerus  fuit,  jam  nomeu  et  honor  est.  ... 

Ib.  c.  7.  Reges  ex  nobilitate,  duces  ex  virtute  sumunt. 
Nee  regibus  infinita  aut  libera  potestas ;  et  duces  exemplo 
potius  quam  imperio,  si  prompti,  si  conspicui,  si  ante  aciem 
agunt,  admirations  praesunt.  Ceterum  neque  animadvertere, 
neque  vincire,  ne  verberare  quidem  nisi  sacerdotibus  permissum, 
/non  quasi  in  poenam,  nee  ducis  jussu,  sed  velut  deo  imperante 
.  quern  adesse  bellantibus  credunt ;  effigiesque  et  signa  quaedam 
detracta  lucis  in  praelium  ferunt.  Quodque  praecipuum  forti- 
tudinis  incitamentum  est,  non  casus  nee  fortuita  conglobatio 
turmam  aut  cuneum  facit,  sed  familiae  et  propinquitates.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  8.  Inesse  (feminis)  quinetiam  sanctum  aliquid  et 
providum  putant,  nee  aut  'consilia  earum  aspernantur  aut 
responsa  negligunt.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  9.  Deorum  maxime  Mercurium  colunt,  cui  certis 
diebus  humanis  quoque  hostiis  litare  fas  habent.  Herculem  ac 
Martem  concessis  animalibus  placant.  Pars  Suevorum  et  Isidi 
sacrificat ;  unde  causa  et  origo  peregrino  sacro  parum  comperi, 
nisi  quod  signum  ipsum  in  modum  liburaae  figuratum  docet 
advectam  religionern.  Ceterum  nee  cohibere  parietibus  deos 
neque  in  ullam  human!  oris  speciem  assimulare  ex  magnitudine 
caelestium  arbitrantur.  Lucos  ac  nemora  consecrant,  deorum- 
que  nominibus  appellant  secretum  illud  quod  sola  reverentia 
vident.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  ii.  De  minoribus  rebus  principes  consultant,  de 
majoribus  omnes ;  ita  tamen  ut  ea  quoque  quorum  penes  plebem 
arbitrium  est  apud  principes  pertractentur.  Coeunt,  nisi  quid 
fortuitum  et  subitum  incident,  certis  diebus,  cum  aut  inchoatur 
luna  aut  impletur ;  nam  agendis  rebus  hoc  auspicatissimum 
initium  credunt.  Nee  dierum  numerum,  ut  nos,  sed  noctium 
computant.  Sic  constituting  sic  condicunt.  Nox  ducere  diem 
videtur.  Illud  ex  libertate  vitium,  quod  non  simul  nee  ut  jussi 
conveniunt,  sed  et  alter  et  tertius  dies  cunctatione  coeuutium 


ii.]  Tacitus.  57 

absumitur.  Ut  turba  placuit,  considunt  armati.  Silentium  per 
sacerclotes,  quibus  turn  et  coercendi  jus  est,  imperatur.  Mox  rex 
Vel  princeps,  prout  aetas  cuique,  prout  nobilitas,  prout  decus  bel- 
lorum,  prout  facundia  est,  audiuntur,  auctoritate  suadendi  magis 
quam  jubendi  potestate.  Si  displicuit  sententia,  fremitu  asper- 
nantur ;  sin  placuit,  frameas  concutiunt.  Honoratissimum 
assensus  genus  est  arrnis  laudare. 

Ib.  c.  12.  Licet  apud  concilium  accusare  quoque  et  discrimen 
capitis  intendere.  Distinctio  poenarum  ex  delicto.  Proditores 
et  transfugas  arboribus  suspendunt ;  ignavos  et  imbelles  et 
coi-pore  iufames  coeno  ac  palude,  injecta  insuper  crate,  mergunt. 
Diversitas  supplicii  illuc  respicit,  tanquam  scelera  ostendi 
oporteat,  dum  puniuntur,  flagitia  abscondi.  'Sed  et  levioribus 
delictis  pro  modo  poena  ;  equorum  pecorumque  numero  convicti 
multantur.  Pars  multae  regi  vel  civitati,  pars  ipsi  qui  vindicatur 
vcl  propinquis  ejus  exsolvitur. 

Eliguntur  in  iisdem  conciliis  et  principes,  qui  jura  per  pagos 
vicosque  reddunt.  Centeni  singulis  ex  plebe  comites,  consilium 
simul  et  auctoritas  adsuut. 

Ib.  c.  13.  Nihil  autem  neque  publicae  neque  privatae  rei 
nisi  armati  agunt.  Sed  arma  sumere  non  ante  cuiquam  moris 
quam  civitas  suffecturum  probaverit.  Turn  in  ipso  concilio  vel 
principum  aliquis  vel  pater  vel  propinquus  scuto  frameaque 
juveuem  ornant.  Haec  apud  illos  toga,  hie  primus  juventae 
honos  ;  ante  hoc  domus  pars  videntur,  mox  reipublicae.  Insignia 
nobilitas  aut  magna  patrum  merita  principis  dignationem  etiam. 
adolescentulis  assignant ;  eeteris  robustioribus  ac  jam  pridem 
probatis  adgregantur.  Nee  rubor  inter  comites  aspici.  Grradus 
quin  etiam  et  ipse  comitatus  habet,  judicio  ejus  quern  sectantur ; 
magnaque  et  comitum  aemulatio,  quibus  primus  apud  principem 
suum  locus,  et  principum,  cui  plurimi  et  acerrimi  comites.  Haec 
diguitas,  hae  vires,  magno  semper  electorum  juvenum  globo  cir- 
cumdari ;  in  pace  decus,  in  bello  praesidium.  Nee  soluin  in  sua 
gente  cuique,  sed  apud  finitimas  quoque  civitates  id  nomen,  ea 
gloria  est,  si  numero  ac  virtute  comitatus  emineat :  expetuntur 
etiam  legationibus  et  muneribus  ornantur,  et  ipsa  plerumque 
fama  bellum  profligant. 

Jb.  c.  14.  Cum  ventum  in  aciem,  turpe  principi  virtute 
vinci,  turpe  comitatui  virtutem  principis  non  adaequare.  Jam 
vero  infame  in  omnem  vitam  ac  probrosum  superstitem  principi 
suo  ex  acie  recessisse.  Ilium  defendere,  tueri,  sua  quoque  fortia 
facta  gloriae  ejus  assignare  praecipuum  sacramentum  est.  Prin- 
cipes pro  victoria  pugnant,  comites  pro  principe.  Si  civitas  in 
qua  orti  sunt  longa  pace  et  otio  torpeat,  plerique  nobilium 


58  Illustrative  Extracts. 

adolescentium  petunt  ultro  eas  nationes  quae  turn  bellum  aliquod 
gerunt,  quia  et  ingrata  genti  quies,  et  facilius  inter  ancipitia 
clarescunt,  magnumque  comitatum  non  nisi  vi  belloque  tueare. 
Exigunt  eniui  principis  sui  liberalitate  illuin  bellatorem  equum, 
illam  cruentam  victricemque  frameam.  Nam  epulae  et,  quanquam 
iucompti,  largi  tamen,  apparatus  pro  stipendio  cedunt.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  15.  Mos  est  civitatibus  ultro  ac  viritim  conferre 
principibus  vel  armentonim  vel  frugum,  quod  pro  honore  ac- 
ceptum  etiam  necessitatibus  subvenit.  .  .  . 

ib.  c.  1 6.  Nullas  Grermanorum  populis  urbes  habitari  satis 
notum  est :  ne  pati  quidem  inter  se  junctas  sedes.  Colunt  dis- 
creti  ac  diversi,  ut  fons,  ut  campus,  ut  nemus  placuit.  Vicos 
•  locant  non  in  nostrum  morem  connexis  et  cohaerentibus  aedi- 
ficiis :  suam  quisque  domum  spatio  circumdat,  sive  ad  versus 
casus  ignis  remedium,  sive  inscitia  aedificandi.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  1 8.  ...  Prope  soli  barbarorum  singulis  uxoribus  con- 
tend sunt,  exceptis  admodum  paucis,  qui  non  libidine  sed  ob 
nobilitatem  plurimis  nuptiis  ambiuntur.  Dotem  non  uxor 
.marito,  sed  uxori  maritus  offert.  .  .  .  Ne  se  mulier  extra  vir- 
tutum  cogitationes  extraque  bellorum  casus  putet,  ipsis  inci- 
pientibus  matrimonii  auspiciis  admonetur  venire  se  laborum 
periculorumque  sociam,  idem  in  pace,  idem  in  praelio  passuram 
ausuramque.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  19 plusque  ibi  boni  mores  valent,  quam  alibi 

bonae  leges.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  20.  Heredes  .  .  .  successoresque  sui  cuique  liberi,  et 
nullum  testamentum.  Si  liberi  non  sunt,  proximus  gradus  in 
possessione  fratres,  patrui,  avunculi.  Quanto  plus  propinquorum, 
quo  major  affinium  numerus,  tanto  gratiosior  senectus,  nee  ulla 
orbitatis  pretia. 

Ib.  c.  21.  Suscipere  tarn  inimicitias  seu  patris  seu  propinqui 
quam  amicitias  necesse  est.  Nee  implacabiles  durant  :  luitur 
enim  etiam  homicidium  certo  armentorum  ac  pecorum  numero, 
recipitque  satisfactionern  universa  domus,  utiliter  in  publicum, 
quia  periculosiores  sunt  inimicitiae  juxta  libertatem.  .  .  . 

Ib.  c.  22.  Sed  et  de  reconciliandis  invicem  inimicis  et  jun- 
gendis  affinitatibus  et  adsciscendis  principibus,  de  pace  denique 
ac  bello  plerumque  in  conviviis  consultant,  tanquam  nullo  magis 
tempore  aut  ad  simplices  cogitationes  pateat  animus  aut  ad 
magnas  incalescat.  Gens  non  astuta  nee  callida  aperit  adhuc 
secreta  pectoris  licentia  joci.  Ergo  detecta  et  nuda  omnium  mens 
postera  die  retractatur,  et  salva  utriusque  temporis  ratio  est. 
Deliberant  dum  fingere  nesciunt;  constituunt  dum  errare  non 
possunt.  .  . 


II.]  Tacitus.  59 

Ib.  c.  24.  Aleam,  quod  mirere,  sobrii  inter  seria  exercent, 
tanta  lucrandi  perdendive  temeritate  ut,  cum  omnia  defecerunt, 
extreme,  ac  novissimo  jactu  de  libertate  et  de  corpore  conten- 
dant.  Victus  voluntariam  servitutem  adit :  quamvis  juvenior, 
quamvis  robustior,  adligari  se  ac  venire  patitur.  Ea  est  in  re 
prava  pervicacia,  ipsi  fidem  vocant.  Servos  conditionis  hujus 
per  commercia  tradunt,  ut  se  quoque  pudore  victoriae  ex- 
solvant. 

Ib.  c.  25.  Ceteris  servis  non  in  nostrum  morem,  descriptis  per 
familiam  ministeriis,  utuntur.  Suam  quisque  sedem,  suos 
penates  regit.  Frumeuti  modum  dominus  aut  pecoris  aut 
vestis,  ut  colono,  irijungit,  et  servus  haeteuus  paret.  Cetera' 
domus  officia  uxor  ac  liberi  exsequuntur.  Verberare  servum 
ac  vinculis  et  opere  coercere  rarum.  Occidere  solent,  non  dis- 
ciplina  et  severitate,  sed  impetu  et  ira,  ut  inimicum,  nisi  quod 
impune.  Liberti  non  multum  supra  servos  sunt,  raro  aliquod 
momentum  in  domo,  nunquam  in  civitate,  exceptis  duntaxat  iis 
geutibus  quae  regnantur.  Ibi  enim  et  super  ingenuos  et  super 
nobiles  ascendunt ;  apud  ceteros  impares  libertini  libertatis  ar- 
gumentunTsunt. 

Ib.  c.  26.  Fenus  agitare,  et  in  usuras  extendere  ignotum ; 
ideoque  magis  servatur  quam  si  vetitum  esset.  *Agri  pro  nu- 
mero  cultorum  ab  universis  vicis  \al.  in  vices]  occupantur,  quos 
mox  inter  se  secundum  dignationem  [al.  dignitatem]  partiuntur. 
Facilitatem  partiendi  camporum  spatia  praestant.  Arva  per 
annos  mutant,  et  superest  ager.  Nee  enim  cum  ubertate  et 
amplitudine  soli  labore  contendunt  ut  pomaria  conserant, 
et  prata  separent,  et  hortos  rigent;  sola  terrae  seges  inipera- 
tur.  .  .  . 

.  Ib.  c.  39.  Vetustissimos  se  nobilissimosque  Suevorum  Sem- 
nones  memorant.  Fides  antiquitatis  religione  firmatur.  Stato 
tempore  in  silvam  auguriis  patrum  et  prisca  formidine  sacram 
omnes  ejusdem  sanguinis  populi  legationibus  coeunt,  caesoque 
publice  homine  celebrant  barbari  ritus  horrenda  primordia.  ...  * 

BAED.  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  10.  Non  enim  habent  regem  iidem  antiqui  Saxones, 
sed  satrapas  plurimos  suae  genti  praepositos,  qui  ingruente  belli  articulo. 
mittunt  aequaliter  sortes,  et  queuicunque  sors  ostenderit,  hunc  tempore 
belli  ducem  omnes  sequuntur,  huic  obtemperant;  peracto  autem  bello 
rXirsum  aequalis  potentiae  omnes  fiunt  satrapaa. 


60  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PART' 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  EARLY  LAWS  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 

The  laws  of  all  nations  which  have  developed  steadily  and  in 
their  own  seats,  with  little  or  no  intermixture  of  foreign  ele- 
ments, are  generally  perpetuated  by  custom  and  oral  tradition. 
Hence  the  earliest  written  laws  contain  amendments  of  older 
unwritten  customs,  or  codifications  of  those  customs  when  they 
are  gradually  wearing  out  of  popular  recollection.  Such  docu- 
ments are  then  generally  obscure,  requiring  for  their  elucidation 
a  knowledge  of  the  customs  they  were  intended  to  amend,  which 
is  not  easily  attainable ;  and  where  they  are  clear,  they  will  be 
found  frequently  to  contain  little  more  than  assessments  of  fines 
for  offences  and  injuries,  with  very  scanty  indications  of  the 
process  by  which  the  laws  are  made  or  the  fines  exacted.  Nor 
is  the  case  much  better  where  codification  is  attempted  ;  for  the 
diversity  of  customs  being  very  great,  and  the  code  not  intended 
to  supersede  but  to  perpetuate  them,  the  lawgiver  is  apt  to 
become  didactic,  and  to  enunciate  principles  drawn  from  religion 
or  morality,  rather  than  legal  definitions.  The  following  ex- 
tracts from  the  Anglo-Saxon  Laws  and  Institutes  may  seem  a 
very  small  residuum,  after  the  winnowing  of  a -very  bulky 
'  Corpus  Juris.'  But  they  will  be  found  to  contain  nearly  every 
mention  that  occurs  in  the  Collection  of  our  Laws  of  such 
matters  as  public  assemblies,  courts  of  law,  taxation,  or  the. 
legal  machinery  on  the  carrying  out  of  which  the  discipline  of 
self-government  is  based.  The  great  bulk  of  the  laws  concern 
chiefly  such  questions  as  the  practice  of  compurgation,  ordeal, 
wergild,  sanctity  of  holy  places,  persons,  or  things ;  the  immu- 
nity of  estates  belonging  to  churches  ;  and  the  tables  of  penalties 
for  crimes,  in  their  several  aspects  as  offences  against  the  peace, 
the  family,  and  the  individual.  These,  as  touching  Constitu- 
tional History  in  a  very  indirect  way,  are  here  excluded. 

Of  the  existing  Anglo-Saxon  laws,  those  of  Ethelbert,  Hlo- 
there  and  Eadric,  'Wihtred,  Ine,  Edward  the  Elder,  Athelstan, 
Edmund,  and  Edgar,  are  mainly  of  the  nature  of  amendments 
of  custom.  Those  of  Alfred,  Ethelred,  Canute,  and  those  de- 


n/J  Laws  of  Wessex.  61 

scribed  as  Edward  the  Confessor's,  aspire  to  the  character  of 
codes ;  but  English  law,  from  its  first  to  its  latest  phase,  has 
never  possessed  an  authoritative,  constructive,  systematic,  or 
approximately  exhaustive  statement,  such  as  was  attempted  by 
the  great  compilers  of  the  civil  and  canon  laws,  by  Alfonso  the 
Wise  or  Napoleon  Buonaparte.  The  translation  of  the  following 
extracts  is  that  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Thorpe,  in  the  Ancient  Laws 
and  Institutes  oftJie  Anglo-Saxons. 

AD.  600.  Kent.  ETHELBERT  ;  cap.  2.  If  the  king  call  his 
'  leod  '  to  him  and  any  one  there  do  them  evil,  let  him  compen- 
sate with  a  twofold  '  bot '  and  fifty  shillings  to  the  king. 

A.D.  dr.  680.  Kent.  HLOTHAERE  AND  EADRIC  ;  cap.  8. 
If  one  man  make  plaint  against  another  in  a  suit,  and  he  cite 
the  man  to  a  '  methel '  or  to  a  '  thing,'  let  the  man  always  give 
'borh'  to  the  other,  and  do  him  such  right  as  the  Kentish 
judges  prescribe  to  them. 

A.D.  dr.  700.  Kent.  WIHTRED  ;  Council  of  Baccanceld. 
Illius  personae,  (sc.  regis)  et  principes,  praefectos  seu  duces 
('eorlas  and  ealdormen,  scirerevan  and  domesmenn,'./i.-/S.(7/irow.) 
statuere. 

A.D.  cir.  690.  Wessex.  INI;  Preamble  to  Laws.  I,  Ini, 
by  God's  grace  king  of  the  West  Saxons,  with  the  counsel  and 
with  the  teaching  of  Cenred  my  father,  and  of  Hedde  my  bishop, 
and  of  Eorcenwold  my  bishop,  with  all  my  ealdormen  and  the 
most  distinguished  '  witan '  of  my  people,  and  also  with  a  Idrge 
assembly  of  God's  servants,  have  been  considering  of  the  health 
of  our  souls  and  of  the  stability  of  our  realm ;  so  that  just  law 
and  just  kingly  dooms  might  be  settled  and  established  through- 
out our  folk,  so  that  none  of  the  ealdormen  nor  of  our  subjects 
should  hereafter  pervert  these  our  dooms. 

Cap.  8.  If  any  one  demand  justice  before  a  '  scirman'  or  other 
judge  and  cannot  obtain  it,  and  a  man  (the  defendant)  will  not 
give  him  '  wedd,'  let  him  make  '  bot '  with  xxx.  shillings,  and 
within  vii.  days  do  him  justice. 

Cap.  II.  If  any  one  sell  his  own  countryman,  bond  or  free, 
though  he  be  guilty,  over  sea,  let  him  pay  for  him  according  to 
his  fwer.' 

Cap.  36.  Let  him  who  takes  a  thief,  or  to  whom  one  taken  is 
given,  and  he  then  lets  him  go,  or  conceals  the  theft,  pay  for  the 
thief  according  to  his  '  wer.'  If  he  be  an  ealdorman^  let  him 


62  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PABT 

forfeit  his  shire,  unless  the  king  is  -willing  to  be  merciful  to 
him. 

Cap.  39.  If  any  one  go  from  his  lord  without  leave,  or  steal 
himself  away  into  another  shire,  and  he  he  discovered,  let  him 
go  where  he  was  hefore,  and  pay  to  his  lord  Ix.  shillings. 

Cap.  45.  '  Bot '  shall  be  made  for  the  king's  '  burg-bryce'  and 
a  bishop's,  where  his  jurisdiction  is,  with  cxx.  shillings ;  for  an 
ealdorman's,  with  Ixxx.  shillings  ;  for  a  king's  thegn's,  with  Is. 
shillings ;  for  a  *  gesithcund '  man's,  having  land,  with  xxxv.  shil- 
lings, and  according  to  this  make  the  legal  denial. 

Cap.  51.  If  a  'gesithcund'  man  owning  land  neglect  the 
'  fyrd/  let  him  pay  cxx.  shillings  and  forfeit  his  land ;  one  not 
owning  hind,  Ix,  shillings;  a  ceorlish  man,  xxx.  shillings,  as 
'  fyrdwite.' 

A.D.  dr.  760.  PoifTiFiCAi.E  EGBERTT  ARCH.  EBOR.  £etie- 
diclio  super  regem  noviter dectum. — Primum  mandatum  regis  ad 
pspulum  hie  videre  poles.  Rectitude  regis  est  noviter  ordinati 
et  in  solium  sublimati.  haec  tria  praecepta  populo  Christiano  sibi 
subdito  praeeipere ;  in  primis  ut  ecclesia  Dei  et  omnis  populus 
Christianus  veram  pacem  servent  in  omni  tempore.  Amen. 

Aliud  est,  ut  rapacitates  et  omnes  iniquitates  omnibus  gradi- 
bus  interdicat.  Amen. 

Tertium  est  ut  in  omnibus  judiciis  aequitatem  et  misericor- 
diam  praecipiat,  ut  per  hoc  nobis  indulgeat  misericordiam  Suam 
clemens  et  misericors  Deus.  Amen. 

A.D.  787.  Coxc.  LEGATE?.;  cap.  XII.  Duodecimo  sermone. 
sanximus,  ut  in  ordinatione  regun^  nullus  permittat  pravorum 
praevalere  assensum,  sed  legitime  reges  a  sacerdotibus  et  senio- 
ribus  populi  eligantur,  et  non  de  adulterio  vel  incestu  pro- 
creati.  .  .  . 

A.D.  dr.  890.  Wessex.  ALFRED;  PreamV.e.  ...  They  then 
ordained.  .  .  .  that  secular  lords,  with  their  (the  bishops  and 
witan)  leave  might  without  sin  take  for  almost  every  misdeed, 
for  the  first  offence  the  money  '  bot'  which  they  then  ordained  ; 
except  in  cases  of  treason  against  a  lord  ;  to  which  they  dared 
not  assign  any  mercy.  ...  I,  then,  Alfred,  king,  gathered  these 
"(laws)  together,  and  commanded  many  of  those  to  be  written 
which  our  forefathers  held,  those  which  to  me  seemed  good ; 
and  many  of  those  which  seemed  to  me  not  good  I  rejected 
them,  by  the  counsel  of  my  'witan.'  ....  I,  then,  Alfred,  king 
of  the  West  Saxons,  shewed  these  to  all  my  '  witan,'  and  they 
then  said  that  it  seemed  good  to  them  all  to  be  holden. 

Cap.  4.     If  any  one  plot  against  the  king's  life,  of  himself,  or 


n.1  Alfred  and  Edward.  63 

by  harbouring  of  exiles,  or  of  his  men  ;  let  him  be  liable  in.  his 
life  and  in  all  that  he  has.  .  .  .  He  who  plots  against  his  lord's 
life,  let  him  be  liable  in  his  life  to  him,  and  in  all  that  he  has. . . 
Cap.  22.  If  any  one  at  the  folkmote  make  declaration  of  a 
debt,  and  afterwards  wish  to  withdraw  it,  let  him  charge  it  on  a 
righter  person,  if  he  can  ;  if  he  cannot,  let  him  forfeit  his  'an- 
gylde,'  and  [let  the  reeve]  take  possession  of  the  '  wite.' 

Cap.  27.  If  a  man,  kinless  of  paternal  relatives,  fight  and  slay 
a  man,  and  then  if  he  have  maternal  relatives,  let  them  pay  a 
third  of  the  '  wer  ;'  his  guild-brethren  a  third  part ;  for  a  third 
let  him  flee.  If  he  have  no  maternal  relatives,  let  his  guild- 
brethren  pay  half,  for  half  let  him  flee. 

Cap.  28.  If  a  man  kill  a  man  thus  circumstanced,  if  he  have 
no  relatives,  let  half  be  paid  to  the  king,  half  to  his  guild- 
brethren. 

Cap.  38.  If  a  man  fight  before  a  king's  ealdorman  in  the 
'gemot,'  let  him  make  'hot'  with  'wer'  and  'wite,'  as  it  maybe 
right ;  and  before  this,  cxx.  shillings  to  the  ealdorman  as  '  wite.' 
If  he  disturb  the  folkmote  by  drawing  his  weapon,  cxx.  shillings 
to  the  ealdorman  as  '  wite.'  If  aught  of  this  happen  before  a 
king's  ealdorman's  junior,  or  a  king's  priest,  xxx.  shillings  as 
'  wite.' 

Cap.  41.  The  man  who  has  '  boc-land,'  and  which  his  kindred 
left  him,  then  ordain  we  that  he  must  not  give  it  from  his 
'  maeg-burg,'  if  there  be  writing  or  witness  that  it  was  forbidden 
by  those  men  who  at  first  acquired  it,  and  by  those  who  gave  it 
to  him,  that  he  should  do  so ;  and  then  let  that  be  declared 
in  the  presence  of  the  king  and  of  the  bishop  before  his 
kinsmen. 

A.D.  879.  ALFRED  AJTD  GUTHRUM'S  PEACE.  This  is  the 
peace  that  King  Alfred  and  King  Guthrum,  and  the  'witan'  of 
all  the  English  nation,  and  all  the  people  that  are  in  East 
Anglia,  have  all  ordained  and  with  oaths  confirmed,  for  them- 
selves and  for  their  descendants,  as  well  for  born  as  for  unborn, 
who  reck  of  God's  mercy  or  of  ours. 

1.  Concerning  our  land  boundaries;  Up  on  the  Thames,  and 
then  up  on  the  Lea,  and  along  the  Lea  unto  its  source,  then  right 
to  Bedford,  then  up  on  the  Ouse  unto  Watling  Street. 

2.  Then  is  this:   If  a  man  be  slain,  we  estimate  all  equally 
dear,  English  and  Danish,  at  viii.  half  marks  of  pure  gold  ;  ex- 
cept the  '  ceorl'  who  resides  on  'gafol'  land  and  their  'liesings ;' 
they  also  are  equally  clear,  either  at  cc.  shillings. 

3.  And  if  a  king's  thegn  be  accused  of  man-slaying,  if  he  dare 
to  clear  himself,  let  him  do  that  with  xii.  king's  thegns.     If  any 


64  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PART 

one  accuse  that  man  who  is  of  less  degree  than  the  king's  thegn, 
let  him  clear  himself  with  xi.  of  his  equals  and  with  one  king's 
thegn.  And  so  in  every  suit  which  may  be  for  more  than  iv. 
mancuses.  And  if  he  dare  not,  let  him  pay  for  it  threefold,  as  it 
may  be  valued. 

4.  And  that  every  man  know  his  warrantor  for  men,  and 
for  horses,  and  for  oxen. 

5.  And  we  all  ordained  on  that  day  that  the  -oaths  were 
sworn,  that  neither  bond  nor  free  might  go  to  the  host  withoiit 
leave,  no  more  than  any  of  them  to  us.     But  if  it  happen  that 
from  necessity  any  of  them  will  have  traffic  with  us  or  we  with 
them,  with  cattle  and  with  goods,  that  is  to  be  allowed  in  this 
wise  :  that  hostages  be  given  in  pledge  of  peace,  and  as  evidence 
whereby  it  may  be  known  that  the  party  has  a  clean  back. 

A.D.  dr.  920.  Wessex.  EDWAED;  cap.  4.  King  Edward 
exhorted  his  witan,  when  they  were  at  Exeter,  that  they  should 
all  search  out  how  their  'frith'  might  be  better  than  it  had 
previously  been ;  for  it  seemed  to  him  that  it  was  more  in- 
differently observed  than  it  should  be,  what  he  had  formerly 
commanded.  He  then  asked  them  who  would  apply  to  its 
amendment,  and  be  in  that  fellowship  that  he  was,  and  love  that 
which  he  loved,  and  shun  that  which  he  shunned,  both  on  sea 
and  on  land.  That  is,  then,  that  no  man  deny  justice  to 
another ;  if  any  one  so  do,  let  him  make  '  hot'  as  it  before  is 
written  :  for  the  first  offence,  with  xxx.  shillings ;  and  for  the 
second  offence,  the  like ;  and  for  the  third,  with  cxx.  shillings  * 
to  the  king. 

Cap.  ii.  I  will  that  each  reeve  have  a  'gemot'  always  once 
in  four  weeks,  and  so  do  that  every  man  be  worthy  of  folk-right ; 
and  that  every  suit  have  an  end,  and  a  term  when  it  shall  be 
brought  forward.  If  that  any  one  disregard,  let  him  make  '  bot' 
as  we  before  ordained. 

Of  Oatlis. 

Thus  shall  a  man  swear  fealty  oaths.  By  the  Lord  before 
whom  this  relic  is  holy,  I  will  be  to  N.  faithful  and  true,  and  love 
all  that  he  loves,  and  shun  all  that  he  shuns,  according  to  God's 
law,  and  according  to  the  world's  principles  ;  and  never,  by  will 
nor  by  force,  by  word  nor  by  work,  do  aught  of  what  is  loathful 
to  him ;  on  condition  that  he  me  keep  as  I  am  willing  to  deserve,  • 
and  all  that  fulfil  that  our  agreement  was,  when  I  to  him  sub- 
mitted and  chose  his  will. 


ii.]  Athehtan. 


Of  Peoples  Ranks  and  Law. 

1.  It  was  whilom,  in  the  laws  of  the  English,  that  people  and 
law  went  by  ranks,  and  then  were  the  counsellors  of  the  nation 
of  worship  worthy,   each  according  to  his  condition,  eorl  and 
ceorl,  thegen  and  theoden. 

2.  And  if  a  ceorl  throve,  so  that  he  had  fully  five  hides  of 
his  own  laud,  church  and  kitchen,  bell-house  and  burh-gate-seat, 
and  special  duty  in  the  king's  hall,  then  was  he  thenceforth  of 
thegn-right  worthy. 

3.  And  if  a  thegn  throve,  so  that  he  served  the  king,  and  on 
his  summons  rode  among  his  household ;  if  he  then  had  a  thegn 
who  him  followed,  who  to  the  king's  'utware'  five  hides  had, 
and  in  the  king's  hall  served  his  lord,  and  thrice  with  his  errand 
went  to  the  king,  he  might  thenceforth  with  his  'foreoath'  his 
lord  represent  at  various  needs,  and  his  plaint  lawfully  conduct, 
wheresoever  he  ought. 

4.  And  he  who  so  prosperous  a  vicegerent  had  not,  swore  for 
himself  according  to  his  right,  or  it  forfeited. 

5.  And  if  a  thegn  throve  so  that  he  became  an  eorl,  then  was 
he  thenceforth  of  eorl-right  worthy. 

6.  And  if  a  merchant  throve,  so  that  he  fared  thrice  over  the 
wide  sea  by  his  own  means,  then  was  he  thenceforth  of  thegn- 
right  worthy. 

7.  And  if  there  a  scholar  were,  who  through  learning  throve, 
so  that  he  had  holy  orders,  and  served  Christ,  then  was  he  thence- 
forth of  rank  and  power  so  much  worthy,  as  then  to  those  orders 
rightfully  belonged,  if  he  himself  conducted  so  as  he  should; 
unless  he  should  misdo,  so  that  he  those  orders'  ministry  might 
not  minister. 

8.  And  if  it  happened  that  any  one  a  man  in  orders,  or  a 
stranger,  anywhere  injured,  by  word  or  work,  then  pertained  it 
to  king  and  to  bishop,  ,that  they  that  should  make  good  as 
they  soonest  might. 

Of  Wergilds. 

1.  The  north  people's  king's  gild  is  30,000  thrymsas  ;  15,000 
are  for  the  wergild,  and  15,000  for  the  cynedom.     The  wer 
belongs  to  the  kindred  and  the  cynebot  to  the  people. 

2.  An   archbishop's    and   an  aetheling's   wergild    is    15,000 
thrymsas. 

3.  A  bishop's  and  ealdorman's,  8000  thrymsas. 

4.  A  hold's  and  a  king's  high  reeve's,  4000  thrymsas. 

F 


66  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PART 

5.  A  mass  thegn's  and  a  secular  thegn's,  2000  thrymsas. 

6.  A  ceorl's  wergild  is   266  thrymsas,  that  is  200  shillings 
by  Mercian  law.  .  .  . 

A.D.  dr.  930.     ATHELSTAN.     Cone.  Greatanlea. 

2.  Oflordless  men.  And  we  have  ordained,  respecting  those 
lordless  men  of  whom  no  law  can  be  got,  that  the  kindred  be 
commanded  that  they  domicile  him  to  folk-right,  and  find  him  a 
lord  in  the  folk -mote ;  and  if  they  then  will  not  or  cannot  pro- 
duce him  at  the  term,  then  be  he  thenceforth  a  '  flyma,'  and  let 
him  slay  him  for  a  thief  who  can  come  at  him ;  and  whoever 
after  that  shall  harbour  him,  let  him  pay  for  him  according  to 
his  '  wer,'  or  by  it  clear  himself. 

1 2 .  And  we  have  ordained,  that  no  man  buy  any  property 
out  of  port  over  xx.  pence ;  but  let  him  buy  there  within,  on  the 
witness  of  the  port-reeve,  or  of  another  unlying  man ;  or  further, 
on  the  witness  of  the  reeves  at  the  folk -mote. 

20.  If  any  one  [when  summoned]  fail  to  attend  the  gemot 
thrice,  let  him  pay  the  king's  '  oferhyrnes,'  and  let  it  be  an- 
nounced seven  days  before  the  gemot  is  to  be.  But  if  he  will 
not  do  right,  nor  pay  the  '  oferhymes,'  then  let  all  the  chief  men 
belonging  to  the  '  burh'  ride  to  him,  and  take  all  that  he  has, 
and  put  him  in  '  borh.'  But  if  any  one  will  not  ride  with  his 
fellows,  let  him  pay  the  king's  '  oferhyrnes.'  .  .  . 

ATHELSTAN.  Cone.  Cant. ;  cap.  4.  Quartum,  ne  aliquia 
recipiat  alterius  hominem  sine  licentia  ejus  cui  ante  folgavit,  neci 
intra  mercam  nee  extra.  Et  etiam  ne  dominus  libero  homini 
hlafordsoknam  interdicat  si  eum  recte  custodierit. 

Cap.  7.  Septimum,  ut  omnis  homo  teneat  homines  suos  in 
fidejussione  sua  contra  omne  furtum.  Si  tune  sit  aliquis  qui 
tot  homines  habeat  quod  non  sufficiat  omnes  custodire,  praeponat 
sibi  singulis  villis  praepositum  unum,  qui  credibilis  sit  ei,  et  qui 
concredat  hominibus.  Et  si  praepositus  alicui  eorum  hominum 
concredere  non  audeat,  inveniat  xii.  plegios  cognationis  suae  qui 
ei  stent  in  fidejussione.  Et  si  dominus  vel  praepositus  vel  ali- 
quis homo  hoc  infringat  vel  abhinc  exeat,  sit  dignus  eorum 
quae  apud  Greateleyam  dicta  sunt,  nisi  regi  magis  placeat  alia 
justitia. 

ATHELSTAN.  Cone.  Exon. ;  cap.  i.  And  let  there  be  named 
in  every  reeve's  'manung'  as  many  men  as  are  known  to  be 
unlying,  that  they  may  be  for  witness  in  every  suit.  And  be 
the  oaths  of  these  unlying  men  according  to  the  worth  of  the 
property,  without  election. 


ii.]  Atlielslan  and  Edmund.  67 

ATHELSTAN.  Judicia  Civitatis  Lundoniae ;  Preamble.  This 
is  the  ordinance  which  the  bishops  and  reeves  belonging  to 
London  have  ordained  and  with  '  weds'  confirmed,  among  our 
'  frith-gegildas'  as  well  eorlish  as  ceorlish,  in  addition  to  the 
dooms  which  were  fixed  at  Greatanlea  and  at  Exeter  and  at 
Thunresfeld. 

Cap.  iii.  That  we  count  always  x.  men  together,  and  the  chief 
should  direct  the  nine  in  each  of  those  duties  which  we  have  all 
ordained ;  and  [count]  afterwards  their  '  hyndens'  together,  and 
one  '  hynden  man'  who  shall  admonish  the  x.  for  our  common 
benefit ;  and  let  these  xi.  hold  the  money  of  the  '  hyuden/  and 
decide  what  they  shall  disburse  when  aught  is  to  pay,  and  what 
they  shall  receive,  if  money  should  arise  to  us  at  our  common 
suit ;  and  let  them  also  know  that  every  contribution  be  forth- 
coming which  we  have  all  ordained  for  our  common  benefit, 
after  the  rate  of  xxx.  pence  or  one  ox ;  so  that  all  be  fulfilled 
which  we  have  ordained  in  our  ordinances  and  which  stands  in 
our  agreement. 

Cap.  viii.  i.  That  we  gather  to  us  once  in  every  month,  if  we 
can  and  have  leisure,  the  '  hynden-men'  and  those  who  direct  the 
tithiugs,  as  well  with  '  bytt-fylling'  as  else  it  may  concern  us,  and 
know  what  of  our  agreement  has  been  executed  :  and  let  these 
xii.  men  have  their  refection  together,  and  feed  themselves 
according  as  they  may  deem  themselves  worthy,  and  deal  the 
remains  of  the  meat  for  love  of  God. 

2.  And  if  it  then  should  happen  that  any  kin  be  so  strong 
and  so  great,  within  land  or  without  land,  whether  xii.  'hynde' 
or  'twy-hynde ;'  that  they  refuse  us  our  right,  and  stand,  up  in 
defence  of  a  thief ;  that  we  all  of  us  ride  thereto  with  the  reeve 
within  whose  '  manung'  it  may  be.  ... 

A.D.  dr.  943.  EDMTTXTX  Cone.  Culinton.  Haec  est  Institutio 
quam  Edmundus  rex  et  episcopi  sui,  cum  sapientibus  suis,  in- 
stituerunt  apud  Culintonam,  de  pace  et  juramento  faciendo. 

i.  De  Sacramento  Fidelitatis  Regi  Edmundo  faciendo.  In 
primis  ut  omnes  jurent  in  nomine  Domini,  pro  quo  sanctum 
illud  sanctum  est,  fidelitatem  Edmundo  regi,  sicut  homo  debet 
esse  fidelis  domino  suo,  sine  onmi  controversia  et  seditione,  in 
manifesto,  in  occulto,  in  amando  quod  amabit,  nolendo  quod 
nolet ;  et  antequam  juramentum  hoc  dabitur,  ut  nemo  concelet 
hoc  in  fratre  vel  proximo  suo  plus  quam  in  extraneo. 

7.  Ut  quisque  Iwmines  suos  •facial  credibiles,  et  de  infamatis 
et  haec  praecepta  negligentibus.  Et  omnis  homo  credibiles  faciat 
homines  suos  et  omnes  qui  in  pace  et  terra  sua  sunt.  Et  omnes 
infamati  et  accusationibus  ingravati  sub  plegio  redigantur.  Et 

F  2 


68  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PART 

praepositus  vel  thaynus,  comes  vel  villanus,  qui  hoc  facere  nolit, 
aut  disperdet,  emendet  cxx.  s.  et  sit  digiius  eorum  quae  supra 
dicta  sunt. 


A.  D.  959-975.     EDGAB.     Ordinance  of  tJte  Hundred. 

It  cannot  be  determined  without  question  what  is  the  his- 
torical connexion  between  the  system  of  the  Hundred,  as 
exemplified  in  the  hundred  warriors  and  the  hundred  counsellors 
of  the  Germania,  and  the  later  institution  of  police  organisation 
and  territorial  division  known  under  this  name  in  England. 
The  existence  of  a  territorial  subdivision  intermediate  between 
the  vicus  or  township  and  the  shire  or  under-kingdom,  such  as  is 
known  in  various  parts  of  England  in  the  present  day  as  the 
hundred,  the  wapontake,  the  lathe,  or  the  rape,  may  be  regarded 
as  proved  by  numerous  passages  in  Bede  and  the  Chronicles; 
and  this  subdivision  may  be  regarded  as  answering  roughly  to 
the  pagus  of  Tacitus  or  the  gau  of  Germany.  But  it  is  not  equally 
clear  when,  how,  or  why  the  name  of  'hundred'  was  first  applied 
in  the  majority  of  the  counties  to  this  subdivision.  It  is  some- 
times stated  that  the  hundred  is  a  primitive  subdivision  consist-^ 
ing  of  a  hundred  hides  of  land,  or  apportioned  to  a  hundred 
families  :  the  great  objection  to  which  theory  is  the  impossi- 
bility of  reconciling  the  historical  hundreds  with  any  such 
computation.  Another  theory  regards  the  use  of  the  term  as 
much  more  modern,  and  as  arising  from  the  police  arrange- 
ment exemplified  in  the  following  document,  and  in  two  much 
earlier  ones  of  Childebert  and  Clothaire,  of  the  year  595, 
which  exist  among  the  Capitularies  of  the  Frank  kings.  Upon 
this  theory  the  '  hundred '  was  originally  the  association  of  a 
hundred  persons  for  the  conservation  of  peace  and  execution  of 
law,  parallel  with  the  later  institution  of  the  tithing  or  asso- 
ciation of  ten  freemen  for  a  similar  purpose.  In  process  of  time, 
the  name  of  '  hundred  '  would  naturally  extend  to  the  territory 
protected  by  this  association,  as  the  tithing  itself  became,  in  later 
times  and  in  certain  districts,  a  local  division.  This  theory  is 


n.]  Edgar.  69 

more  probable  than  the  former,  but  requires  to  be  adjusted  in 
point  of  date  and  locality.  We  are  not  to  regard  the  ordinances 
of  Childebert  and  Clothaire,  or  this  of  Edgar,  as  the  institution 
of  an  entirely  new  organisation,  and  as  creating  the  district  as 
well  as  the  police  system  from  which  it  took  its  name.  It 
would  be  as  difficult  to  prove  any  historical  connexion  between 
the  decrees  of  595  and  the  ordinance  of  Edgar,  as  it  would  to 
trace  either  directly  to  the  '  centeni '  of  the  Germania.  But  it 
is  extremely  probable  that  both  legislators  utilised  an  existing 
machinery  which  was  originally  and  closely  allied  to  the  centeni 
of  Tacitus.  There  are  thus  three  points  :  the  existence  of  the 
subdivision  of  the  shire,  which  is  unquestionable ;  the  existence 
of  the  machinery  of  the  hundred  for  police  purposes,  which 
emerges  in  these  ordinances,  but  which  may  fairly  be  presumed 
to  be  traceable  to  the  analogy  of  the  primitive  usage,  and  which 
may  have  been  customary  for  ages,  during  which  there  is  no 
direct  record  of  it ;  and,  thirdly,  the  application  of  the  personal 
name  and  organisation  of  the  hundred  to  the  already  existing 
territorial  division,  which  occurs  in  Germany  as  well  as  in 
England.  The  last  thus  viewed  becomes  of  minor  importance ; 
as  the  special  names  applied  to  the  particular  hundreds  must 
in  most  cases  have  existed  previous  to  the  application.  The 
hundred-court  was  the  ordinary  court  of  justice  among  the 
Franks  and  bore  the  name  of  mallus.  The  law  of  Childebert 
and  Clothaire  recognises  the  existence  of  the  territorial  hundred 
even  whilst  instituting  a  new  measure  of  police.  The  law  of 
Edgar  has  a  very  much  wider  operation,  regulating  the  practice 
of  the  hundred-court  in  other  respects.  The  coincidence  in  the 
wording  of  the  two  documents  is  remarkable,  rather  as  ex- 
hibiting the  traces  of  ancient  common  institutions  than  as 
proving  any  direct  connexion. 


Decretio  CJrildelerti  regis  ;  (Baluz.  i.  14^.  Cap.  IX.  Si  quis  centenarium 
aut  quemlibet  judicem  noluerit  super  malefactorem  ad  prindendum  adju- 
vare,  Ix.  solidis  omnino  condemnetur. 

X.  Et  quicunque   servum  criminosum   habuerit  et  ei  judex  rogaverit 
Spsum  praesentare,  et  noluerit,  suum  \vidrigildum  omnino  componat. 

XI.  Similiter  convenit  ut  si  furtum  factum  fuerit,  capitale  de  praesenti 
centena  restituat,  et  causator  centenarium  cum  centena  requirat. 


70  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PART 

XII.  Pari  conditione  convenit  ut  si  una  centena  in  alia  centena  vesti- 
gium secuta  fuerit  et  invenerit  vel  in  quibuscunque  fidelium  nostrprum 
terminis  vestigium  miseiit,  et  ipsum  in  aliam  centenam  minime  expellere 
potuerit,  aut  convictus  reddat  latronem,  aut  capitale  de  praesenti  restituat, 
et  cum  duodecim  personis  se  ex  hoc  Sacramento  exuat. 

Decretio  Clotharii  II,  A.D.  595.  I.  Decretum  est  ut  quia  in  vi^ilias 
constitutas  nocturnos  fures  non  caperent,  eo  quod  per  diversas  intercedente 
conludio  scelera  praetermissa  custodias  exercerent,  centenas  fieri.  In  qua 
centena  aliquid  deperierit,  capitale  qui  perdiderat  recipiat  et  latro  insequa- 
tur.  Vel  si  in  alterius  centena  appareat  et  adhuc  adnioniti  si  neglexerint, 
quinos  solidos  condenmentur.  Capitale  tamen  qui  perdiderit  a  centena 
ilia  accipiat  absque  dubio,  hoc  est  de  secunda  vel  tertia  custodia.  .  .  . 

A.D.  959-975.  EDGAR.  This  is  the  ordinance  how  tJie 
Hundred  shall  be  held. 

'    i.  First,  that  they  meet  always  within  four  weeks;  and  that 
eveiy  man  do  justice  to  another. 

2.  That  a  thief  shall  be  pursued. ...  If  there  be  present  need, 
Jet  it  be  made  known  to  the  hundredman,  and  let  him  make  it 
known  to  the  tithingmen  ;  and  let  all  go  forth  to  where  God 
may  direct  them  to  go.     Let  them  do  justice  on  the  thief,  as  it 
was  formerly  the  enactment  of  Edmund.     And  let  the  'ceap- 
gild'  be  paid  to  him  who   owns  the  cattle,  and  the  rest  be 
divided  into  two  ;  half  to  the  hundred,  half  to  the  lord,   ex- 
cepting men,  and  let  the  lord  take  possession  of  the  men. 

3.  And  the  man  who  neglects  this,  and  denies  the  doom  of 
the  hundred,  and  the  same  be  afterwards  proved  against  him,, 
let  him  pay  to  the  hundred  xxx.    pence ;    and  for  the  second  ^ 
time  Ix.  pence,  half  to  the  hundred,  half 'to  the  lord.     If  he  do 
so  a  third  time,  let  him  pay  half  a  pound ;  for  the  fourth  time, 
let  him  forfeit  all  that  he  owns,  and  be  an  outlaw,  unless  the 
king  allow  him  to  remain  in  the  country. 

4.  And  we  have  ordained,  concerning  unknown  cattle,  that 
no  one  should  possess  it  without  the  testimonies  of  the  men  of 
the  hundred,  or  of  the  tithingman ;  and  that  he  be  a  well  trusty 
man ;  and  unless  he  have  either  of  these,  let  no  vouching  to 
warranty  (team)  be  allowed  him. 

5..  We  have  also  ordained,  if  the  hundred  pursue  a  track  into 
another  hundred,  that  notice  be  given  to  the  hundredman,  and 
that  he  then  go  with  them.  If  he  neglect  this,  let  him  pay  xxx. 
shillings  to  the  king. 

6.  If  any  one  flinch  from  justice  and  escape,  let  .him  who  held 
him  to  answer  for  the  offence  pay  the  '  angylde.'     And  if  any 
one  accuse  him  of  having  sent  him  away,  let  him  clear  himself, 
as  it  is  established  in  the  country. 

7.  In  the  hundred,  as  in  any  other  '  gemot,'  we  ordain  that 


II.]  Edgar.  71 

folk-right  be  pronounced  in  every  suit,  and  that  a  term  be  fixed 
when  it  shall  be  fulfilled.  And  he  who  shall  break,  that  term, 
unless  it  be  by  his  lord's  decree,  let  him  make  '  bot '  with  xxx. 
shillings,  and  on  the  day  fixed  fulfil  that  which  he  ought  to 
have  done  before. 

8.  An  ox's  bell,  and  a  dog's  collar,  and  a  blast-horn — either 
of  these  three  shall  be  worth  a  shilling,  and  each  is  reckoned  an 
informer. 

9.  Let  the  iron  that  is  for  the  threefold  ordeal  weigh  iii. 
pounds ;  and  for  the  single,  one  pound. 

A.D.  959-975.  EDGAB.  Ordinance.  This  is  the  ordinance 
that  King  Edgar,  with  the  counsel  of  his  witan,  ordained,  in 
praise  of  God,  and  in  honour  to  himself,  and  for  the  behoof  of 
all  his  people. 

i.  These,  then,  are  first :  That  God's  churches  be  entitled  to 
every  right  ;  and  that  every  tithe  be  rendered  to  the  old  minster 
to  which  the  district  belongs ;  and  that  be  then  so  paid,  both 
from  a  thegn's  '  in-land '  and  from  '  geneat '  land,  so  as  the 
plough  traverses  it.  ... 

Secular  Ordinance  ;  cap.  i.  Now  this  is  the  secular  ordinance 
which  I  will  that  it  be  held.  This,  then,  is  first  what  I  will : 
that  every  man  be  worthy  of  folk-right,  as  well  poor  as  rich ; 
and  that  righteous  dooms  be  judged  to  him ;  and  let  there  be 
such  remission  in  the  '  bot '  as  may  be  becoming  before  God  and 
tolerable  before  the  world. 

Cap.  2.  And  let  no  one  apply  to  the  king  in  any  suit,  unless 
he  at  home  may  not  be  worthy  of  law,  or  cannot  obtain  law. 
If  the  law  be  too  heavy,  let  him  seek  a  mitigation  of  it  from  the 
king ;  and  for  any  '  bot  '-worthy  crime  let  no  man  forfeit  more 
than  his  '  wer.' 

Cap.  5.  And  let  the  hundred  gemot  be  attended  as  it  was 
before  fixed ;  and  thrice  in  the  year  let  a  burh-gemot  be  held  ; 
and  twice,  a  shire-gemot ;  and  let  there  be  present  the  bishop  of 
the  shire  and  the  ealdorman,  and  there  both  expound  as  well 
the  law  of  God  as  the  secular  law. 

Cap.  6.  And  let  every  man  so  order  that  he  have  a  '  borh ;' 
and  let  the  '  borh'  then  bring  and  hold  him  to  every  justice  ; 
and  if  any  one  then  do  wrong  and  run  away,  let  the  '  borh' 
bear  that  which  he  ought  to  bear.  But  if  it  be  a  thief,  and 
if  he  can  get  hold  of  him  within  twelve  months,  let  him  deliver 
him  up  to  justice,  and  let  be  rendered  unto  him  what  he  before 
had  paid. 

Cap.  8.  And  let  one  money  pass  throughout  the  king's 
dominion ;  and  that  let  no  man  refuse ;  and  let  one  measure 


72  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PART 

and  one  weight  pass,  such  as  is  observed  at  London  and  at 
Winchester 

Supplement ;  cap.  3.  This,  then,  is  what  I  will  :  that  every 
man  be  under  '  borh,'  both  within  the  '  bui-hs'  and  without 
the  '  burhs ;'  and  let  witness  be  appointed  to  every  '  burh' 
and  to  every  hundred. 

Cap.  4.  To  every '  burh'  let  there  be  chosen  xxxiii.  as  witness. 

Cap.  5.  To  small  '  burhs'  and  in  every  hundred  xii.  unless  ye 
desire  more. 

Cap.  6.  And  let  every  man,  with  their  witness,  buy  and  sell 
every  of  the  chattels  that  he  may  buy  or  sell,  either  in  a  burh  or 
in  a  wapontake ;  and  let  every  of  them,  when  he  is  first  chosen 
as  witness,  give  the  oath  that  he  never,  neither  for  money,  nor 
for  love,  nor  for  fear,  will  deny  any  of  those  things  'of  which  he 
was  witness,  nor  declare  any  other  thing  in  witness  save  that 
alone  which  he  saw  or  heard  ;  and  of  such  sworn  men  let  there 
be  at  every  bargain  two  or  three  as  witness. 

A.D.  978-1016.  ETHELRED.  I.  This  is  the  ordinance  which 
King  Ethelred  and  his  witan  ordained  as  '  frith-bot'  for  the  whole 
nation,  at  Woodstock,  in  the  land  of  the  Mercians,  according  to 
the  law  of  the  English. 

Cap.  i.  Of  Borhs.'  That  is,  that  every  freeman  have  a  true 
'  borh,'  that  the  '  borh'  may  present  him  to  every  justice,  if  he 
should  be  accused.  But  if  he  be  '  tyhtbysig,'  let  him  go  to  the 
threefold  ordeal.  If  his  lord  say  that  he  has. failed  neither  in 
oath  nor  ordeal  since  the  gemot  was  at  Bromdun,  let  the  lord 
take  with  him  two  true  thegns  within  the  hundred,  and  swear 
that  never  hath  oath  failed  him,  nor  had  he  paid  '  theof-gyld  ; ' 
unless  he  have  the  reeve  who  is  competent  to  do  that.  If  then 
the  oath  succeed,  let  the  man  then  who  is  there  accused  choose 
whichever  he  will,  either  single  ordeal,  or  a  pound-worth  oath, 
within  the  three  hundreds,  for  above  thirty  pence.  If  they  dare 

not  take  the  oath,  let  him  go  to  the  triple  ordeal And  let 

every  lord  have  his  household  in  his  own  '  borh.' 

II.  cap.  6.  If  the  frith-breach  be  committed  within  a  'burh/ 
let  the  inhabitants  of  the  '  burh'  themselves  go  and  get  the  mur- 
derers, living  or  dead,  or  their  nearest  kindred,  head  for  head. 
If  they  will  not,  let  the  ealdorman  go ;  if  he  will  not,  let  the 
king  go  ;  if  he  will  not,  let  the  ealdordom  lie  in  '  unfrith.' 

III.    cap.  3 And  that  a  gemot  be  held  in  every 

wapontake ;  and  the  xii.  senior  thegns  go  out,  and  the  reeve 
with  them,  and  swear  on  the  relic  that  is  given  them  in  hand, 
that  they  will  accuse  no  innocent  man;  nor  conceal  any  guilty 
one.  .... 


ii.]  Etkelred  and  Canute.  73 

Cap.  n.  And  let  no  man  have  any  soken  over  a  king's  thegn 
except  the  king  himself. 

V.  cap.  2.  And  the  ordinance  of  our  lord  and  of  his  witan  is, 
that  Christian  men  and  uncondemned  be  not  sold  out  of  the 
country,  especially  into  a  heathen  nation ;  and  be  it  jealously 
guarded  against,  that  those  souls  perish  not  that  Christ  bought 
with  his  own  life. 

Cap.  3.  And  the  ordinance  of  our  lord  and  of  his  witan  is, 
that  Christian  men  for  all  too  little  be  not  condemned  to  death ; 
but  in  general  let  mild  punishments  be  decreed,  for  the  people's 
need ;  and  let  not,  for  a  little,  God's  handywork  and  His  own 
purchase  be  destroyed,  which  He  dearly  bought. 

Cap.  26.  But  let  God's  law  be  henceforth  zealously  loved,  by 
word  and  deed,  then  will  God  soon  be  merciful  to  this  nation  : 
and  let  '  frithes-bot'  and  'feos-bot'  everywhere  in  the  country, 
and  '  burh-bot '  on  every  side,  and  '  bric-bot,'  and  the  armaments 
(fyrdung)  also  be  diligently  attended  to,  according  to  what  is 
always  prescribed  when  there  is  need. 

Cap.  28.  And  if  any  one  without  leave  return  from  the  'fyrd' 
in  which  the  king  himself  is,  let  it  be  at  the  peril  of  himself  and 
all  his  estate  ;  and  he  who  else  returns  from  the  '  fyrd,'  let  him 
be  liable  in  cxx.  shillings. 

A.D.  1016-1035.  CANUTE.  Secular  Dooms ;  cap.  17.  And 
let  no  one  apply  to  the  king  unless  he  may  not  be  entitled 
to  any  justice  within  his  hundred  ;  and  let  the  hundred  gemot 
be  applied  to  under  penalty  of  the  '  wite,'  so  as  it  is  right  to 
apply  to  it. 

Cap.  1 8.  And  thrice  a-year  let  there  be  a  '  burh -gemot,'  anif 
twice  a  '  shire-gemot';  under  penalty  of  the  '  wite,'  as  is  right, 
unless  there  be  need  oftener.  And  let  there  be  present  the 
bishop  of  the  shire  and  the  ealdorman,  and  there  let  both  ex- 
pound as  well  the  law  of  God  as  the  secular  law. 

Cap.  19.  And  let  no  man  take  any  distress  either  in  the 
shire  or  out  of  the  shire,  before  he  has  twice  demanded  his 
right  in  the  hundred.  If  at  the  third  time  he  have  no  justice, 
then  let  him  go  at  the  fourth  time  to  the  '  shire-gemot,'  and 
let  the  shire  appoint  him  a  fourth  term.  If  that  then  fail,  let 
him  take  leave  either  from  hence  or  thence,  that  he  may  seize 
his  own. 

Cap.  20.  And  we  will  that  every  free  man  be  brought  into  a 
hundred  and  into  a  tithing.  .  .  .  And  that  every  one  he  brought 
into  a  hundred  and  in  'borh  j'  and  let  the  'borh'  hold  and  lead 
him  to  every  plea.  .  .  . 


74  .  Illustrative  Extracts.      .  [PART 

Cap.  21.  And  we  will  that  every  man  above  xii.  years  make 
oath  that  he  will  neither  be  a  thief  nor  cognisant  of  theft. 

Cap.  70.  This  then  is  the  alleviation  which  it  is  my  will 
to  secure  to  all  the  people  of  that  which  they  before  this  were 
too  much  oppressed  with.  That  then  is  first ;  that  I  command 
all  my  reeves  that  they  justly  provide  on  my  own,  and  maintain 
me  therewith  ;  and  that  no  man  need  give  them  anything  as 
'  feorm-fultum'  unless  he  himself  be  willing.  And  if  any  one 
after  that  demand  a  '  wite,'  let  him  be  liable  in  his  '  wer'  to  the 
king. 

Cap.  71.  And  if  any  one  depart  this  life  intestate,  be  it 
through  his  neglect,  be  it  through  sudden  death  ;  then  let  not 
the  lord  draw  more  from  his  property  than  his  lawful  heriot. 
And  according  to  his  direction,  let  the  property  be  distributed 
very  justly  to  the  wife  and  children  and  relations,  to  every  one 
according  to  the  degree  that  belongs  to  him. 

Cap.  72.  And  let  the  heriots  be  as  it  is  fitting  to  the  degree. 
An  eorl's  such  as  thereto  belongs,  that  is,  eight  horses,  four 
saddled  and  four  unsaddled,  and  four  helmets  and  four  coats  of 
mail,  and  eight  spears  and  as  many  shields,  and  four  swords  and 
200  mancuses  of  gold.  And  after  that,  a  king's  thegn's,  of  those 
who  are  nearest  to  him ;  four  horses,  two  saddled  and  two  un- 
saddled, and  two  swords  and  four  spears  and  as  many  shields, 
and  a  helmet  and  a  coat  of  mail  and  fifty  mancuses  of  goldl 
And  of  the  medial  thegns,  a  horse  and  his  trappings  and  his 
arms ;  or  his  '  healsfang'  in  Wessex ;  and  in  Mercia  two  pounds ; 
and  in 'East  Anglia  two  pounds.  And  the  heriot  of  a  king's 
thegn  among  the  Danes,  who  has  his  soken,  four  pounds.  And 
if  he  have  further  relation  to  the  king,  two  horses,  one  saddled 
and  the  other  unsaddled,  and  one  sword  and  two  spears  and  two 
shields  and  fifty  mancuses  of  gold ;  and  he  who  is  of  less  means, 
two  pounds. 

Cap.  8 1.  And  I  will  that  every  man  be  entitled  to  his  hunting 
in  wood  and  in  field,  on  his  own  possession.  And  let  every  one 
forego  my  hunting :  take  notice  where  I  will  have  it  untres- 
passed  on,  under  penalty  of  the  full  '  wite.' 

Cap.  83.  And  I  will  that  every  man  be  entitled  to  '  grith' 
to  the  gemot  and  from  the  gemot,  except  he  be  a  notorious 
thief. 


IT.]  Canute.  75 


CHAETEB  OF  CANUTE. 

THE  following  Charter  affords  a  most  important  illustration 
of  the  policy  of  Canute  with  regard  to  his  English  subjects,  and 
of  the  general  spirit  of  his  legislation  after  his  rule  was  univer- 
sally admitted.  It  probably  belongs  to  the  year  1020,  in  which 
the  king  returned  from  Denmark,  as  the  earl  Thurcyl,  to  whom 
it  is  addressed,  was  outlawed  the  following  year.  The  laws  of 
Edgar  had  been  chosen  by  the  Danes  and  English  at  Oxford  in 
1018.  The  document  is  published  for  the  first  time. 

Canute,  the  king,  greets  his  archbishops  and  his  suffragan 
bishops,  and  Thurcyl  the  earl,  and  all  his  earls  and  all  his 
people,  twelfhynde  and  twyhynde,  clerk  and  lay,  in  England, 
friendly ;  and  I  do  you  to  wit  that  I  will  be  kind  lord  and 
unfailing  to  God's  rights  and  to  right  secular  law.  I  took  to 
my  remembrance  the  writing  and  the  word  that  archbishop 
Lyfing  brought  me  from  Rome  from  the  pope,  that  I  should 
everywhere  maintain  the  glory  of  God  and  put  down  wrong, 
and  work  full  peace  by  the  might  that  God  would  give  me. 
Now  I  shrank  not  from  my  cost  whilst  hostility  was  in  hand 
among  you  ;  now  I  with  God's  help  took  away  at  my  cost  that 
of  which  men  told  me  that  it  threatened  us  with  more  harm 
than  well  pleased  us ;  and  then  went  I  myself  into  Denmark, 
with  the  men  that  went  with  me,  from  whence  most  harm  came 
to  you ;  and  that  have  I  with  God's  help  taken  precautions  for 
that  never  henceforth  should  enmity  come  to  you  from  thence 
whilst  ye  men  rightly  hold,  and  my  life  lasteth.  Now  I 
thank  God  Almighty  for  his  help  and  mercy,  that  I  have  so 
allayed  the  great  harms  that  threatened  us,  that  we  need  expect 
from  thence  no  harm,  but  to  full  peace  and  to  deliverance  if 
need  be.  Now  I  will  that  we  all  reverently  thank  God  Almighty 
for  the  mercy  that  he  has  done  for  our  help.  Now  I  beseech- 
my  archbishops  and  all  my  suffragan  bishops  that  they  all  be 
attentive  about  God's  right,  every  one  in  his  district  which  is 
committed  to  him ;  and  also  my  ealdormen  I  command  that 
they  help  the  bishops  to  God's  right  and  to  my  royal  authority 
and  to  the  behoof  of  all  the  people.  If  any  be  so  bold,  clerk  or 
lay,  Dane  or  English,  as  to  go  against  God's  law  and  against  my 
royal  authority,  or  against  secular  law,  and  be  unwilling  to 
make  amends,  and  to  alter  according  to  my  bishops'  teaching, 
then  I  pray  Thurcyl  my  earl,  and  also  command  him,  that  he 


76  Illustrative  Extracts.  [JPAUT 

bend  that  unrighteous  one  to  right  if  he  can  ;  if  he  cannot,  then 
will  I  with  the  strength  of  us  both  that  he  destroy  him  in  the 
land  or  drive  him  out  of  the  land,  be  he  better,  be  he  worse ; 
and  also  I  command  all  my  reeves,  by  my  friendship  and  by  all 
that  they  own,  and  by  their  own  life,  that  they  everywhere  hold 
my  people  rightly  and  judge  right  judgments  by  the  shire 
bishops'  witness,  and  do  such  mercy  therein  as  the  shire  bishop 
thinks  right,  as  a  man  may  attain  to  ;  and  if  any  harbour  a 
thief,  or  neglect  the  pursuit,  be  he  answerable  to  me  as  the 
thief  should,  unless  he  can  clear  himself  towards  me  with  full 
purgation.  And  I  will  that  all  people,  clerk  and  lay,  hold  fast 
Edgar's  law,  which  all  men  have  chosen  and  sworn  to  at  Oxford, 
for  that  all  the  bishops  say  that  it  right  deeply  offends  God,  that 
a  man  break  oaths  or  pledges ;  and  likewise  they  further  teach 
us  that  we  should  with  all  might  and  main,  alike  seek,  love,  and 
worship  the  eternal  merciful  God,  and  eschew  all  unrighteous- 
ness ;  that  is,  slaying  of  kinsmen,  and  murder,  and  perjury,  and 
witchcraft  and  enchantment,  and  adultery,  and  incest ;  and  also 
they  charge  in  the  name  of  God  Almighty,  and  of  all  his  saints, 
that  no  man  be  so  bold  as  to  marry  a  hallowed  nun  or  mynchen ; 
and  if  any  have  done  so,  be  he  outlaw  towards  God,  and  excom- 
municated from  all  Christendom,  and  answerable  to  the  king  in 
all  he  has,  unless  he  quickly  alter  and  deeply  make  amends  to 
God ;  and  further  still,  we  admonish  that  men  keep  Sunday's 
festival  with  all  their  might,  and  observe  it  from  Saturday's 
noon  to  Monday's  dawning ;  and  no  man  be  so  bold  that  he 
either  go  to  market  or  seek  any  court  on  that  holy  day ;  and  all 
men,  poor  and  rich,  seek  their  church,  and  ask  forgiveness  for 
their  sins,  and  keep  earnestly  every  ordained  fast,  and  earnestly 
honour  the  saints  that  the  mass  priests  shall  bid  us,  that  we 
may  altogether  through  the  mercy  of  the  everlasting  God  and 
the  intercession  of  his  saints  come  to  the  joy  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven,  and  dwell  with  Him  who  liveth  and  reigneth  for  ever 
without  end.  Amen. 

[York  Gospel  Book,  MS.] 


A.  D.  1043-1066.  EDWARD  THE  CONFESSOR  (as  recorded 
by  the  wise  men  of  the  shires  under  William,  and  edited  by 
Glanvill  in  the  next  century,  with  the  legal  language  adapted 
to  the  later  period). 

IX.  De  illis  qui  judicium  faciwnt  aquae  vel  ferri  calidi.  Ad  sit 
ad  judicium  minister  epigcopi  cum  clericis  suis,  et  Justitia  regis 


ii.]  Edward  the  Confessor.  77 

cum  legalibus  Tiominibus  provinciae  illius,  ut  videant  et  audiant 
quod  omnia  aeque  fiant ;  et  quos  salvaverit  Dominus  per  miseri- 
cordiam  Suam  et  justitia  eorutn,  quieti  sint  et  liberi  abscedant ; 
et  quos  iniquitas  et  injustitia  sua  condemnaverit,  Justitia  regis 
de  ipsis  fieri  faciat  justitiam.  Barones  autem  qui  curias  suas 
habent  de  hominibus  suis,  videant  ut  ita  agant  de  eis  quatenus 
erga  Deum  reatum  non  incurrant,  et  regem  non  offendant.  Et 
si  placitum  de  hominibus  aliorum  baronum  oritur  in  curiis  suis, 
adsit  ad  placitum  Justitia  regis,  quoniam  absque  eo  fieri  non 
debet.  Et  si  barones  sint  qui  judicia  non  habeant,  in  hundredo 
ubi  placitum  habitum  fuerit,  ad  propinquiorem  ecclesiam  ubi 
judicium  regis  erit,  determinandum  est,  salvis  rectitudinibus 
baronum  ipsorum. 

XIII.  Divisiones  schirarum  et  Imndredorum.  Divisiones 
scirarum  regis  proprie  cum  judicio  iiii.  chiminorum  regalium 
sunt.  Divisiones  hundredorum  et  wapentagiorum,  comitibus  et 
vicecomitibus,  cum  judicio  comitatus. 

XX.  De  Fritliborgis.  Alia  pax  maxima  est,  per  quam  omnes 
firmiori  statu  sustentantur  :  scilicet  fidejussionis  stabilitatey 
quam  Angli  vocant  fritliborgas,  praeter  Eboracenses  qui  vocant 
earn  tenmanne  tale,  hoc  est,  numerum  x.  hominum.  Et  hoc  est, 
quod  de  omnibus  villis  totius  regni  sub  decennali  fidejussione 
debeant  omnes  esse,  ita  quod  si  unus  ex  decem  forisfecerifc, 
novem  eum  haberent  ad  rectum.  Quod  si  aufugeret,  et  dicerent 
quod  non  possent  eum  habere  ad  rectum,  daretur  eis  ad  minus 
a  Justitia  regis  spatium  xx.  dierum  et  unius  diei  ;  et  si  possent 
eum  invenire,  adducerent  eum  ad  Justitiam.  Ipse  quidem  de 
suo  restauret  damnum  quod  fecerat,  et  de  corpore  suo  fiat 
justitia,  si  ad  hoc  forisfecerit.  Si  autem  infra  supradictum  ter- 
minum  inveniri  non  poterit,  quia  in  omni  frithborge  unus  erat 
capitalis  quern  ipsi  vocabant  frithborge  heved,  ipse  capitalis 
acciperet  duos  de  melioribus  in  suo  frithborge,  et  de  tribus 
frithborgis  propinquioribus  vicinis  suis  accipiat  de  unoquoque 
capitaleni ;  et  similiter  duos  de  melioribus,  si  poterit  eos  habere, 
et  se  duodecimo  expurget  se  et  frithborgum  suum  si  facere  poterit, 
de  forisfacto  et  fuga  supradicti  malefactoris.  Quod  si  facere  non 
poterit,  restauraret  damnum  quod  ipse  fecerat  de  proprio  foris- 
factoris  quantum  duraverit,  et  de  suo ;  et  ^rga  Justitiam  emen- 
dent  secundum  quod  legaliter  judicatum  fuerit  eis.  Et  tamen 
sacramentum  quod  non  potuerunt  complere  per  vicinos,  per  se 
ipsos  novem  jurent  se  esse  immunes.  Et  si  aliquem  potueriut 
recuperare,  adducent  eum  ad  Justitiam,  si  potuerint,  aut  dicent 
Justitiae  ubi  sit. 


78  Illustrative  Extracts. 

XXI.  Descriptio  libertatum  diversarum.     Arehiepiscopi,  epi- 
scopi,  comites,  barones  et  milites  suos  et  proprios  servientes  suos, 
scilicet  dapiferos,   pincernas,   camerarios,  coquos,    pistores,    sub 
suo   frithborgo   habebant ;    et    ipsi    suos    armigeros   vel    alios 
servientes  suos  sub  suo  frithborgo;  quod  si   ipsi  forisfacerent, 
et  clamor  vicinorum   insurgeret  de   eis,  ipsi   haberent    eos   ad 
rectum  in  curia  sua,  si  habereut  sacham  et  socham,  tol  et  tlieam, 
et  infangenethef. 

XXII.  Quid  sit  SocTie,  et  SacJie,  et  Tol,  et  Theam,  et  Infan- 
genthef.     SOCHE  est,  quod  si  aliquis  quaerit  aliquid  in  terra  sua, 
etiam   furtum,    sua   est    justitia    si    inventum   fuerit   an   non. 
SACHA,  quod  si  aliquis  aliquem  nominatim  de  all  quo  calumni- 
atus  fuerit,  et  ipse  negaverit,  forisfactura  probationis  vel  nega- 
tionis,  si  evenerit,  sua  erit.     TOL,  quod  nos  vocamus  theloneum, 
scilicet   libertatem  emendi  et  vendendi  in  terra  sua.     THEAJI, 
quod  si  aliquis  aliquid  interciebatur  super  aliquem,  et  ipse  non 
poterat   warantum    suum   habere,   erit   forisfactura,    et  justitia 
similiter  de  calumniatore  si  deficiebat,  sua  erit.     DE  INTANGEXE- 
THEF  : — Justitia  cognoscentis  latronis  sua  est  de  homine  suo,  si 
captus  fuerit  super  terrain  suam.     Et  illi  qui  non  habent  con- 
suetudines   quas    supradiximus,    ante    Justitiam    regis   faciant 
rectum  etiam  in  hundredo,  vel  in  wapentagiis,  vel  in  schiris. 

XXVIII.  Quare   Fritkborgi   constituti   sunt.     Cum    autem 
viderunt  quod  aliqui  stulti  libenter  forisfaciebant  erga  vicinos 
suos,   sapientiores    ceperunt   consilium   inter   se,   quomodo    eos 
reprimerent,  et  sic  imposuerunt  justitiarios   super  quosque   x. 
frithborgos,    quos    decanos    possumus    dicere,    Anglice    autem 
tyentlie-heved  vocati  sunt ;  hoc  est  caput  x.     Isti  autem  inter 
villas,  inter  vicinos  tractabant  causas,  et  secundum  quod  foris- 
factui-ae  erant,  emendationes  et  ordinationes  faciebant,  videlicet 
de  pascuis,  de  pratis,  de  messibus,  de  certationibus  inter  vicinos, 
et  de  multis  hujusmodi  quae  frequenter  insurgunt. 

XXIX.  Cum  autem  majores  causae  insurgebant,  referebant  eas 
ad  alios  majores  justitiarios  quos  sapientes  supradicti  super  eos 
constituerant,  scilicet,  super  x.  decanos,  quos  possumus  vocare 
centenaries  quia  super  centum  frithborgos  judicabant. 


PAET   III. 

SELECT  CHARTERS  AND  EXCERPTS  ;  Norman  Period. 
A.D.  1066-1087.    WILLIAM   I. 

Archbishops  of  Canterbury.  Stigand,  1052-1070;  Lanfranc,  1070- 
1089. 

Justices.  Odo  of  Bayeux  and  William  Fitz-Osbern,  1067;  William  de 
Warenne  and  Eichard  Fitz-Gilbert,  1073 ;  Lanfranc  of  Canterbury, 
Geoffrey  Bishop  of  Coutances,  and  Robert  Count  of  Mortain,  1078. 

Chancellors.  Herfast,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Elmham,  1068  ;  Osbern, 
afterwards  Bishop  of  Exeter,  1070-1074  ;  Osmund,  afterwards  Bishop 
of  Salisbury,  1074-1078  ;  Maurice,  afterwards  Bishop  of  London, 
1078-1083  ;  William  de  Beaufeu,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Thetford,  1083- 
1085 ;  William  GifFard,  1086-1087. 

W ILLIAM  the  Conqueror  having,  at  the  battle  of  Hastings, 
wrested  the  kingdom  of  England  from  Harold,  was  elected  by 
the  witan,  and  crowned  after  making  the  usual  compact  with  the 
nation.  He  showed  himself  prepared  to  rule  as  the  West  Saxon 
line  of  kings  before  him  had  done,  and  found  the  forfeited 
demesnes  and  jurisdictions  of  the  family  of  Godwin  sufficient  tb 
satisfy  for  the  moment  the  demands  of  his  servants  and  allies. 
But  the  tyranny  of  Odo  of  Bayeux  and  William  Fitz-Osbern, 
who  were  left  behind  as  justices  regent  on  the  occasion  of  his 
first  visit  to  Normandy,  produced  a  resistance  which  was  not 
extinguished  until  a  very  large  portion  of  the  native  landowners 
had  suffered  forfeiture,  and  a  very  large  substitution  of  Norman 
nobles  in  both  lands  and  jurisdictions  followed.  This  substitu- 
tion had  the  twofold  effect  of  producing  a  gradual  change  in  the 
institutions  of  the  country,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest, 
towards  the  Norman  or  properly  feudal  type,  and  of  thus 


8o  Illustrative  Extracts.  [PART 

raising  up  a  nobility  covetous  of  extensive  estates  and  hereditary 
jurisdictions,  which  must  in  the  long  run  cripple  the  ancient 
power  of  the  king  and  the  system  of  self-government  which  still 
subsisted  among  the  people.  The  struggles  of  the  English 
against  their  conquerors  were  after  a  short  interval  succeeded 
by  a  series  of  struggles  between  the  Crown  and  the  Barons, 
which  began  in  the  conspiracy  of  Ralph  Guacler  and  Roger  son 
of  William  Fitz-Osbern,  and  continued  until  the  nobility  of  the 
Conquest  was  nearly  extinct.  The  reign  of  the  Conqueror 
witnessed  only  the  opening  of  this  long  contest,  which  had  the 
effect  in  its  turn  of  compelling  the  kings  to  foster  every  remnant 
of  local  independence  amongst  the  English  as  a  check  on  the 
rebellious  and  tyrannical  policy  of  the  great  feudatories.  But 
this  did  not  prevent  the  rapid  assimilation  of  the  government,  in 
its  highest  range,  to  the  feudal  model ;  which  was  the  most  pro- 
minent result  of  the  Conquest,  regarded  in  its  constitutional 
aspect. 


EXCERPTS. 

A.D.  1066.  WILL.  PICTAV.,  Gesta  Willelmi,  ed.  Maseres, 
p.  145.  Die  ordinationi  decreto,  elocutus  ad  Anglos  condecenti 
sermone  Eboracensis  archiepiscopus,  aequitatem  valde  amans, 
aevo  maturus,  sapiens,  bonus,  eloquens,  an  consentirent  eum 
(Willelmum)  sibi  dominum  coronari,  inquisivit.  Protestati  sunt 
hilarem  consensum  universi  minime  haesitantes,  ac  si  coelitus 
una  mente  data  unaque  voce.  Anglorum  voluntati  quam  facil- 
lime  Normanni  consonuerunt ;  sermocinato  ad  eos  ac  sententiam 
percunctato  Constantini  praesule.  .  .  .  Sic  electum  consecravit 
idem  archiepiscopus,  aeque  sancta  vita  carus  et  inviolata  fama, 
imposuit  ei  regium  diadema  ipsumque  regio  solio  favente  mul- 
torum  praesentia  praesulum  et  abbatum.  .  .  . 

FLOR.  WIGORN.  Consecratus  est  honorifice,  prius,  ut  idem 
archipraesul  ab  eo  exigebat,  ante  altare  Sancti  Petri  Apostoli, 
coram  clero  et  populo  jurejurando  promittens  se  velle  sanctas 
Dei  ecclesias  ac  rectores  illarum  defendere,  necnon  et  cunctum 
populum  sibi  subjectum  juste  et  regali  providentia  regere, 
rectam  legem  statuere  et  tenere,  rapinas  injustaque  judicia 
penitus  interdicere. 


in.]  Excerpts.  81 

CHEON.  SAX.  And  he  came  to  Westminster  and  Archbishop 
Ealdred  consecrated  him  king,  and  men  paid  him  tribute,  and 
delivered  him  hostages,  and  afterwards  bought  their  land. 

WILL.  MALMESB.,  Gesta  Eegum,  lib.  iii.  §  279.  Convivia  in 
praecipuis  festivitatibus  sumptuosa  et  magnifica  inibat ;  Natale 
Domini  apud  Grloecestram,  Pascha  apud  Wintoniam,  Pentecosten 
apud  Westmonasterium  agens  quotannis  quibus  in  Anglia 
morari  liceret :  omnes  eo  cujuscunque  professions  magnates 
regium  edictum  accersiebat,  ut  exterarum  gentium  legati  speciem 
multitudinis  apparatumque  deliciarum  mirarentur.  .  .  .  Quern 
morem  convivandi  primus  successor  obstinate  tenuit,  secundus 
omisit. 

CHKON.  SAX.,  A.D.  1087.  Thrice  he  wore  his  crown  every 
year,  as  often  as  he  was  in  England ;  at  Easter  he  wore  it  at 
Winchester;  at  Whitsuntide  at  Westminster;  at  Midwinter  at 
Gloucester ;  and  then  were  with  him  all  the  rich  men  over  all 
England,  archbishops  and  suffragan  bishops,  abbots  and  earls, 
thegns  and  knights. 

R.  HOVEDEN',  Chronica,  ii.  218.  A.D.  1070.  Willelmus 
rex,  quarto  anno  regni  sui,  consilio  baronum  suorum,  fecit 
summoneri  per  universes  consulatus  Angliae  Anglos  uobiles  et 
sapientes  et  sua  lege  eruditos,  ut  eorum  et  jura  et  consuetudines 
ab  ipsis  audiret.  Electi  igitur  de  singulis  totius  patriae 
comitatibus  viri  duodecim  jurejurando  confirmaverunt  primo 
ut  quoad  possent  recto  tramite,  neque  ad  dextram  neque  ad 
sinistram  partem  devertentes,  legum  suarum  consuetudinem  et 
sancita  patefacerent,  nil  praetermittentes,  nil  addentes,  nil 
praevaricando  mutantes. 

FLOR.  WIGORN.,  A.  D.  1084.  Eex  Anglorum  Willelmus  de 
unaquaque  hida  per  Angliam  sex  solidos  accepit. 

FLOB.  WIGORN.,  A.D.  1086.  Willelmus  rex  fecit  describi 
omnem  Angliam,  quantum  terrae  quisque  baronum  suorum  pos- 
sidebat,  quot  feudatos  milites,  quot  carrucas,  quot  villanos,  quot 
animalia,  immo  quantum  vivae  pecuniae  quisque  possidebat  in 
omni  regno  suo,  a  maximo  usque  ad  minimum ;  et  quantum 
redditus  quaeque  possessio  reddere  poterat :  et  vexata  est  terra 
multis  cladibus  inde  procedentibus.  Et  in  hebdomada  Pente- 
costes  suum  filium  Heinricum  apud  Westmonasterium,  ubi  cu- 
riam  suam  tenuit,  armis  militaribus  honoravit.  Nee  multo  post 
mandavit  ut  archiepiscopi,  episcopi,  abbates,  comites,  barones, 
vicecomites,  cum  suis  militibus,  die  Kalendarum  Augustarum 

a 


82  William  L  [PART 

sibi  occurrerent  Searesbyriae  :  quo  cum  venissent,  milites  illorum 
sibi  fidelitatem  contra  onmes  houiines  jurare  coegit. 

CHROX  SAX.,  A.D.  1086.  After  that  he  vent  about  so  that 
he  came  at  Lammas  to  Salisbury,  and  there  came  to  him  his 
witan,  and  all  the  landowning  men  of  property  there  were  over 
all  England,  whose  soever  men  they  were,  and  all  bowed  down 
to  him  and  became  his  men,  and  swore  oaths  of  fealty  to  him 
that  they  would  be  faithful  to  him  against  all  other  men. 

ORDERIC.  VITAL.,  lib.  iv.  c.  7.  Ipsi  vero  regi,  ut  fertur, 
mille  et  sexaginta  librae  sterilensis  monetae,  solidique  trigiuta 
et  tres  oboli,  ex  justis  redditibus  Angliae  per  singulos  dies 
redduntur  :  exceptis  muneribus  regiis  et  reatuum  redemption- 
ibus,  aliisque  multiplicibus  negotiis  quae  regis  aerarium  quotidie 
adaugent ;  rex  Willelmus  omne  regnum  suuni  diiigeuter  investi- 
gavit,  et  omnes  fiscos  ejus,  sicut  tempore  Edwardi  regis  fuerunt, 
veraciter  describi  fecit.  Terras  autem  militibus  ita  distribuit,  et 
eorum  ordines  ita  disposuit,  ut  Angliae  regnum  LX  millia  niili- 
tum  indesinenter  haberet,  ac  ad  imperium  regis,  prout  ratio 
poposcerit,  celeriter  exhiberet. 

EADJIER,  Hist.  Nov.,  i.  p.  6.  Quaedam  de  eis  quae  nova  per 
Angliam  servari  [Willelmus]  constituit  ponam  .  .  . 

1.  Non  ergo  pati  volebat  quenquam  in  omni  dominatione  sua 
constitutum  Romanae  urbis   pontificem   pro  apostolico,  nisi  se 
jubente,  recipere,  aut  ejus  litteras  si  primitus  sibi  ostensae  non~ 
fuissent  ullo  pacto  suscipere. 

2.  Primatem  quoque  regni  sui,  archiepiscopum  dico  Cantuari- 
ensem  seu  Dorobernensem,  si  coacto  generali  episcoporum  con- 
cilio   praesideret,    non    sinebat   quicquam   statuere   aut    prohi- 
bere  nisi  quae  suae  voluntati  accommoda  et  a  se  primo  essent 
ordinata. 

3.  Nulli  nihilo  minus  episcoporum  suorum  concessum  iri  per- 
mittebat,  ut  aliquem  de  baronibus  suis  seu  ministris,  sive  incesto 
sive  adulterio  sive  aliquo   capitali   crimine   denotatum,  publice 
nisi  ejus  praecepto   implacitaret,  aut  excommunicaret  aut  ulla 
ecclesias'tici  rigoris  poena  constringeret. 


CHARTER  OF  WILLIAM  I  TO  THE  CITY  OF  LOJTDON. 

Will'm  kyng  gret  Will'm  bisceop  and  Gosfreg'S  portirefan 
and  ealle  ]>a  burhwaru  binnan  Londone  Frencisce  and  Englisce 
freondlice.  and  ic  kyde  eow  ]?at  ic  wylle  J>at  get  beon  eallra  ])gera 


in.]  Statutes.  83 

laga  weorSe  ]>e  gyt  wseran  on  Eadwerdes  dasge  kynges.  and  ic 
wylle  J>aet  selc  cyld  beo  his  fseder  yrfnume.  aefter  his  fsederdsege. 
and  ic  nelle  gejwlian  ]>at  senig  man  eow  senig  wrang  beode. 
God  eow  gehealde. 

Translation. 

William,  king,  greets  William,  bishop,  and  Gosfrith,  port- 
reeve, and  all  the  burghers  within  London,  French  and  English, 
friendly ;  and  I  do  you  to  wit  that  I  will  that  ye  two  be  worthy 
of  all  the  laws  that  ye  were  worthy  of  in  King  Edward's  day. 
And  I  will  that  every  child  be  his  father's  heir,  after  his  father's 
day.  And  I  will  not  endure  that  any  man  offer  any  wrong  to 
you.  God  keep  you. —  (Liber  Custumarum) 


STATUTES  OF  "WILLIAM  THE  CONQUEBOB. 

The  following  short  record,  which  is  found  in  this,  its  earliest 
form,  in  the  '  Textus  Roffensis,'  a  manuscript  written  during 
the  reign  of  Henry  I,  contains  what  is  probably  the  sum  and 
substance  of  all  the  legal  enactments  actually  made  by  the  Con- 
queror, independent  of  his  confirmations  of  the  earlier  laws ; 
they  are  probably  the  alterations  or  emendations  referred  to  by 
Henry  I  in  his  charter,  as  made  by  his  father  in  the  laws  of 
King  Edward.  The  charter  which  follows  is  the  important  Act 
by  which  William  divided  the  ecclesiastical  from  the  secular 
jurisdiction  over  the  clergy,  in  matters  not  strictly  spiritual, 
which  had  of  course  always  been  treated,. as  they  continued  to 
be,  by  the  bishops,  in  their  own  courts  and  councils. 

Ilic  intimatur  quid  Willelnius  Rex  Anglorum  cum  principilnis 
suis  constitute  post  Conquisitionem  Angliae. 

.  I.  In  primis  quod  super  omnia  unum  vellet  Deuni  per  totum 
regnum  suum  venerari,  unam  fidem  Christi  semper  inviolatam 
custodiri,  pacem  et  securitatem  inter  Anglos  et  Normannos 
servari. 

2.  Statuimus  etiam  ut  omnis  liber  homo  foedere  et  sacramento 
affirmet,  quod  infra  et  extra  Angliam  Willelmo  regi  fideles- 

G  2 


84  William  I.  [PART 

esse  volunt,  terras  et  honorem  illius  omni  fidelitate  cum  eo  ser- 
vare,  et  ante  eum  contra  inimicos  defendere. 

3.  Volo  autem  ut  omnes  homines  quos  mecum  adduxi   aut 
post  me  venerunt  sint  in  pace  mea  et  quiete.     Et  si  quis  de  illis 
occisus  fuerit,  dominus  ejus  habeat  infra  quinque  dies  homicidam 
ejus  si  potuerit ;  sin  autem,  incipiat  persolvere  mihi  xlvi.  marcas 
argenti    quamdiu   substantia   illius   domini   perdui-averit.     Ubi 
vero  substantia  defecerit,  totus  hundredus  in  quo  occisio  facta 
est  communiter  persolvat  quod  remanet.  \. 

4.  Et  omnis  Francigena  qui  tempore  regis  Edwardi  propinqui 
mei  fuit   in  Anglia   particeps  consuetudinum  Anglorum,  quod 
ipsi   dicunt   onhlote   et   anscote,  persolvatur   secundum   legem 
Anglorum.     Hoc  decretum  sancitum  est  in  civitate  Claudia. 

5.  Interdicimus  etiam  ut  nulla  viva  pecunia  vendatur  aut 
ematur  nisi  infra  civitates,  et  hoc  .ante  tres  fideles  testes ;  nee 
aliquam  rem  vetustam  sine  fidejussore  et  waranto.       Quod   si 
aliter  fecerit,  solvat  et  persolvat,  et  postea  forisfacturam. 

61  Decretum  esfr  etiam  ibi,  ut,  si  Francigena  appellaverit 
Anglum  de  perjurio  aut  murdro,  furto,  homicidio,  ran,  quod 
Angli  dicunt  apertam  rapinam  quae  negari  non  potest,  Anglus 
se  defendat  per  quod  melius  voluerit,  aut  judicio  ferri  aut 
duello.  Si  autem  Anglus  infirmus  fuerit,  inveniat  alium  qui 
pro  eo  faciat.  Si  quis  eorum  victus  fuerit,  emendet  xl.  solidos 
regi.  Si  Anglus  Francigenam  appellaverit  et  probare  noluerit 
judicio  aut  duello,  volo  tamen  Francigenam  purgare  se  sacra- 
mento  non  fracto. 

7.  Hoc  quoque  praecipio  et  volo,  ut  omnes  habeant  et  teneant 
legem  Edwardi  regis  in  terris  et  in  omnibus  rebus,  adauctis  iis 
quae  constitui  ad  utilitatem  populi  Anglorum. 

8.  Omnis  homo  qui  voluerit  se  teneri  pro  libero  sit  in  plegio, 
ut  plegius  teneat  et  habeat  ilium  ad  justitiam  si  quid  offenderit. 
Et,  si  quisquam  talium  evaserit,  videant  plegii  ut  simpliciter 
solvant  quod  calumniatum  est,   et   purgent  se  quia  in  evaso 
nullam  fraudem  noverint.     Eequiratur  hundredus  et  comitatus, 
sicut  antecessores  nostri  statuerunt.   Et  qui  juste  venire  deberent 
et  venire  noluerint,  semel  summoneantur ;  et  si  secundo  venire 
noluerint,  accipiatur  unus  bos,  et  summoneantur  tertio.     Et  si 
non  tertio  venerint,  accipiatur  alius  bos :  quarta  autem  vice  si 
non  venerint,  reddatur  de  rebus  hominis  illius  qui  venire  nolu- 
erit quod  calumniatum  est,  quod  dicitur  ceapgeld ;  et  insuper 
forisfactura  regis. 

9.  Ego  prohibeo  ut  nullus  vendat  hominem  extra  patriam 
super  plenam  forisfacturam  meam. 

10.  Interdico  etiam  ne  quis  occidatur  aut  suspendatur  pro 


in.]  Customs  from  Domesday.  85 

aliqua  culpa,  sed  eruantur  oculi,  et  testiculi  abscidantur.  Et 
lioc  praeceptum  non  sit  violatum  super  forisfacturam  meam 
pleuam. — (MS.  Bodl.  Rawlinson,  C.  641.) 

ORDINANCE  OF  WILLIAM  I,  SEPARATING  THE  SPIRITUAL 
AND  TEMPORAL  COURTS. 

Willelmus  gratia  Dei  Hex  Anglorum,  R.  Bainardo  et  G.  de 
Magnavilla,  et  P.  de  Valoines,  ceterisque  meis  fidelibus  de  Essex 
et  de  Hertfordschire  et  de  Middelsex,  salutem.  Sciatis  vos 
omnes  et  ceteri  mei  fideles  qui  in  Anglia  manent,  quod  episco- 
pales  leges,  quae  non  bene  nee  secundum  sanctorum  canonum 
praecepta  usque  ad  mea  tempora  in  regncv  Anglorum  fuerunt, 
communi  concilio  et  consilio  archiepiscoporum  et  episcoporum  et 
abbatum  et  omnium  principum  regni  mei  emendandas  judicavi. 
Propterea  mando  et  regia  auctoritate  praecipio,  ut  nullus  episco- 
pus vel  archidiaconus  de  legibus  episcopalibus  amplius  in  bundret 
placita  teneant,  nec^eausam  quae  ad  regimen  animarum  pertinet 
ad  judicium  secularium  bominum  adducant,  sed  quicunque  se- 
cundum episcopales  leges,  de  quacunque  causa  vel  culpa  inter" 
pellatus  fuerit,  ad  locum  quern  ad  boc  episcopus  elegerit  vel 
nominaverit  veniat,  ibique  de  causa  vel  culpa  sua  respondeat,  et 
non  secundum  bundret,  sed  secundum  canones  et  episcopales 
leges,  rectum  Deo  et  episcopo  suo  faciat.  Si  vero  aliquis  per 
superbiam  elatus  ad  justitiam  episcopalem  venire  contempserit 
vel  noluerit,  vocetur  semel,  secundo  et  tertio ;  quod  si  nee  sic  ad 
emendatiouem  venerit,  excommunicetur,  et  si  opus  fuerit  ad  hoc 
vindicandum,  fortitude  et  justitia  regis  vel  vicecomitis  adhibe- 
atur.  Ille  autem  qui  vocatus  ad  justitiam  episcopi  venire  nolu- 
erit pro  unaquaque  vocatione  legem  episcopalem  emendabit. 
Hoc  etiam  defendo,  ,et  mea  auctoritate  interdico,  ne  ullus  vice- 
comes  aut  praepositus  seu  minister  regis,  nee  aliquis  laicus 
bomo,  de  legibus  quae  ad  episcopum  pertinent  se  intromittat, 
nee  aliquis  laicus  bomo  alium  hominem  sine  justitia  episcopi  ad 
judicium  adducat.  Judicium  vero  in  nullo  loco  portetur,  nisi  in 
episcopali  sede  aut  in  illo  loco  quern  ad  boc  episcopus  constitu- 
ent.— (Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes,  p.  213.) 


A.D.  1086.    EXTRACTS  FROM  DOMESDAY  BOOK. 

Next  to  the  laws  and  charters  of  the  early  kings,  the  record 
of  local  customs  in  Domesday-book  is  the  source  of  the  most 


86  William  I.  [PART 

certain  information  as  to  the  common  law  of  England  before  the 
Conquest.  It  is  probable  that  everything  in  the  so-called  laws 
of  Edward  the  Confessor  (above,  p.  76),  which  has  any  sort  of 
authenticity,  is  derived  from  these  memoranda.  The  following 
extracts  are  given  here  as  illustrating  —  i.  The  aristocratic 
character  of  the  municipal  government  in  the  towns  which 
contained  the  germs  of  an  organisation  of  their  own ;  2.  The 
financial  system  of  the  counties  previous  to  its  organisation 
under  the  Court  of  Exchequer,  and  whilst  still  administered  by 
ealdormen  or  earls,  superior  to  the  sheriffs  who  take  their  place 
under  the  Norman  system,  although  the  earl  retains  '  the  third 
penny'  of  the  county;  3.  The  '  consuetudines'  or  financial  and 
legal  customary  settlement  which  it  was  the  object  of  the 
municipal  charters  of  the  next  century  to  conserve  or  amend  ; 
4.  The  method  of  raising  and  supporting  the  customary  military 
force  of  the  fyrd  or  expeditio  ;'  and  5.  The  early  application  of 
the  method  of  inquest  by  jury  for  the  ascertaining  of  these  legal 
and  financial  '  consuetudines,'  exemplified  in  the  heading  of  the 
Ely  Survey. 

TITLE  OF  THE  DOMESDAY  INQUEST  FOR  ELY. 

Hie  subscribitur  Inquisitio  Terrarum  quomodo  barones  regis 
inquirunt,  videlicet,  per  sacramentum  Viceconutis  scirae  et  om- 
nium baronum  et  eoruni  Francigenarum  et  totius  centuriatus, 
presbiteri,  praepositi,  vi.  villanorum  uniuscujusque  villae.  De- 
inde  quomodo  vocatur  mansio,  quis  tenuit  earn  tempore  Regis 
Eadwardi ;  quis  modo  tenet ;  quot  hidae ;  quot  carrucae  in 
dominio,  quot  hominum ;  quot  villani ;  quot  cotarii, ;  quot 
servi ;  quot  liberi  homines  ;  quot  sochemani ;  quantum  silvae ; 
quantum  prati ;  quot  pascuorum  ;  quot  molendina ;  quot  pis- 
cinae ;  quantum  est  additum  vel  ablatum  ;  quantum  valebat 
totum  simul  ;  et  quantum  modo  ;  quantum  ibi  quisque  liber 
homo,  vel  sochemannus  habuit  vel  habet.  Hoc  totum  tripliciter ; 
scilicet  tempore  Regis  Aeduardi,  et  quando  Rex  Willelmus  dedit ; 
et  quomodo  sit  modo;  et  si  potest  plus  haberi  quam  habeatur. — 
(Inquisitio  Eliensis,  Domesday,  iii.  497-) 


ill/]  Customs  from  Domesday.  87 


CUSTOMS  OF  CHESTER. 

Civitas  de  Cestre  tempore  Kegis  Edwardi  geldabat  pro  I. 
hidis.  Tres  hidae  et  dimidia  quae  sunt  extra  civitatem.  Hoc 
est,  una  hida  et  dimidia  ultra  pontem,  et  ii.  hidae  in  Neutone  et 
Eedeclive  et  in  burgo  episcopi ;  liae  geldabant  cum  civitate. 

Tempore  Regis  Edward!  erant  in  ipsa  civitate  cccc.  et  xxxi. 
domus  geldantes.  Et  praeter  has  habebat  episcopus  Ivi.  domus 
geldantes.  Tune  reddebat  haec  civitas  x.  markas  argenti  et 
dimidiam.  Duae  partes  erant  regis  et  tertia  comitis;  et  hae 
leges  erant  ibi ; 

Pax  data  manu  regis  vel  suo  brevi  vel  per  suum  legatum,  si 
ab  aliquo  fuisset  infracta,  inde  rex  c.  solidos  habebat.  Quod  si 
ipsa  pax  regis  jussu  ejus  a  comite  data  fuisset  infracta,  de 
centum  solidis  qui  pro  hoc  dabantur  tertium  denarium  comes 
habebat.  Si  vero  a  praeposito  regis  aut  ministro  comitis  eadem 
pax  data  infringeretur,  per  xl.  solidos  emendabatur,  et  comitis 
erat  tertius  denarius. 

Si  quis  liber  homo  regis  pacem  datam  infringens  in  domo 
hominem  occidisset,  terra  ejus  et  pecunia  tota  regis  erat,  et  ipse 
utlagh  fiebat.  Hoc  idem  habebat  comes  de  suo  tantum  homine 
hanc  forisfacturam  faciente.  Cuilibet  autem  utlagh  nullus 
poterat  reddere  pacem  nisi  per  regem. 

Qui  sanguinem  faciebat  a  mane  secundae  feriae  usque  ad 
nonam  sabbati,  x.  solidis  emendabat.  A  nona  vero  sabbati  usque 
ad  mane  secundae  feriae  sanguis  effusus  xx.  solidis  emendabatur. 
Similiter  xx.  solidos  solvebat  qui  hoc  faciebat  in  xii.  diebus 
Nativitatis,  et  in  die  Purificationis  Sanctae  Mariae,  et  primo 
die  Paschae,  et  primo  die  Pentecostes,  et  die  Ascensionis,  et 
in  Assumptione  vel  Nativitate  Sanctae  Mariae,  et  in  die  festo 
Omnium  Sanctorum. 

Qui  in  istis  sanctis  diebus  hominem  interficiebat  iiii.  libris 
emendabat ;  in  aliis  autem  diebus  xl.  solidis.  Similiter  Heim- 
faram  vel  forestel  in  his  festis  diebus  et  die  Dominico  qui 
faciebat,  iiii.  libras  exsolvebat.  In  aliis  diebus  xl.  solidos. 

Hangewitham  faciens  in  civitate  x.  solidos  dabat.  Praepositus 
autem  regis  vel  comitis  hanc  forisfacturam  faciens  xx.  solidis 
emendabat. 

Qui  revelach  faciebat  vel  latrocinium  vel  violentiam  feminae 
in  domo  inferebat,  unumquodque  horum  xL  solidis  emenda- 
batur. 

Vidua  si  alicui  se  non  legitime  commiscebat  xx.  solidis  emen- 
dabat ;  puella  vero  x.  solidis  pro  simili  causa. 


88  William  I.  [PART 

Qui  in  civitate  terrain  alterius  saisibat  et  non  poterat  dira- 
tiocinare  suam  esse,  xl.  solidis  emendabat.  Similiter  et  ille 
qui  clamorem  inde  faciebat,  si  suam  esse  debere  non  posset 
diratiocinare. 

Qui  terrain  suam  vel  propinqui  sui  relevare  volebat  x.  solidos 
dabat. 

Quod  si  non  poterat  vel  nolebat,  terrain  ejus  in  manu  regis 
praepositus  accipiebat. 

Qui  ad  terminum  quod  debebat  gablum  non  reddebat,  x. 
solidis  emendabat. 

Si  ignis  civitatem  comburebat,  de  cujus  domo  exibat  emen- 
dabat per  iii.  oras  denariorum,  et  suo  propinquiori  vicino  dabat 
ii.  solidos.  Omnium  harum  forisfacturarum  ii.  partes  erant  regis 
et  tertia  comitis. 

Si  sine  licentia  regis  ad  portum  civitatis  naves  venirent  vel  a 
portu  recederent,  de  unoquoque  nomine  qui  navibus  esset,  xl. 
solidos  babebat  rex  et  comes.  Si  contra  pacem  regis  et  super 
ejus  probibitionem  navis  adveniret,  tarn  ipsam  quam  homines 
cum  omnibus  qui  ibi  erant  habebat  rex  et  comes. 

Si  vero  cum  pace  et  licentia  regis  venisset,  qui  in  ea  erant 
quiete  vendebant  quae  habebant :  sed  cum  discederet,  iiii.  dena- 
rios  de  unoquoque  lesth  babebat  rex  et  comes.  Si  liabentibus 
martrinas  pelles  juberet  praepositus  regis  ut  nulli  venderent 
donee  sibi  prius  ostensas  compararet,  qui  hoc  non  observabat  xl. 
solidis  emendabat. 

Vir  sive  mulier  falsam  mensuram  in  civitate  faciens,  depre-; 
hensus,  iiii.  solidis  emendabat.  Similiter  malam  cervisiam 
faciens,  aut  in  cathedra  ponebatur  stercoris,  aut  iiii.  solidos 
dabat  praepositis.  Hanc  forisfacturam  accipiebat  minister  regis 
et  comitis  in  civitate,  in  cujuscunque  terra  fuisset,  sive  episcopi 
sive  alterius  hominis.  Similiter  et  theloneum,  si  quis  illud 
detinebat  ultra  tres  noctes,  xl.  solidis  emendabat. 

Tempore  regis  Edwardi  erant  in  civitate  hac  vii.  monetarii, 
qui  dabant  vii.  libras  regi  et  comiti  extra  firmam  quando  moneta 
vertebatur. 

Tune  erant  xii.  judices  civitatis,  et  hi  erant  de  hominibus 
regis'  et  episcopi  et  comitis  :  horum  si  quis  de  hundret  remane- 
bat  die  quo  sedebat,  sine  excusatione  mauifesta,  x.  solidis  emen- 
dabat inter  regem  et  comitem.  ' 

Ad  murum  civitatis  et  pontem  reaedificandum  de  unaquaque 
hida  comitatus  unum  hominem  venire  praepositus  edicebat. 
Cujus  homo  non  veniebat,  dominus  ejus  xl.  solidis  emendabat 
regi  et  comiti.  Haec  forisfactura  extra  firmam  erat. 

Haec  civitas  tune  reddebat  de  firma  xlv.  libras  et  iii.  timbres 
pellium  martrinium.  Tertia  pars  erat  comitis  et  duae  regis. 


ill.]  Customs  from  Domesday.  89 

Quando  Hugo  comes  recepit  non  valebat  nisi  xxx.  libris  : 
valde  enim  erat  vastata  :  ducentae  et  v.  domus  minus  ibi  erant 
quam  tempore  regis  Edwardi  fuerant.  Modo  totidem  sunt  ibi 
quot  invenit. 

Hanc  civitatem  Mundret  tenuit  de  comite  pro  Ixx.  libris  et 
una  marka  auri.  Ipse  habuit  ad  firmam  pro  1.  libris  et  i.  marka 
auri,  omnia^  placita  comitis  in  comitatu  et  hundretis  praeter 
Inglefeld. 

Terra  in  qua  est  templum  Sancti  Petri.  quam  Robertus  de 
Rodelend  clamabat  ad  teinland,  sicut  diratiocinavit  comitatus, 
nunquam  pertinuit  ad  manerium  extra  civitatem  sed  ad  burgum 
pertinet ;  et  semper  fuit  in  consuetudine  regis  et  comitis  sicut 
aliorum  burgeusiuni. — (Domesday,  i.  262,  b.) 


CUSTOMS  OF  LINCOLN. 

In  civitate  Lincolia  erant  tempore  regis  Edwardi  novies  cen- 
tum et  Ixx.  mansiones  hospitatae.  Hie  numerus  Anglice  com- 
putatur  i.  centum  pro  cxx.  In  ipsa  civitate  erant  xii.  lageman, 
id  est  habentes  sacam  et  socam ;  Hardecnut,  Suartin  filius 
Grimboldi,  Ulf  filius  Suertebrand,  qui  habuit  thol  et  theim, 
Walraven,  Alwold,  Britric,  Guret,  Ulbert,  Godric  filius  Eddevae, 
Siward  presbyter,  Lewine  presbyter,  Aldene  presbyter.  Modo 
sunt  ibi  totidem  habentes  similiter  sacam  et  socam:  (i)  Suar- 
dinc  loco  Hardecnut  patris  sui ;  (2)  Suartinc ;  (3)  Sortebrand 
loco  TJlf  patris  sui ;  (4)  Agemund  loco  Walraven  patris  sui ; 
(5)  Alwold;  (6)  Goduinus  filius  Brictric;  (7)  Normannus  crassus 
loco  Guret;  (8)  Ulbert  frater  Ulf  adhuc  vivit ;  (9)  Petrus  de 
Valonges  loco  Godric  filii  Eddevae  ;  (10)  Ulnodus  presbyter 
loco  Siward  presbyteri;  (n)  Buruolt  loco  patris  sui  Lewine 
qui  modo  est  monachus ;  (i  2)  Ledwinus  filius  Revene  loco 
Aldene  presbyteri.  .  .  . 

Tempore  regis  Edwardi  reddebat  civitas  Lincolia  regi  xx. 
libras,  et  comiti  x.  libras.  Modo  reddit  c.  libras  ad  numerum 
inter  regem  et  comitem.  Moneta  vero  reddit  Ixxv.  libras. 

Consuetudines  regis  et  comitis  in  Sudlincolia  reddunt  xxviii. 
libras. 

In  Norttreding  consuetudines  regis  et  comitis  reddunt  xxiv. 
libras. 

In  "Westreding  consuetudines  regis  et  comitis  reddunt  xii. 
libras. 

In  Sudtreding  consuetudines  regis  et  comitis  reddunt  xv. 
libras. 


90  JFilliam  I.  [PAET 

Pax  manu  regis  vel  sigillo  ejus  data,  si  fuerit  infracta  emen- 
datur  per  xviii.  hundrez.  Unumquodque  hundredum  solvit  viii. 
libras.  Duodecira  hundreda  emeudant  regi  et  vi.  comiti. 

Si  quis  pro  aliquo  reatu  exulatus  fuerit  a  rege  et  a  comite 
et  ab  hominibus  vicecomitatus,  nullus  nisi  rex  sibi  dare  pacein 
poterit. — (Domesday,  i.  336.) 

CUSTOMS  OF  OXFOED  AND  OXFOEDSHIEE. 

OXENEFOEDSCIEE. — Tempore  regis  E'lwardi  reddebat  Oxene- 
ford  pro  theloneo  et  gablo  et  omnibus  aliis  consuetudinibus  per 
annum  regi  quidem  xx.  libras  et  vi.  sextarios  mellis ;  comiti 
vero  Algaro  x.  libras,  adjuucto  molino  quern  infra  civitatem 
habebat.  Quando  rex  ibat  in  expeditionem,  burgenses  xx.  ibant 
cum  eo  pro  omnibus  aliis,  vel  xx.  libras  dabant  regi  ut  omnes 
essent  liberi.  Modo  reddit  Oxeneford  Ix.  libras  ad  numerum 
de  xxti  in  ora.  In  ipsa  villa  tarn  intra  murum  quam  extra  sunt 
cc.  et  xliii.  domus  reddentes  geldum,  et  exceptis  .his  sunt  ibi 
quingentae  domus  xxii.  minus  ita  vastae  et  destructae  quod 
geldum  non  possunt  reddere. 

(After  the  names  of  the  tenants.) 

Hi  omues  praescripti  tenent  has  praedictas  mansiones  liberas 
propter  reparationem  muri.  Omnes  mansioues  quae  vocantur 
murales  tempore  regis  Edwardi  liberae  erant  ab  omni  consuetu- 
dine  excepta  expeditione  et  muri  reparatione.  .  .  . 

Omnes  burgenses  Oxeneford  habent  communiter  extra  murum 
pasturam  reddentem  vi.  solidos  et  viii.  denarios.  .  .  . 

COMITATUS  OXENEFOED  reddit  firmam  trium  noctium  hoc  est 
cl.  libras :  de  augmento  xxv.  libras  ad  pondus  :  de  burgo  xx. 
libras  ad  pondus  :  de  moneta  xx.  libras  denariorum  de  xx*i  in 
ora :  ad  arma  iiii.  solidos  :  de  gersumna  reginae  c.  solidos  ad 
numerum  :  pro  accipitre,  x.  libras :  pro  summario,  xx.  solidos : 
pro  canibus,  xxiii.  libras  denariorum  de  xx1*  in  ora,  et  vi. 
sextarios  mellis  et  xv.  denarios  de  consuetudine.  .  .  . 

Pax  regis  manu  vel  sigillo  data  si  quis  infregerit  ita  ut  homi- 
nem  cui  pax  ipsa  data  fuerit  occidat,  et  membra  et  vita  ejus  in 
arbitrip  regis  erunt  si  captus  fuerit.  Et,  si  capi  non  potuerit,  ab 
omnibus  exul  habebitur,  et  si  quis  eum  occidere  praevaluerit 
spolia  ejus  licenter  habebit. 

Si  quis  extraneus  in  Oxeneford  manere  deligens  et  domum 
habens  sine  parentibus  ibi  vitam  finierit,  rex  habebit  quicquid 
reliquerit. 


in.]  William  IT.  pi 

Si  quis  alicujus  curiam  vel  domum  violenter  effregerit  vel 
intraverit,  ut  hominem  occidat,  vel  vulueret,  vel  assaliat,  c. 
solidis  regi  emendat. 

Similiter  qui  monitus  ire  in  expeditionem  non  vadit,  c.  solidos 
regi  dabit. 

Si  quis  aliquem  interfecerit  intra  curiam  vel  domura  suam, 
corpus  ejus  et  omnis  substantia  sunt  in,  potestate  regis  praeter 
dotem  uxoris  ejus  si  dotatam  habuerit. — (Domesday,  i.  154.) 

CUSTOMS  OF  BERKSHIRE. 

Quando  geldum  dabatur  tempore  regis  Edwardi  communiter 
per  totam  Bercheschiram  dabat  hida  iii.  denarios  et  obolum  ante 
Natale  Domini  et  tantundem  ad  Pentecosten. 

Si  rex  mittebat  alicubi  exercitum,  de  quinque  hidis  tantum 
unus  miles  ibat  et  ad  ejus  victum  vel  stipendium  de  unaquaque 
hida  dabantur  ei  iiii.  solidi  ad  duos  menses.  Hos  vero  denarios 
regi  non  mittebantur  sed  militibus  dabantur.  Si  quis  in  expe- 
ditionem summonitus  non  ibat,  totam  terrain  suam  erga  regem 
forisfaciebat.  Quod  si  quis  remanendi  habens  alium  pro  se 
mittere  promitteret,  et  tamen  qui  mittendus  erat  remaneret,  pro 
1.  solidis  quietus  erat  dominus  ejus. 

Tainus  vel  miles  regis  dominicus  moriens  pro  relevamento 
dimittebat  regi  omnia  arma  sua  et  equum  unum  cum  sella,  alium 
sine  sella.  Quod  si  essent  ei  canes  vel  accipitres  praesentaban- 
tur  regi,  ut,  si  vellet,  acciperet. 

Si  quis  occideret  hominem  pacem  regis  habentem,  et  corpus 
suum  et  omnem  substantiam  forisfaciebat  erga  regem. 

Qui  per  noctem  effringebat  civitatem  c.  solidis  emendabat  regi 
non  vicecomiti. 

Qui  mouitus  ad  stabilitionem  venationis  non  ibat,  1.  solidis 
regi  emendabat. — (Domesday,  i.  56.) 


A.D.  1087-1100.     WILLIAM  II. 

Archbishops   of  Canterbury.    Lanfranc,   1070-1089;    Anselm,   1093- 

1109. 
Justices.     Odo  of  Bayeux,  1087-1088  ;   William  de  S.  Carilepho,  1088  ; 

Ranulf  Flambard,  1094-1100. 
Chancellors.       William    Giffard,    1087-1090;      Robert    Bloett,    1090; 

Waldric,  1093  ;  William  Giffard,  1094-1100. 

The  reign  of  William  Kufus  contains  no  great  constitutional 
landmark,  but  it  witnessed  the  ripening  of  the  causes  which 


93  William  II.  [PART 

were  producing  the  death-struggle  of  the  royal  and  feudal 
powers,  and  affords  a  few  slight  indications  of  the  continuity  of 
the  national  institutions,  which  were  enahled  by  that  contest  to 
take  breath  between  the  successive  strokes  of  their  tyrants,  or 
were  even  occasionally  utilised  by  the  king,  as  possessing  in- 
terests for  the  moment  in  unison  with  his  own.  On  three 
occasions  William  found  it  necessary  or  advisable  to  issue  con- 
stitutional manifestoes  or  promises,  but  the  text  of  none  of  these 
is  extant ;  and  none  of  them  was  observed.  The  rest  of  the 
history  of  the  reign  is  a  picture  of  profligate  exaction  and  extra- 
.vagant  expenditure,  lying  outside  the  sphere  of  constitutional 
history. 

A.D.  1087.  EADMER,  Hist.  Novorum,  lib.  i.  p.  13.  Defuncto 
itaque  Rege  Willelmo,  successit  ei  in  regnum  Willelmus  filius 
ejus,  qui  cum  regni  fastigia  fratri  suo  Roberto  praeripere  ges- 
tiret,  et  Lanfrancum,  sine  cujus  assensu  in  regnum  ascisci  nulla- 
tenus  poterat,  sibi  in  hoc  ad  expletionem  desiderii  sui  non 
omnino  consentaneum  inveniret;  verens  ne  dilatio  suae  conse- 
crationis  inferret  ei  dispendium  cupiti  honoris,  coepit  tarn  per 
se,  quam  per  ornnes  quos  poterat,  fide  sacramentoque  Lanfrauco 
promittere,  justitiam,  aequitatem  et  misericordiam  se  per  totum 
regnum,  si  rex  foret,  in  omni  negotio  servaturum ;  pacem,  lib^r-  . 
tatern,  securitatem  ecclesiarum  contra  omnes  defensurum,  nee-  •? 
non  praeceptis  atque  consiliis  ejus  per  omnia  et  in  omnibus 
obtemperaturum. 

A.D.  1088.  WILL.  MALMESB.,  Gesta  Regum,  lib.  iv.  §  306. 
[Rex]  videns  Normannos  pene  omnes  in  una  rabie  conspiratos, 
Anglos  probos  et  fortes  viros,  qui  adhuc  residui  erant,  invitatoriis 
scriptis  accersiit;  quibus  super  injuriis  suis  querimoniam  faciens, 
bonasque  leges,  et  tributorum  levamen,  liberasque  venationes 
pollicens,  fidelitati  suae  obligavit.  ....  Anglos  suos  appellat, 
jubet  ut  compatriotas  advocent  ad  obsidionem  (Rovecestrae) 
venire,  nisi  si  qui  -velint  sub  nomine  Nithing,  quod  nequam 
sonat,  remanere.  Angli  qui  nihil  miserius  putarent  quam  hujusce 
vocabuli  dedecore  aduri,  catervatim  ad  regem  confluunt  et 
invincibilem  exercitum  faciunt. 

A.D.  1093.  EADMER,  Hist.  Nov.  i.  p.  16.  .  .  .  Valida  in- 
firm itas  corripuit  [regem].  .  .  .  Adquiescit  ipse  [rex]  et  corde 
compunctus,  cuncta  quae  viri  [Anselmi]  sententia  tulit  se  factu- 
runi,  necnon  totam  vitam  suam  in  inansuetudme  et  justitia  am- 


in.]  Henry  L  93 

plius  servatufum  polHcetur.  Spondet  in  hoc  fidem  suam,  et 
vades  inter  se  et  Deum  facit  episcopos  suos,  mittens  qui  hoc 
votum  suum  Deo  super  altare  sua  vice  promittant.  Scribitur 
edictum  regioque  sigillo  firmatur,  quatenus  captivi  quicunque 
sunt  in  omni  dominations  sua  relaxentur,  omnia  debita  irrevoca- 
biliter  remittantur,  omnes  offensiones  antehaec  perpetratae, 
indulta  remissione  perpetuae  oblivioni  tradantur.  Promittuntur 
insuper  omni  populo  bonae  et  sanctae  leges,  inviolabilis  obser- 
vatio  juris,  injuriarum  gravis  et  quae  terreat  ceteros  exami- 
natio.  .  .  . 

FLOR.  WIGORN.,  A.D.  1094.  Quod  cum  regi  innetuerit  (sc. 
obsessio  castelli  de  Holm),  nuntiis  in  Angliam  missis,  xx  millia 
pedonum  in  Normanniam  jussit  sibi  in  auxilium  mitti.  Quibus 
ut  mare  transirent  Heastingae  congregatis,  pecuniam  quae  data 
fuerat  eis  ad  victum,  Rannulfus  Passeflambardus  praecepto  regis 
abstulit,  scilicet  unicuique  decem  solidos,  et  eos  domum  repedare 
mandavit ;  pecuniam  vero  regi  transmisit. 

WILL.  MALMESB.,  Gesta  JRegum,  lib.  iv.  §  319.  Nihilo  secius 
in  homines  grassabantur  [curiales]  primo  pecuniam  deinde  terras 
auferentes.  Non  pauperem  tenuitas,  non  opulentum  copia  tue- 
batur  :  venationes  quas  rex  primo  indulserat,  adeo  prohibuit,  ut 
capitale  esset  supplicium  prendisse  cervum. 


A.D.  1100-1135.    HENRY  L 

Archbishops  of  Canterbury.    Anselm,  1093-1109;    Ralph  of  Escures, 

1114-1122;  William  of  Corbeil,  1123-1135. 
Justices.     Robert  Bloett,  1100-1107  ;  Roger  le  Poor,  Bishop  of  Salisbury, 

1107-1135. 
Chancellors.     William  Gifiard,  uoo-lioi;  Roger  le  Poor,  1101-1103  ; 

William  Giffard,    1103-1104;    Waldric,   1104;    Ranulf,  1108-1123; 

Geoffrey  Rufus,  1124-1135. 

Although  the  reign  of  Henry  I  was  a  period  of  irresponsible 
despotism  on  the  king's  part,  and  of  great  suffering,  from  several 
causes,  on  the  part  of  the  English,  it  is  to  it  that  we  trace  back 
the  exact  lines  of  the  process  by  which  the  reviving  liberties  of 
the  nation  were  to  assert  themselves.  This  is  due,  first,  to  the 
fact  of  the  necessary  alliance  between  the  king  and  the  people, 
which  resulted  from  his  questionable  title  to  the  throne,  the  com- 
petition of  his  brother  Robert,  the  existence  of  the  powerful 


94  Henry  I.  [PART 

baronage  under  Robert  of  Belesme,  which,  was  anxious  to  take 
advantage  of  the  weakness  of  the  king  to  secure  its  own  prac- 
tical independence,  and  the  unity  of  the  interest  of  the  king  and 
people  against  their  common  enemy.  This  alliance  was  osten- 
sibly secured  by  the  careful  legality  of  Henry's  election  and 
coronation,  by  his  charter  of  liberties,  and  by  his  marriage  with 
an  English  lady  who  inherited  a  share  of  the  claims  of  the  "West 
Saxon  Kings ;  and  the  practical  results  appeared  in  the  steady 
support  given  by  the  native  population  to  Henry  against  his 
competitors  and  assailants,  and  in  the  promises  of  good  govern- 
ment by  which  that  support  was  requited. 

But  not  less  important,  constitutionally,  is  the  result  of 
Henry's  complete  triumph  ;  which  not  only  made  him  one  of  the 
most  influential  princes  in  Europe,  but  placed  in  his  hands,  by 
the  forfeiture  and  degradation  of  his  most  powerful  vassals,  an 
amount  of  territory  and  completeness  of  jurisdiction  in  England 
greater  than  had  fallen  to  the  lot  of  his  father.  Thus  strength- 
ened,— and  this  is  especially  apparent  after  the  fall  of  Robert  of 
Belesme, — Henry  followed  out  his  father's  principles  of  avoid- 
ing the  redistribution  of  territory  and  jurisdiction  on  a  large 
scale,  and  attempted,  by  centralisation  and  systematic  machinery. 
to  unite  the  kingdom  under  a  strong  royal  administration. 
"Whilst,  with  this  intention,  he  organised  the  financial  system  of 
the  Exchequer  and  facilitated  access  to  the  Curia  Regis,  on 
the  one  hand,  on  the  other  he  restored  or  strengthened  the 
county  courts,  granted  charters  to  the  boroughs,  and  authorised 
the  foundation  of  trade  guilds  in  the  towns.  By  judicial  journeys 
of  the  Justiciar  and  Barons  of  the  Exchequer  he  brought  the 
supreme  jurisdiction  into  contact  with  the  provincial  organisa- 
tion, and  reduced  the  hereditary  franchises  of  the  nobles  to  com- 
parative harmlessness.  In  these  measures  he  led  the  way  for 
the  great  reforms  of  his  grandson.  But  we  are  not  to  suppose 
that  under  Henry  I  the  security  of  life  and  property  which 
resulted  from  these  measures  was  based  on  anything  more  per- 
manent than  royal  will  or  routine.  Henry  I  was  not  a  lawgiver, 
nor  did  he  entrust  the  national  council  with  any  freedom  of 
legislative  action.  His  relation  with  the  barons,  the  clergy,  and 


in.]  Restoration  of  Order.  95 

the  people  rendered  this  impossible.  His  charter  of  liberties, 
then,  remains  the  Bole  legislative  act  of  his  reign,  for  the 
Custumal  known  as  '  The  Laws  of  Henry  I '  is  a  compilation  of 
later  date.  But  there  are  considerable  evidences  of  judicial  and 
administrative  activity  in  the  numerous  charters  of  the  reign, 
and  in  the  valuable  record  of  Exchequer  proceedings  known  as 
the  Pipe  Roll  of  the  3ist  of  Henry  I. 

A  third  influential  characteristic  of  the  period  was  the  stand, 
mainly  successful,  made  by  S.  Anselm  on  behalf  of  ecclesiastical 
liberties,  which,  although  it  had  no  immediate  bearing  on  the 
framework  of  the  constitution,  secured  the  existence  of  a  limit 
on  royal  irresponsibility  in  one  direction  at  least,  taught  the 
nation  the  possibility  of  vindicating  freedom,  and  created  a  class 
of  politicians  springing  from  the  people,  trusted  by  the  sovereign, 
and  sincerely  interested  in  the  maintenance  of  law  and  peace. 
How  largely  this  was  the  case  appears  from  the  fact,  that  it  is 
from  the  clergy  only  that  any  real  check  upon  the  royal  power 
proceeds  for  more  than  a  century.  They  only  resist  arbitrary 
taxation ;  and,  whether  struggling  for  the  national  good,  or,  as 
in  some  instances,  for  their  class  privileges,  maintain  the  recollec- 
tion and  idea  of  freedom. 

Notwithstanding  the  existence  of  these  influences,  which  were 
now  only  germinating,  the  condition  of  England  under  Henry  I 
was  very  unhappy.  Although  he  kept  good  peace,  and  by  his 
strong  administrative  system  secured  justice  between  man  and 
man,  class  and  class,  his  foreign  wars  and  domestic  expenses 
necessitated  frequent  taxation,  against  which  no  class  of  his  sub- 
jects could  even  remonstrate,  and  the  pressure  of  which,  owing 
to  a  singularly  long  succession  of  bad  seasons,  was  especially 
heavy  on  the  country.  It  is  no  small  praise  to  Henry,  as  a 
ruler,  that  while  the  Chronicles  are  full  of  lamentations  over  the 
miseries  of  the  reign,  he  is  recognised  as  the  Lion  of  Justice  or 
Righteousness  of  Merlin's  prophecy,  and  looked  upon  more  or 
less  as  a  national  or  English  king,  whose  laws,  or  rather  customs, 
like  those  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  become  the  text  of  the  liber- 
ties which,  when  the  nation  has  become  strong  and  thoroughly 
consolidated,  are  to  be  vindicated  against  his  successors. 


96  Henry  L  [PART 


EXCEEPTS. 

A.D.  i  too.  "WILL.  MALMESB.,  Gesta  Regum,v.§  393.  Occi?o 
vero  rege  Willelrao, . . .  (Henricus)  in  regem  electus  est,  aliquantis 
tamen  ante  controversiis  inter  proceres  agitatis  atque  sopitis  ; 
annitente  maxime  comite  "VVarwicensi  Henrico,  viro  integro  et 
sancto,  cujus  familiari  jamdudum  usus  fuerat  contubernio.  Itaque 
edicto  statim  per  Angliam  misso,  injustitias  a  fratre  et  Kannulfo 
institutas  prohibuit,  pensionum  et  vinculorum  gratiam  fecit ; 
effeminates  curia  propellens,  lucernarum  usum  noctibus  in  curia 
restituit  qui  fuerat  tempore  fratris  intermissus  ;  antiquarum 
moderationem  legum  revocavit  in  solidum,  Sacramento  suo  et 
omnium  procerum,  ne  luderentur  corroborans. 

EADMER,  Hist.  Nov.  iii.  p.  55.  Henricus  qui  tune  noviter 
fratri  defuncto  in  regnum  successerat,  in  ipso  suae  consecrationis 
die  bonas  et  sanctas  omni  populo  leges  se  servaturum  et  omnes 
oppressiones  et  iniquitates,  quae  sub  fratre  suo  emerserant  in 
omni  sua  dominations,  tarn  in  ecclesiis  quam  in  saecularibus 
negotiis,  prohibitui'um  et  subversurum  spoponclerat ;  et  haec 
omnia  jurisjurandi  interjectione  firmata,  sub  monimento  litte- 
rarum  sigilli  sui  testimonio  roboratarum,  per  totum  regnum 
divulgatum  iri  pi-aeceperat. 

FI/OR.  WIG.,  A.D.  noo.  Legem  regis  Eadwardi  omnibus 
in  commune  reddidit,  cum  illis  emendationibus  quibus  pater 
suus  illam  emendavit ;  sed  forestas  quas  ille  constituit  et  habuit 
in  manu  sua  retinuit. 

WILL.  MALMESB.,  Gesta  Regum,  v.  §  394.  Robertus  interea, 
Normanniam  veniens  comitatum  suum  obsistente  nullo  recepit ; 
quo  audito  omnes  pene  hujus  terrae  optimates  fidei  regi  juratae 
transfugae  fuere  ;  quidam  nullis  exstantibus  causis,  quidam 
levibus  occasiunculis  emendicatis,  quod  nollet  iis  terras  quas 
vellent  ultro  pro  libito  eorum  impertiri.  Soli  Robertas  Filius 
Hamonis,  et  Ricardus  de  Retvers,  et  Rogerius  Bigot,  et  Robertus 
Comes  de  Mellento,  cum  fratre  Henrico,  justas  partes  fovebant. 
Ceterum  omnes  vel  clam  pro  Roberto  ut  rex  fieret  mittere,  vel 
palam  contumeliis  dominum  inurere ;  Godricum  eum  et  com- 
parem  Godgivam  appellantes. 

A.D.  HOT.  IB.  §  395.  Licet  principibus  deficientibus  partes 
ejus  solidae  manebant,  quas  Anselmi  archiepiscopi,  cum  episcopis 
suis,  simul  et  omnium  Anglorum  tutabatur  favor.  Quapropter 
ipse  provincialium  fidei  gratus  et  saluti  providus,  plerumqua 


m.]  Excerpts.  97 

cuneos  circuiens  docebat  quomodo  militum  ferociam  eludentes, 
clypeos  objectarent  et  ictus  remitterent,  quo  effecit  ut  ultroneis 
votis  pugnam  deposcerent  in  nullo  Normannos  metuentes. 

A.D.  1104.  FLOR.  WIG.  ad  ann.  Willelmus  comes  de  More- 
teon  exhaeredatus  est  de  tota  terra  sua  quam  habuit  in  Anglia. 
Non  facile  potest  narrari  miseria  quam  sustinuit  isto  tempore 
terra  Anglorum  propter  exactiones  regias. 

A.D.  1 107.  FLOR,  WIG.  ad  ann.  Annuit  rex  et  statuit,  ut  ab 
eo  tempore  in  reliquum,  nunquam  per  dationem  baculi  pastoralis 
vel  annuli  quisquam  de  episcopatu  aut  abbatia  per  regem  vel 
quamlibet  laicam  manum  in  Anglia  investiretur ;  concedente 
quoque  Anselmo  ut  nullus  in  praelationem  electus,  pro  hominio 
quod  regi  faceret,  consecratione  suscepti  honoris  privaretur. 

A.D.  1108.  FLOK.  WIG.  ad  ann.  Rex  Anglorum  Henricus 
pacem  firmam  legemque  talem  constituit,  ut  si  quis  in  furto  vel 
latrocinio  deprehensus  fuisset  suspenderetur.  Monetam  quoque 
cbrruptam  et  falsam  sub  tanta  animadversione  corrigi  statuit,  ut 
nullus  qui  posset  deprehendi  falsos  denarios  facere,  aliqua  re- 
demptione  quin  oculos  et  inferiores  corporis  partes  perderet 
juvari  valeret.  Et  quoniam  saepissime  dum  denarii  eligebantur, 
flectebantur,  rumpebantur,  respuebantur,  statuit  ut  nullus 
denarius  vel  obolus,  quos  et  rotundos  esse  instituit,  aut  etiam 
quadrans,  [si]  integer  esset,  [respueretur].  Ex  quo  facto  mag- 
num bonum  toti  regno  creatum  est,  quia  ipse  rex  haec  in 
saecularibus  ad  relevandas  terrae  aerumnas  agebat. 

WILL.  MALMESB.,  Gesta  Regum,  v.  408.  Habebat  ....  Rex 
Henricus  episcopum  Salesbiriensem  Rogerium  a  secretis,  cujus 
maxime  nitebatur  consilio,  nam  et  ante  regnum  omnibus  suis 
praefecerat  rex  ;  primum  cancellarium,  mox  episcopum  constitu- 
erat,  prudentiam  viri  expertus.  Sollerter  administrati  episco- 
patus  officium  spem  infudit,  quod  majori  dignus  haberetur 
munere,  itaque  totius  regni  moderamen  illius  delegavit  justitiae, 
sive  ipse  adesset  Angliae  sive  moraretur  Normaniiiae.  Refugit 
episcopus  tantis  se  curis  involvere  nisi  tres  Archiepiscopi  Cantua- 
rienses,  Anselmus,  Radulfus,  Willelmus,  et  postremo  papa 
injunxissent  ei  munus  obedientiae. 

OBD.  VIT.,  Eccl.  Hist.  lib.  xi.  c.  2.  .  .  .  Plerosque  illustres  pro 
temeritate  sua  de  sublimi  potestatis  culmine  praecipitavit,  et 
haereditario  jure  irrecuperabi liter  spoliates  condemnavit.  Alios 
contra  favorabiliter  illi  obsequentes  de  ignobili  stirpe  illustravit, 
de  pulvere,  ut  ita  dicam,  extulit,  dataque  multiplici  facultate 
super  consules  et  illustres  oppidanos  exaltavit.  Inde  Goiffredus 
de  Clintona,  Radulfus  Basset,  et  Hugo  de  Bocalanda,  Guillegrip, 


9  8  Henry  I.  [PART 

et  Rainerius  de  Bada,  Guillelmus  Trossebot,  et  Haimon  de 
Falesia,  Guigan  Algazo,  et  Rodbertus  de  Bostare,  aliique  plures, 
mihi  testes  sunt,  opibus  aggregatis  et  aedibus  constructis,  super 
omnia  qnae  patres  eorum  habuerunt ;  ipsi  quoque,  qui  ab  eisdem 
saepe  falsis  vel  injustis  occasionibus  oppressi  sunt.  Illos  nimi- 
rum  aliosque  plures  quos  singillatim  nominare  taedio  est,  rex 
cum  de  infimo  genere  essent  nobilitavit,  regali  auctoritate  de  imo 
erexit,  in  fastigio  potestatum  constituit,  ipsis  etiam  spectabilibus 
regni  principibus  formidabiles  effecit.  .  .  . 

Lib.  xi.  c.  3.  Rex  itaque  totum  honorem  Rodberti  (de 
Belismo)  et  hominum  ejus,  qui  cum  illo  in  rebellione  persti- 
terant,  possedit,  ipsumque  cum  equis  et  armis  incolumem  abire 
permisit,  salvumque  per  Angliam  usque  ad  mare  conductum  por- 
rexit.  Omnis  Anglia,  exulante  crudeli  tyranno,  exultavit,  mul- 
torumque  congratulatio  regi  Henrico  tune  adulando  dixit, 
'  Gaude  rex  Henrice,  Dominoque  Deo  gratias  age  quia  tu  libere 
coepisti  regnare  ex  quo  Rodbertum  de  Belismo  vicisti  et  de 
finibus  regni  tui  expulisti.'  Fugato  itaque  Rodberto  regnum 
Albionis  in  pace  siluit  et  rex  Henricus  xxxiii.  annis  prospere 
regnavit,  quibus  in  Anglia  nullus  postea  rebellare  contra  eum 
ausus  fuit,  nee  munitionem  aliquam  contra  eum  tenuit. 

HESE.  HUNTINGD.,  Hist.  lib.  vii.  Anno  igitur  sequenti 
(A.D.  1109)  data  est  filia  regis  imperatori,  ut  breviter  dicam, 
sicut  decuit ;  Rex  itaque  cepit  de  unaquaque  hida  Angliae  tres 

solidos. 

i 

CHKON.  ANG.  S.,  ad  ann.  1124.  .  .  .  Between  Christmas  and" 
Candlemas  the  acre  seed  of  wheat,  that  is  two  seedlips,  was  sold 
for  six  shillings,  and  the  acre  seed  of  oats,  that  is  four  seedlips, 
for  four  shillings.  ...  In  the  same  year,  after  S.  Andrew's 
mass,  before  Christmas,  Ralph  Basset  and  the  king's  thegns  held 
a  '  geVitenernot '  at  Hundehoge  in  Leicestershire,  and  there 
hanged  so  many  thieves  as  never  were  before,  that  was  in  that 
little  while,  altogether  four-and-forty  men  j  and  six  men  were 
deprived  of  their  eyes  and  emasculated. 

CHRON.  ANG.  S.,  ad  ann.  1135.  The  king  died  on  the  follow- 
ing day  after  S.  Andrew's  mass  day,  in  Normandy :  then  there 
was  tribulation  soon  in  the  land,  for  every  man  that  could  forth- 
with robbed  another.  Then  his  son  and  his  friends  took  his 
body  and  brought  it  to  England  and  buried  it  at  Reading.  A 
good  man  he  was,  and  there  was  great  awe  of  him.  No  man 
durst  misdo  against  another  in  his  time.  He  made  peace  for 
man  and  beast.  Whoso  bare  his  burden  of  gold  and  silver,  no 
man  durst  say  to  him  aught  but  good.  .  .  . 


ii.]  Charter  of  Liberties.  go 

A.D.  noo.     CHARTER  OF  LIBERTIES  ISSUED  BY  HENRY  L 

This  charter  -was  published  by  Henry  I  at  his  coronation,  and 
probably  reissued  from  time  to  time  as  he  found  it  necessary  to 
appeal  to  the  sympathies  of  his  people  against  their  common 
enemies.  It  is  in  form  an  amplification  of  his  Coronation  Oath, 
the  exact  words  of  which  are  still  preserved,  and  agree  with  the 
ancient  form  used  at  the  coronation  of  Ethelred  : — 

4  In  Christ!  nomine  promitto  haec  tria  populo  Christiano  mihi 
Bubdito.  In  primis  me  praecepturum  et  opem  pro  viribus  im- 
pensumm  ut  ecclesia  Dei  et  omnis  populus  Christianus  veram 
pacem  nostro  arbitrio  in  onmi  tempore  servet ;  aliud  ut  rapaci- 
tates  et  omnes  iniquitates  omnibus  gradibus  interdicam  ;  tertium 
ut  in  omnibus  judiciis  aequitwtem  et  misericordiam  praecipiam, 
ut  mihi  et  vobis  indulgeat  Suam  misericordiam  clemens  et 
misericors  Deus.' 1 

It  is  thus  a  deliberate  expression  of  the  articles  of  the 
covenant  made  by  the  king  with  his  people,  in  consideration 
of  which  he  receives  the  threefold  sanction  of  election  by  the 
nation,  unction  and  coronation  by  the  Church,  and  homage 
from  the  feudal  vassals.  Further,  it'  is  a  deliberate  limitation 
of  the  power  which  had  been  exercised  by  "William  the  Con- 
queror and  William  Rufus,  a  renunciation  of  the  evil  customs 
introduced  by  the  latter,  and  a  restoration  of  the  ancient 
customs  of  the  nation ;  and  in  this  aspect,  it  is  a  recognition  of 
the  lawful  freedom  of  the  nation,  which  those  evil  customs  had 
infringed,  and  which  was  regarded  as  symbolised  by  the  laws  of 
Edward  the  Confessor.  Further,  it  is  an  exemplification  of  the 
evil  customs  themselves  ;  and  historically  marks  the  amount  of 
depaiiure  from  free  and  national  government  which  had  pre- 
vailed in  the  late  reign.  These  are  the  oppressions  of  the  Church 
by  the  exaction  of  the  regale  in  the  case  of  vacancies,  and  the 
consequent  delay  of  elections  ;  and  those  of  the  feudal  baronage 
and  their  tenants,  by  the  excessive  exactions  in  the  way  of  reliefs, 
marriages,  and  wardships,  debts  to  the  crown  and  forfeiture.  In 

1  Maskell,  Mon.  Kit.  iii.  5,  6. 
H  2 


ioo  Henry  I.  [PART 

the  place  of  unlimited  demands  on  these  heads  the  charter  pro- 
mises not  indeed  fixed  amercements,  but  a  return  to  ancient 
equitable  custom.  The  forests  are  retained  in  the  king's  hands. 
But  the  claims  of  the  body  of  the  people  are  recognised  in  the 
proclamation  of  peace,  in  the  restoration  of  the  national  laws, 
and  in  the  provision  that  the  promises  made  by  the  crown  to  its 
vassals  shall  be  regarded  as  regulating  the  proceedings  of  those 
vassals  with  their  feudal  dependents :  a  most  important  article, 
securing  the  rights  of  the  lower  landowners,  on  the  same  basis 
as  those  of  the  higher,  and  binding  the  latter  to  do  justice  as 
they  would  have  justice  done  to  them.  In  every  point,  either 
by  likeness  or  by  contrast,  this  charter  has  important  bearings 
on  the  constitutional  programme  drawn  out  of  it  by  the  barons 
in  their  demands  on  John.  , 

Anno  Incarnationis  Dominicae  M°CaIa.  HENRICUS  FILIUS 
WILLELMI  REGIS  post  obitum  fratris  sui  Willelmi,  Dei  gratia  rex 
Anglorum,  omnibus  fidelibus  salutem. 

1.  Sciatis  me  Dei  misericordia  et  communi  consilio  baronum 
totius  regni  Angliae  ejusdem  regni  regem  coronatum  esse ;  et 
quia   regnum  oppressum  erat   injustis    exactionibus,   ego,   Dei 
respectu  et  amore  quern  erga  vos  habeo,  sanctam  Dei  ecclesiam 
imprimis   liberam  facio,  ita  quod  nee  vendam  nee  ad  firmam  i 
ponam,    nee   mortuo   archiepiscopo   sive  episcopo   sive   abbate 
aliquid  accipiam  de  dominico  ecclesiae  vel  de  hominibus  ejus 
donee  successor  in  earn  ingrediatur.     Et  omnes  malas  consuetu- 
dines  quibus  regnum  Angliae  injuste  opprimebatur  inde  aufero ; 
quas  malas  consuetudines  ex  parte  hie  pono  : 

2.  Si  quis  baronum,  comitum  meorum  sive  aliorum  qui  de 
me  tenent,   mortuus  fuerit,   haeres   suus  non   redimet    terrain 
suam  sicut  faeiebat  tempore  fratris  mei,  sed  justa  et  legitima 
relevatione    relevabit    earn.       Similiter   et   homines    baronum 
meorum  justa  et  legitima  relevatione  relevabunt  terras  suas 
de  dominis  suis. 

3.  Et  si  quis  baronum  vel  aliorum  hominum  meorum  filiam 
suam  nuptum  tradere  voluerit  sive  sororem  sive   neptim  sive 
cognatam,  mecum  inde  loquatur ;  sed  neque  ego  aliquid  de  suo 
pro  hac  licentia  accipiam  neque  defendam  ei  quin  earn  det,  ex- 
cepto  si  earn  vellet  jungere  inimico  meo.     Et  si  mortuo  barcne 
sive  alio  homine  meo  filia  haeres  remanseiit,  illam  dabo  consilio 
baronum  meorum  cum  terra  sua.     Et  si  mortuo  viro  uxor  ejus 


m.]  Charter  of  Liberties.  101 

remanserit  et  sine  liberis  fuerit,  dotem  suam  et  maritationem 
habebit,  et  earn  non  dabo  marito  nisi  secundum  velle  suum. 

4.  Si  vero  uxor  cum  liberis  remanserit,  dotem  quidem  et 
maritationem  habebit,  dum  corpus  suum  legitime  servaverit,  et 
earn  non  dabo  nisi  secundum  velle  suum.  Et  terrae  et  liberorum 
custos  erit  sive  uxor  sive  alius  propinquorum  qui  justius  esse 
debebit.  Et  praecipio  quod  barones  mei  similiter  se  contineant 
erga  filios  vel  filias  vel  iixores  hominum  suorum. 

5.  Monetagium  commune  quod  capiebatur  per  civitatea  et 
comitatus  quod  non  fuit  tempore  regis  Edwardi,  hoc  ne  amodo 
fiat  omnino  defendo.  Si  quis  captus  fuerit  sive  monetarius  sive 
alius  cum  falsa  moneta,  justitia  recta  hide  fiat. 

6.  Omnia  placita  et  omnia  debita  quae  fratri  meo  debebantur 
condono,  exceptis  rectis  firmis  meis  et  exceptis  illis  quae  pacta 
erant  pro  alionim  haereditatibus  vel  pro  eis  rebus  quae  justius 
aliis   contingebant.      Et    si    quis   pro    haereditate   sua   aliquid 
pepigerat,  illud  condono,  et  omnes  relevationes  quae  pro  rectis 
haereditatibus  pactae  fuerant. 

7.  Et  si  quis  baronum  vel  hominum  meorum  infirmabitur, 
sjcut  ipse  dabit  vel  dare  disponet  pecuniam    suam,  ita  datam 
esse  concedo.      Quod  si  ipse  praeventus  armis  vel  infirmitate, 
pecuniam  suam  non  dederit  vel  dare  disposuerit,  uxor  sua  sive 
liberi  aut  parentes,  et  legitimi  homines  ejus,  earn  pro  anima  ejus 
dividant,  sicut  eis  melius  visum  fuerit. 

8.  Si  quis  baronum  sive  hominum  meorum  forisfecerit,  non 
dabit  vadium  in  misericordia  pecuniae  suae,  sicut  faciebat  tem- 
pore patris  mei  vel  fratris  mei,  sed  secundum  modum  foiisfacti, 
ita  emendabit  sicut  emendasset  retro  a  tempore  patris  mei,  in 
tempore  aliorum  antecessorum  meorum.     Quod  si  perfidiae  vel 
sceleris  convictus  fuerit,  sicut  justum  fuerit,  sic  emendet. 

9.  Murdra  etiam  retro  ab  ilia  die  qua  in  regem  coronatus 
fui  omnia    condono  :    et  ea  quae   amodo  facta   fuerint,   juste 
emendentur  secundum  lagam  regis  Edwardi. 

10.  Forestas  communi  conseusu  baronum  meorum  in  manu 
mea  retinui,  sicut  pater  meus  eas  babuit. 

11.  Militibus  qui  per  loricas  terras   suas  defendunt,  terras 
dominicarum  carrucarum   suarum   quietas   ab  omnibus   gildi?, 
et  omni  opere,  proprio  dono  meo  concedo,  ut  sicut  tarn  magno 
allevamine  alleviati  sint,  ita  se  equis  et  armis  beiie  instruant  ad 
servitium  meum  et  ad  defensionem  regni  mei. 

.12.  Pacem  firmam  in  toto  regno  meo  pouo  et  teneri  amodo 
praecipio. 

13.  Lagam  Edwardi  regis  vobis  reddo  cum  illis  emenda- 
tionibus  quibus  pater  meus  earn  emendavit  consilio  baronum 
suorum. 


1O2  Henry  I.  [PART 

14.  Si  quis  aliquid  de  rebus  meis  vel  de  rebus  alicujus  post 
obitum  Willelmi  regis  fratris  mei  ceperit,  totum  cito  sine  emen- 
datione  reddatur,  et  si  quis  inde  aliquid  retinuerit,  ille  super 
quern  inventum  fuerit  mini  graviter  emendabit. 

Testibus  Mauricio  Lundoniae  episcopo  et  Gundulfo  episcopo 
et  Willelmo  electo  episcopo  et  Henrico  comite  et  Simone  comite 
et  Waltero  GifFardo  et  Bodberto  de  Monfort  et  Rogero  Bigoto 
et  Henrico  de  Portu,  apud  Lundoniam  quando  fui  coronatus. — 
(Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes,  p.  215.) 


A.  D.  1 1  oo.        LETTER  OF  HENRY  I  TO  ANSELM. 

AKSELM  was  absent  from  England  at  the  time  of  the  death 
of  William  Rufus,  and  Henry  I  wrote  the  following  letter  by 
way  of  an  apology  for  having  hurried  on  the  coronation  without 
waiting  for  him.  The  letter  is  of  extreme  interest,  as  showing 
the  importance  which  Henry  attached  to  his  formal  election, 
and  as  illustrating  the  constitutional  position  of  the  archbishop 
as  the  first  adviser  of  the  crown.  It  illustrates  further  the 
operation  of  the  principle  that  the  king's  peace  died  with  him, 
so  that  law  was  in  abeyance  until  the  peace  of  the  new  king  was 
proclaimed  at  his  coronation. 

HEXRICITS,  Dei  gratia  rex  Anglorum,  piissimo  patri  suo 
spiritual!  Anselmo,  Cantuariensi  episcopo,  salutem  et  omnis 
amicitiae  exhibitionem. 

Scias,  pater  carissime,  quod  frater  meus  rex  "Willelmus  mor- 
tuus  est,  et  ego  nutu  Dei,  a  clero  et  a  populo  Angliae  electus, 
et  quamvis  invitus  propter  absentiam  tui  rex  jam  consecratus, 
requiro  te  si  cut  patrem  cum  omni  populo  Angliae,  quatenus  mi  hi 
filio  tuo  et  eidem  populo  cujus  tibi  animarum  cura  commissa 
est,  quam  citius  poteris,  venias  ad  consulendum.  Heipsum 
quidem  ac  totius  regni  Angliae  populum  tuo  eorumque  consilio 
qui  tecum  mihi  consulere  debent  committo ;  et  precor  ne  tibi 
displiceat  quod  regiam  benedictionem  absque  J;e  suscepi  ;  de 
quo  si  fieri  posset  libentius  earn  susciperem  quam  de  alio  aliquo. 
Sed  necessitas  fuit  talis  quia  inimici  insurgere  volebant  contra 
me  et  populum  quern  habeo  ad  gubernandum,  et  ideo  barones 
mei  et  idem  populus  noluerunt  amplius  earn  protelari  ;  hac 
itaque  occasione  a  tuis  vicariis  illam  suscepi.  Misissem  quidem 
ad  te  a  meo  latere  aliquos  per  quos  tibi  etiam  de  mea  pecunia 


ni.]  County  Courts.  103 

destinassem,  sed  pro  morte  fratris  mei  circa  regnum  Angliae  ita 
totus  orbis  concussus  est,  ut  nullatenus  ad  te  salubriter  per- 
venire  potuissent.  Laudo  ergo  et  mando  ne  per  Northtnanniam 
veuias  sed  per  Witsand,  et  ego  Doveram  obviam  habebo  tibi 
baron  es  meos,  et  pecuniam  ad  te  recipiendum ;  et  invenies,  Deo 
juvante,  unde  bene  persolvere  poteris  quidquid  mutuo  accepisti. 
Festina  igitur,  pater,  venire,  ne  mater  nostra  Cantuariensia 
ecclesia  diu  fluctuans  et  desolata  causa  tui  amplius  sustineat 
animarum  desolationem.  Teste  Girardo  episcopo,  et  Willelmo 
Wintoniensi  electo  episcopo,  et  Willelmo  Warelwast,  et  comite 
Henrico,  et  Roberto  filio  Haimonis,  et  Haimone  dapifero  et  aliia 
tarn  episcopis  quam  baronibus  meis.  Vale.  (Epist.  Anselmi, 
III.  xli.) 


ORDER  FOB  THE  HOLDING  OF  THE  COURTS  OF  THE  HUNDRED 
AND  THE  SHIRE. 

This  charter  was  issued  between  A.  D.  1108  and  1112  :• — it  is 
addressed,  in  the  ancient  form,  to  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  and 
the  sheriff  of  the  county,  and  is  a  remarkable  relic  of  Henry's 
national  policy.  Whether  the  feudal  barons  had  attempted  to 
get  rid  of  the  national  courts  of  the  shire  and  hundred,  as  might 
be  inferred  from  the  reference  to  King  Edward's  days,  or  had 
introduced  novelties  of  process  into  them,  as  might  seem  likely 
from  the  fact  that  Bishop  Sampson  was  a  Norman  baron,  and 
that  Urso  d'Abitot  was  hereditary  sheriff  of  Worcestershire,  does 
not  appear;  nor  is  it  clear  that  this  is  not  an  isolated  case. 
It  would  seem  certain  that  the  shire  administration  existed  in 
full  order  under  William  the  Conqueror,  and  for  some  purposes 
undoubtedly  under  William  Rufus  ;  but  it  may  have  been 
perverted  to  oppression,  or  even  disregarded  altogether  by  a 
perpetual  or  hereditary  sheriff.  It  would  appear,  from  the 
words  of  the  writ,  not  improbable  that  the  sheriff  had  in  the 
king's  name  used  these  courts  for  the  purpose  of  extraordinary 
exactions,  such  as  the  chroniclers  loudly  complain  of  at  this 
period :  for  the  future,  when  the  king  has  need  of  such,  he  will 
summon  the  courts  specially  for  the  purpose  :  a  promise  which 
seems  to  throw  no  small  amount  of  light  on  the  way  in  which 
national  taxation  was  negotiated. 


104  Henry  I.  [PART 

HEXRICUS  REX  ANGLORUM  Samsoni  episcopo  et  Ursoni 
de  Abetot  et  omnibus  baronibus  suis  Francis  et  Anglis,  de 
Wirecestrescira  salutem. 

Sciatis  quod  concedo  et  praecipio  ut  amodo  comitatus  mei  et 
hundreda  in  illis  locis  et  eisdem  terminis  sedeant,  sicut  sederunt 
in  tempore  regis  Eadwardi  et  non  aliter.  Ego  enim,  quando 
voluero,  faciam  ea  satis  summonere  propter  mea  dominica  ne- 
cessaria  ad  voluntatem  meam.  Et  si  amodo  exsurgat  placitum 
de  divisione  terrarum,  si  est  inter  barones  meos  dominicos  trac- 
tetur  placitum  in  curia  mea  :  et  si  est  inter  vavassores  duorum 
dominorum  tractetur  in  comitatu.  Et  hoc  duello  fiat,  nisi  in  eis 
remanserit.  Et  volo  et  praecipio  ut  omnes  de  comitatu  eant  ad 
comitatus  et  hundreda  sicut  fecerunt  in  tempore  regis  Eadwardi, 
nee  remorent  propter  aliquam  causam  pacem  meam  vel  quietu- 
dinem,  qui  non  sequuntur  placita  mea  et  judicia  mea,  sicut  tune 
temporis  fecissent. 

Teste  R.  episcopo  Lundoniae  et  Hogero  episcopo  et  Kanulfo 
cancellario  et  R.  comite  de  Mellent ;  apud  Rading. — (Foedera, 
i.  12.) 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  '  LEGES  HENRICI  PRIMI.' 

The  compilation  from  which  the  following  extracts  are  taken, 
is  a  collection  of  legal  memoranda  and  records  of  custom,  illus- 
trated by  reference  to  the  civil  and  canon  laws,  but  containing 
very  many  vestiges  of  ancient  English  jurisprudence.  The  date 
of  the  compilation  has  been  a  matter  of  much  question,  but,  after 
a  most  careful  analysis  of  the  sources  made  by  Dr.  Liebermann, 
it  is  now  definitely  referred  to  the  period  intervening  between 
1108  and  1118.  It  would  appear  to  give  probable  but  not 
authoritative  illustrations  of  the  amount  of  national  custom 
existing  in  the  country  in  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century, 
but  cannot  be  appealed  to  with  any  confidence,  except  where  it 
is  borne  out  by  other  testimony.  Among  the  known  sources 
of  information,  the  laws  of  Canute  and  the  customs  declared  in 
Domesday  Book  are  the  most  valuable. 

VI.  i.  Regnum  Angliae  trifariam  dividitur  in  regno  Britan- 
niae,  in  Westsexiam  et  Mircenos  et  Danorum  provinciam. 


in.]  Ancient  Customs.  105 

Habet  archiepiscopatus  duos,  episcopatus  xv.  comitatus  xxxiL 
Ipsi  vero  comitatus  in  centurias  et  sij>essocna  distinguuntur. 
Centuriae  vel  hundreta  in  decanias  vel  decimas  et  dominorum 
plegios.  2.  Legis  etiam  Anglicae  trina  est  partitio,  ad  supe- 
riorem  modum,  alia  enim  Westsexiae,  alia  Mircena,  alia  Dene- 
laga  est.  .  .  . 

VII.  I.  Sicut  antiqua  fuerat  institutione  formatum,  salutari 
regis  imperio,  vera  nuper  est  recordatione  firmatum,  generalia 
comitatuum  placita  certis  locis  et  vicibus  et  diffinito  tempore, 
per  singulas  Angliae  provincias  convenire  debere,  nee  ullis  ultra 
fatigationibus  agitari,  nisi  propria  regis  necessitas  vel  commune 
regni  commodum  saepius  adjiciat.     2.  Intersint  autem  episcopi, 
comites,  vicedomini,  vicarii,   centenarii,    aldermanni,  praefecti, 
praepositi,   barones,   vavasores,    tungrevii    et    ceteri    terrarum 
domini,  diligenter  intendentes  ne  malorum  impunitas  aut  gra- 
viorum  pra vitas  vel  judicum  subversio  solita  miseros  laceratione 
conficiant.    3.  Agantur  itaque  primo  debita  verae  Christianitatis 
jura  :  secundo  regis  placita ;  postremo  causae  singulorum  dignis 
satisfactionibus  expleantur ;    et  quoscunque  scyresmot  discor- 
dantes   inveniet,  vel    amore    congreget  vel   sequestret  judicio. 
4.    Debet    autem    scyresmot   et   burgemot   bis,    hundreta  vel 
wapentagia  duodecies  in  anno  congregari,  et  sex  diebus  antea 
submoniri,  nisi  publicum  commodum  vel  regis  dominica  neces- 
sitas  terminum   praeveniat.       5.   Et   si    aliquid   in   hundretis 
agendorum  periuria  judicum  vel  casu  aliquo  transferendum  sit 
in  duas  vel  tres  vel  amplius  hundretas,  respectetur  justo  fine 
claudendum.     6.  Et  si  quisquam  violenta  recti  destitutione  vel 
detentione,  in  hundretis  vel  congruis  agendorum  locis  causam 
suam  ita  turbaverit,  ut  ad  comitatus  audientiam  pertrahatur, 
perdat  earn,  et  de  cetero  componat  sicut  rectum  sit.     7.  Si  quis 
baronum  regis  vel  aliorum  comitatui  secundum  legem  interfu- 
erit,  totam  terram  quam  illic  in  dominio  suo  habet,  acquietare 
poterit.     Eodem  modo  est  si  dapifer  ejus  legitime  fuerit.     Si 
uterque  necessario  desit,  praepositus  et  sacerdos  et  quatuor  de 
melioribus  villae  assint  pro  omnibus  qui  nominatim  non  erunt 
ad  placitum  submoniti.     8.  Idem  in  hundreto  decrevimus  ob- 
servandum  de  locis  et  vicibus  et  judicum  observantiis,  de  causis 
singulorum    justis    examinationibus    audiendis,    de   domini   et 
dapiferi,   vel   sacerdotis   et   praepositi   et    meliorum   hominum 
praesentia. 

VIII.  i.  Special!  tamen  plenitudine,  si  opus  est,  bis  in  anno 
conveniant  in  hundretum  suum  quicunque  liberi,  tarn  heorthfest 
quam  folgarii,  ad  dinoscendum  scilicet  inter  cetera  si  decaniae 


io6  Henry  /.  .  [PA.HT 

plenae  sint  vel  qui  quomoclo  qua  ratione  recesserint  vel  super- 
accreverint.  Praesit  autem  singulis  liominum  novenis  decimus,  et 
toti  siraul  hundreto  unus  de  melioribus  et  vocetur  aldremannus, 
qui  Dei  leges  et  hominum  jura  vigilant!  studeat  observantia  pro- 
movere.  2.  Communis  quippe  commodi  provida  dispensatione 
statutum  est,  ut  a  duodecimo  aetatis  suae  anno  et  in  hundreto 
sit  et  decima,  vel  plegio  liberali,  quisquis  were,  vel  wite,  vel 
jure  liberi,  dignus  curat  aestimari.  Conductitii,  vel  solidarii,  vel 
stipendiarii  dominorum  plegio  teneantur.  3.  Et  omnis  dominus 
secum  tales  habeat  qui  ei  justitiabiles  sint,  tanquam  eos  si 
peccaverint  ad  rectum  habiturus,  vel  pro  eis  forsitan  rationem 
redditurus.  4.  Dictum  est  de  illis  qui  terram  non  habent,  si 
in  alio  comitatu  serviant  et  cognationem  suam  visitent,  qui  eos 
inter  agendum  firmabit,  eos  ad  publicum  rectum  ducat,  si  ibi 
forisfaciant,  vel  propter  eos  emendet.  .  .  . 

IX.  4.  Et  omnis  causa  terminetur  vel  hundreto  vel  comitatu 
vel  halimoto  socam  habentium,  vel  dominorum  curiis,  vel  divisis 
parium,  vel  certis  agendorum  locis  adjacentibus.  .  .  . 

XV.  Denagildum  quod  aliquando  thingemannis  dabatur,  id 
est  xii.  denarii  de  unaquaque  hyda  per  annum,  si  ad  terminos 
non  reddatur,  wita  emendetur. 

XXIX.  Regis  judices  sunt  barones  comitatus  qui  liberas  in 
eis  terras  habent,  per  quos  debent  causae  singulorum  alterna 
prosecutione  tractari :  villani  vero  vel  cotseti,  vel  ferdingi,  vel 
qui  sunt  viles  vel  inopes  personae,  non  sunt  inter  legum  judices 
numerandi.  .  .  . 

XXXI.  3.  Interesse  comitatui  debent  episcopi,  comites,  et 
ceterae  potestates,  quae  Dei  leges  et  saeculi  negotia  justa  con- 

sideratione    diffiniant 7.  Unusquisque   per   pares 

suos  judicandus  est,  et  ejusdem  provinciae.     .     .     . 

LV.  I.  Omni  domino  licet  submonire  hominem  suum,  ut 
ei  sit  ad  rectum  in  curia  sua :  et  si  residens  est  ad  remotius 
manerium  ejusdem  honoris  unde  tenet,  ibit  ad  placitum,  si 
dominus  suus  submoneat  euro.  Si  dominus  ejus  diversos  feodos 
teneat,  non  cogitur  per  legem  homo  unius  honoris  in  alium  ire 
placitum,  nisi  de  alterius  causa  sit,  ad  quern  dominus  suus  sub- 
monuerit  eum.  2.  Si  homo  de  pluribus  dominis  et  honoribus 
teneat,  quantumcunque  de  aliis  habeat,  ei  plus  debet  et  ejus 
residens  per  judicium  erit,  cujus  homo  ligius  erit.  3.  Omnis 
homo  fidem  debet  domino  suo  de  vita  et  membris  suis  et  terreno 
honore  et  observatione  consilii  sui,  per  honestum  et  utile,  fide 
Dei  et  terrae  principis  salva.  Furtum  vero  et  proditio  et  mur- 


in.]  Charter  of  London.  107 

drum  et  quae  contra  Dominum  sunt  et  fidem  catholicam,  null! 
praecipienda  vel  peragenda  sunt ;  se'd  fides  habeatur  dominis 
omnibus,  salva  fide  praecedentium,  et  magis  ei  cujus  ligius  est : 
et  ejus  licentia  sit,  si  quis  hominum  ejus  alium  sibi  dominum 
faciat. 

LXVI.  6.  Si  quis  burcbotam  vel  brigbotam  vel  fierdfare 
supersederit,  emendet  hoc  erga  regem  cxx.  solidis  in  Anglorum 
laga  :  in  Denelaga  sicut  stetit  antea,  vel  ita  se  allegiet,  nominen- 
tur  ei  xiiii.  et  acquirat  ex  eis  xi. — (Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes, 
pp.  216-266.) 


CHARTER  OP  HENRY  I  TO  THE  CITIZENS  OP  LONDON". 

The  privileges  of  the  citizens  of  London  are  not  to  be  re- 
garded as  a  fair  specimen  of  the  liberties  of  ordinary  towns ; 
but  as  a  sort  of  type  and  standard  of  the  amount  of  municipal 
independence  and  self-government  at  which  the  other  towns  of 
the  country  might  be  expected  to  aim.  At  a  period  at  which 
the  other  towns  were  just  struggling  out  of  the  condition  of 
demesne,  the  Londoners  were  put  in  possession  of  the  ferm  or 
farm  of  Middlesex,  with  the  right  of  appointing  the  sheriff : 
they  were  freed  from  the  immediate  jurisdiction  of  any  tribunal 
except  of  their  own  appointment,  from  several  universal  imposts, 
from  the  obligation  to  accept  trial  by  battle,  from  liability  to 
misericordia  or  entire  forfeiture,  a's  well  as  from  tolls  and  local 
exactions  such  as  ordinary  charters  specify.  They  have  also 
their  separate  franchises  secured,  and  their  weekly  courts.  But 
they  have  not  yet  the  character  of  a  perpetual  corporation 
or  communa,  and  thus,  although  possessing  by  virtue  of  their 
associations  in  guilds,  of  their  several  franchises,  of  their  feudal 
courts,  and  of  their  shire  organisation  under  the  sheriff,  many 
elements  of  strength,  consolidation,  and  independence,  they  have 
not  a  compact  organisation  as  a  municipal  body.  The  city  is  an 
accumulation  of  distinct  and  different  corporate  bodies,  but  not 
yet  a  perfect  municipality,  nor,  although  it  was  recognised  in 
the  reign  of  Stephen  as  a  communio,  did  it  gain  the  legal  status 
before  the  reign  of  Richard  I. 


io8  Henry  I.  [PART 


Carlo,  Civibus  Londoniarum. 

HEXRICUS  Dei  gratia  rex  Angliae,  archiepiscopo  Cantuariae 
et  episcopis  et  abbatibus,  et  comitibus  et  baronibus  et  justitiariis 
et  vicecornitibus  et  omnibus  fidelibus  suis,  Francis  et  Anglicis, 
totius  Angliae,  salutem.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  civibus  meis 
Londoniarum,  teuendum  Middlesex  ad  firmam  pro  ccc.  libris  ad 
compotum,  ipsis  et  haeredibus  suis,  de  me  et  haeredibus  meis,  ita 
quod  ipsi  cives  ponent  vicecomitem  qualem  voluerint  de  se  ipsis, 
et  justitiarium  qualem  voluerint  de  seipsis,  ad  custodiendum 
placita  coronae  meae  et  eadetn  placitanda ;  et  nullus  alius  erit 
justitiarius  super  ipsos  homines  Londoniarum.  Et  cives  non 
placitabunt  extra  muros  civitatis  pro  ullo  placito ;  et  sint  quieti 
de  schot  et  de  loth,  de  Danegildo  et  de  murdro,  et  nullus  eorum 
faciat  bellum.  Et  si  quis  civium  de  placitis  coronae  implacitatus 
fuerit,  per  sacramentum  quod  judicatum  fuerit  in  civitate,  se 
disrationet  homo  Londoniarum.  Et  infra  muros  civitatis  nullus 
hospitetur,  neque  de  mea  familia  neque  de  alia,  nisi  alicui  hos- 
pitium  liberetur.  Et  omnes  homines  Londoniarum  sint  quieti 
et  liberi,  et  omnes  res  eorum,  et  per  totam  Angliam  et  per 
portus  maris,  de  theolonio  et  passagio  et  lestagio  et  omnibus 
aliis  consuetudinibus.  Et  ecclesiae  et  barones  et  cives  teneant 
et  habeant  bene  et  in  pace  socnas  suas  cum  omnibus  consuetu- 
dinibus, ita  quod  hospites  qui  in  soccis  suis  hospitantur  nulli 
dent  consuetudines  suas,  nisi  ill!  cujus  socca  fuerit,  vel  ministro 
suo  quern  ibi  posuerit.  Et  homo  Londoniarum  non  judicetur 
in  misericordia  pecuniae,  nisi  ad  suam  were,  scilicet  ad  c.  solidos; 
dico  de  placito  quod  ad  pecuniam  pertineat.  Et  amplius  non 
sit  miskenninga  in  hustenge  neque  in  folkesmote  neque  in  aliis 
placitis  infra  civitatem.  Et  busting  sedeat  semel  in  hebdomada, 
videlicet  die  Lunae.  Et  terras  suas  et  wardemotum  et  debita 
civibus  meis  habere  faciam  infra  civitatem  et  extra.  Et  de  terris 
de  quibus  ad  me  clamaverint  rectum  eis  tenebo  lege  civitatis. 
Et  si  quis  thelonium  vel  consuetudinem  a  civibus  Londoniarum 
ceperit,  cives  Londoniarum  capiant  de  burgo  vel  de  villa  ubi 
thelonium  vel  consuetudo  capta  fuit,  quantum  homo  Londoni- 
arum pro  thelonio  dedit,  et  proinde  de  damno  ceperit.  Et  omnes 
debitores  qui  civibus  debita  debent  eis  reddant,  vel  in  London! is 
se  disrationent  quod  non  debent.  Quod  si  reddere  noluerint 
neque  ad  disrationandum  venire,  tune  cives  quibus  debita  sua 
debent  capiant  intra  civitatem  namia  sua,  vel  de  comitatu  in 
quo  manet  qui  debitum  clebet.  Et  cives  habeant  fugationes  suas 
ad  fugandum  sicut  melius  et  plenius  habuerunt  antecessores 
eorum,  scilicet  Ciltre  et  Middlesex  et  Sureie.  Testibus  episcopo 


in.]  Charter  of  Beverley.  109 

Winton.,  Koberto  filio  Richer.,  et  Hugone  Bigot,  et  Aluredo 
de  Toteneis,  et  Willelmo  Albini,  et  Huberto  regis  Camerario, 
et  Willelmo  de  Montfichet,  et  Hagulfo  de  Tani,  et  Johanne 
Belet,  et  Rob.  fil.  Siwardi.  Datum  apud  "Westrnonasterium. — 
(Foedera,  i.  II.) 


THE  CHASTER  GRANTED  BY  ARCHBISHOP  THUESTAK 
TO  BEVERLEY. 

The  scarcity  of  original  charters  granted  to  towns  by  Henry  I, 
or  during  his  reign,  is  probably  to  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact 
that  such  early  grants  of  privileges  were  regarded  as  superseded 
by  the  later  and  larger  ones,  and  were  less  carefully  preserved. 
Those  of  Beverley  perhaps  owe  their  preservation  to  the  fact 
that  the  adjustment  of  the  rights  of  the  archbishop,  the  canons, 
and  the  burghers,  necessitated  a  constant  reference  to  them. 
The  following  charter  is  of  great  value,  as  illustrating  the 
privileges  which  had  been  conferred  by  the  king  upon  York. 
The  Hans-hits  of  the  north  is  the  Guildhall  of  the  south ;  the 
statuta  are  the  by-laws  or  written  customs  of  the  borough. 
The  archbishop,  by  virtue  no  doubt  of  the  king's  authority, 
frees  the  burghers  from  toll  not  only  in  his  own  demesnes,  but 
throughout  the  shire.  The  ferm  rent  is  fixed  at  eighteen  marks 
per  annum.  Further  than  this  the  charter  does  not  go ;  nor 
perhaps  did  the  charter  of  York,  upon  the  model  of  which  it 
was  drawn  up.  The  number  of  towns  and  cities  which  were 
in  the  demesne  of  the  bishops  and  barons  at  this  time  was  very 
large ;  and  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  even  when  the  lord  was 
prevailed  upon  to  grant  a  charter,  he  had  either  the  power  or 
the  will  to  confer  so  large  privileges  as  the  king,  or  a  great 
prince,  like  the  archbishop  of  York,  with  the  king's  authorisa- 
tion, could  bestow. 

TURSTINUS,  Dei  gratia  Eboracensis  Archiepiscopus,  cunctis 
Christ!  fidelibus  tarn  praesentibus  quam  futuris,  salutem  et  Dei 
benedictionem  et  suam. 

Notum  sit  vobis  me  dedisse  et  concessisse,  et  consilio  capituli 
Eboracensis  et  Beverlacensis  et  consilio  meorum  baronum  niea 


no  Henry  I.  [PART 

carta  confirmasse,  hominibus  de  Beverlaco  omnes  libertates  eis- 
dem  legibus  quibus  illi  de  Eboraco  habent  in  sua  civitate.  Prae- 
terea  non  lateat  vos  quod  dominus  Henricus  rex  noster  nobis 
concessit  potestatem  faciendi  hoc  de  bona  voluntate  sua,  et  sua 
carta  confirmavit  statuta  nostra  et  leges  nostras  juxta  formam 
legum  burgensium  de  Eboraco,  salva  dignitate  et  honore  Dei 
et  Sancti  Johannis  et  nostri  et  canonicorum,  ut  ita  scilicet 
honorem  eleemosynarum  praedecessorum  suorum  exaltaret  et 
promoveret  cum  omnibus  his  liberis  consuetudinibus. 

Volo  ut  burgenses  mei  de  Beverlaco  habeant  suam  hans-hus. 
quam  eis   do,   et   concede  ut  ibi   sua   statuta   pertractent 
honorem  Dei  et  Sancti  Johannis  et  canonicorum  et  ad  totius  vil- 

latus  emendationem,  eadem  liberatam  lege  sicut  illi  de  Eboraco 

. 
habeut  in  sua  hans-hus.    Concede  etiam  eis  thelonium  in  per- 

petuum  pro  xviii.  marcis  annuatim  ;  praeterquam  in  iis  festis  in 
quibus  theloneum  ad  nos  et  ad  canonicos  spectat,  in  festo  scilicet 
Sancti  Johannis  Confessoris  in  Maio,  et  in  festo  Translationis 
Sancti  Johannis,  et  in  Nativitate  Sancti  Johannis  Baptistae ;  in 
his  vero  tribus  festis  omnes  burgenses  de  Beverlaco  ab  omni 
teloneo  liberos  et  quietos  dimisi.  Hujus  etiam  cartae  testimonio 
eisdem  burgensibus  liberos  introitus  et  exitus  concessi  in  villa 
et  extra  villam,  in  piano  et  bosco  et  marisco,  in  viis  et  in  semi- 
tis,  et  ceteris  convenientiis,  excepto  in  pratis  et  bladis,  sicut 
unquam  melius  liberius  et  largius  aliquis  possit  concedere  et 
confirmare  ;  et  sciatis  quod  sint  liberi  et  quieti  ab  omni  telonio 
per  totam  schiram  Eboraci  sicut  illi  de  Eboraco.  Et  volo  ut 
quicunque  hoc  disfecerit,  anathema  sit,  sicut  ipsius  ecclesiae 
Sancti  Johannis  asserit  consuetude  et  sicut  statutum  est  in 
ecclesia  Sancti  Johannis. 

Hii  sunt  testes ;  Galfridus  Murdac,  Nigellus  Fossard,  Alanus 
de  Perci,  Walterus  Es-pec,  Eustachius  filius  Johannis,  Tomas 
praepositus,  Turstinus  archidiaconus,  Herebertus  camerarius, 
Willelmus  filius  Tole,  Willelmus  Baiocensis ;  coram  tota  familia 
archiepiscopi,  clericis  et  laicis,  in  Eboi-aco. — (Foedera  i.  10.) 


THE  CUSTOMS  OP  NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNB. 

The  consuetudines  mentioned  so  constantly  in  the  charters  of 
borqughs  were  the  common  or  customary  laws  which  had  existed 
in  them  immemorially,  and  were  amended  from  time  to  time, 
as  by-laws.  These  are  not  rehearsed  in  the  charters,  perhaps 


in.]  Customs  of  Newcastle.  Hi 

because  of  the  difficulty  of  enumerating  them  perfectly,  and  the 
danger  of  creating  a  spirit  of  rivalry  amongst  similar  bodies  • 
nor  would  it  be  well,  whilst  giving  power  to  alter  and  amend 
them,  to  place  them  in  solemn  record  in  a  charter,  which  might 
be  regarded  as  infringed  by  any  such  attempt  at  alteration. 
The  perpetuation  of  such  customs  by  oral  tradition  only  would  ' 
involve  no  risk,  at  a  period  at  which  the  whole  law  of  the  land 
was  customary ;  nor  is  it  at  all  clear  that  the  customary  law 
had  not  a  position  in  the  constitution  strong  enough  to  resist, 
and  even,  as  in  the  case  of  weights  and  measures,  successfully 
to  defy,  statutory  enactments.  The  customs  of  Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne  are  taken  from  a  report,  drawn  up  in  the  reign  of  Henry  II, 
as  to  their  character  under  Henry  I.  It  will  be  seen  that  they 
chiefly  concern  internal  arrangements,  and  show  very  little  ten- 
dency towards  independent  organisation.  They  are,  in  fact,  the 
statuta  which  the  burghers  were  empowered  to  deal  with  in  their 
own  assemblies ;  and  the  body  which  treated  them  was  doubt- 
less of  the  nature  of  the  homage  of  a  manor  under  its  reeve  or 
praepositus  assisted  by  the  leet  jury — such  a  body  as  continues 
to  make  and  enforce  such  regulations,  with  a  very  much 
diminished  sphere  of  action,  to  the  present  day. 

Hae  sunt  leges  et  consuetudines  quas  Burgenses  Novi  Castetti 
super  Tinam  habuerunt  tempore  Henrici  Regis  Angliae  et 
habere  debent. 

Burgenses  possunt  namiare  foris  habitantes  infra  suum  forum 
et  extra  et  infra  suam  domum  et  extra,  et  infra  suum  burgum 
et  extra,  sine  licentia  praepositi,  nisi  comitia  teneantur  in  burgo, 
et  nisi  in  exercitu  sint  vel  custodia  castelli. 

Super  burgensem  non  potest  burgensis  namum  capere  sine 
iicentia  praepositi. 

Si  burgensis  foris  habitantibus  aliquid  accommodaverit  in 
burgo,  ipse  debitor  si  concedat  reddat  debitum,  vel  in  burgo 
faciat  rectum. 

Placita  quae  in  burgo  surgunt  ibidem  teneantur  et  finiantur,  r 
praeter  ilia  quae  sunt  coronae  regis. 

Si  aliquis  burgensis  de  aliqua  loquela  appelletur,  non  placitabit 
extra  burgum  nisi  ex  defectu  curiae.  Nee  debet  respondere  sine  \ 


Henry  I.  [PART 

die  et  termlno,  nisi  prius  in  stultam  responsionem  incident,  nisi 
de  rebus  quae  ad  coronam  pertinent. 

Si  navis  apud  Tinemue  applicuerit  quae  velit  discedere,  licet 
burgensibus  emere  quod  voluerint. 

Inter  burgensem  et  mercatorem  si  placitum  oriatur,  finiatur 
ante  tertiam  refluxionem  maris, 

Quicquid  mercaturae  navis  per  mare  advexerit  ad  terrara 
debet  ferri  praeter  sal,  et  allec  debet  vendi  in  navim. 

Si  quis  terrain  in  burgagio  uno  anno  et  una  die  juste  et  sine 
calumnia  tenuerit^  non  respondeat  calumnianti,  nisi  calumnians 
extra  regnum  Angliae  fuerit,  vel  ubi  sit  puer  non  habens  potes- 
tatem  loquendi. 

Si  burgensis  habeat  filium  in  domo  sua  'ad  mensam  suam, 
films  ejus  eandem  habeat  libertatera  quam  et  pateirsuus. 

Si  rusticus  in  burgo  veniat  manere,  et  ibi  per  annum  unum 
et  diem  sicut  burgensis  maneat  in  burgo,  ex*  toto  remaneat, 
nisi  prius  ab  ipso  vel  domino  suo  praelocutum  sit  ad  terminum 
remanere. 

Si  quis  burgensis  de  re  aliqua  appellaverit,  non  potest  super 
burgensem  pugnare,  sed  per  legem  se  defendat  burgensis,  nisi 
sit  de  proditione,  unde  debeat  se  defendere  bello.  Nee  burgensis 
contra  villanum  poterit  pugnare  nisi  prius  de  burgagio  exierit. 

Mercator  aliquis,  nisi  burgensis,  non  potest  extra  villam  emere 
nee  lanam  nee  coria  nee  mercatoria  alia  nee  infra  burgum  nisi 
burgensibus. 

Si  forisfactum  contigerit  burgensi,  dabit  vi.  eras  praeposito. 

In  burgo  non  est  merchet,  nee  heriet,  ne'e  blodwit,  nee 
stengesdint. 

Unusquisque  burgensis  potest  habere  suum  furnum  et  molam 
manualem  si  velit,  salvo  jure  furni  regis. 

Si  femina  sit  in  suo  forisfacto  de  pane  vel  de  cervisia,  nullus 
debet  intromittere  nisi  praepositus.  Si  bis  forisfecerit,  castigetur 
per  .  .  .  forisfactum.  Si  tertio  forisfecerit  justitia  de  ea  fiat. 

Nullus  nisi  burgensis  poterit  emere  telas  ad  tingendas  nee 
facere  nee  secare. 

Burgensis  potest  dare  terram  suam  et  vendere  et  ire  quo 
voluerit  libere  et  quiete,  nisi  sit  in  calumnia. — (Acts  of  Par- 
liament of  Scotland,  i.  33,  34.) 


m.]  Stephen.  1 1 5 


A.  D.  1135-1154.    STEPHEN. 

Archbishops  of  Canterbury.    William  of  Corbeuil,  1133-1136;  Theo- 
bald, 1139-1161. 

Chief  Justice.     Eoger  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  1135-1139. 
Chancellors.     Koger  le  Poor,  1135-1139  ;  Philip,  1139. 

The  aversion  of  the  Normans  to  an  Angevin  ruler,  the 
unpopularity  of  the  Empress,  and  the  uncertainty  about  Henry's 
final  determination  as  to  a  successor,  facilitated  the  accession  of 
Stephen,  although  he  had  no  strong  party  nor  any  claim  to 
the  throne.  The  opportunity  was  seized  by  his  promptness  ; 
and  the  election,  grudgingly  and  informally  transacted,  was  con- 
firmed by  the  body  of  the  barons  and  bishops  in  spite  of  their 
oaths,  and  subsequently  approved  by  the  pope.  But  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  support  at  first  afforded  had  to  be  purchased  by 
large  gifts  and  larger  promises,  which  Stephen,  who  was  facile 
rather  than  false,  too  readily  bestowed.  The  charters  which  he 
issued  went  indeed  no  further  than  was  just  and  fair,  but  the 
weakness  of  his  hold  on  the  royal  authority  was  shown  con- 
spicuously by  his  extravagant  grants  of  the  crown  lands  and  by 
his  inability  to  secure  the  execution  of  the  laws.  As  soon  as 
his  power  of  purchasing  support  was  exhausted,  he  was  defied 
by  the  barons,  and  a  general  paralysis  of  government  followed. 
Those  barons  and  bishops  who  had  not  already  formed  uncon- 
stitutional designs,  were  compelled,  in  self-defence,  to  fortify 
their  castles  and  prepare  for  civil  war.  Stephen,  conscious  of 
the  weakness  of  his  position,  attempted,  by  the  arrest  of  bishops 
Roger  and  Alexander,  to  strike  terror  into  the  feudalists. 
Instead  of  doing  this,  the  measure  had  the  effect  of  throwing  the 
whole  administration  of  the  country  into  the  utmost  disorder, 
and  alienating  the  clergy  at  the  same  time.  Nor  could  the 
struggle  with  the  Empress  have  lasted  so  long  as  it  did,  or  have 
had  such  an  issue,  if  the  baronage  as  a  body  had  been  deter- 
mined to  put  an  end  to  it  in  her  favour.  Neither  she  nor 
Stephen  had  any  real  hold  on  the  country :  the  feudal  party 
fought  rather  for  its  own  advantage  than  for  theirs;  and  the 

I 


T  14  Stephen.  [PART 

stoppage  of  the  administrative  machinery  deprived  the  nation 
at  large  of  any  chance  of  united  action.  Both  parties  fought 
with  mercenary  forces,  and  the  people  suffered.  After  a  long 
struggle,  the  hishops  negotiated  a  peace  which  gave  the  crown 
to  Stephen  for  the  remainder  of  his  life,  and  the  succession  to 
Henry  of  Anjou  :  and  advantage  was  taken  of  this  compromise 
to  force  on  both  parties  the  reforms  and  restoration  of  good 
government,  the  carrying  out  of  which  marks  so  strongly  and 
clearly  the  reign  of  Henry  II.  After  the  arrest  of  the  bishops 
by  Stephen  in  1139,  the  constitutional  history  of  the  reign  is  in 
abeyance  until  the  treaty  of  Wallingford  in  1153. 

EXCERPTS. 

WILL.  MALMESB.,  Hist.  Nov.  i.  §  n.  Ille  (sc.  Stephanus)  ubi 
a  Londoniensibus  et  Wintoniensibus  in  regem  exceptus  est,  etiam 
Eogerum  Salesberiensem  episcopum  et  Willelmum  de  Ponte 
arcus,  custodes  thesaurorum  regalium,  ad  se  transduxit.  Ne 
tamen  veritas  celetur  posteris,  omnes  ejus  conatus  irriti  fuissenf 
nisi  Henricus  frater  ejus  Wintoniensis  episcopus,  qui  modo 
Apostolicae  sedis  legatus  est  in  Anglia,  placidum  ei  commo- 
dasset  assensum  :  spe  scilicet  captus  amplissima,  quod  Stephanus 
avi  sui  Willelmi  in  regni  moderamine  mores  servaret  praecipue- 
que  in  Ecclesiastic!  vigoris  disciplina.  Quapropter  districto 
Sacramento  quod  a  StephanO  Willelmu^  Cantuariensis  Archiepis- 
copus  exegit  de  libertate  reddenda  Ecclesiae  et  conservanda, 
Episcopus  Wintoniensis  se  mediatorem  et  vadem  apposuit.  .  .  . 
Coronatus  est  ergo  in  regem  Angliae  Stephanus  XI°  kalendas 
Januarii,  Dominica,  XXaIIa  die  post  excessum  avunculi,  anno 
Dominicae  Incarnationis  M°C°XXX0V0  tribus  episcppis  prae- 
sentibus,  archiepiscopo,  Wintoniensi,  Salesberiensi,  nullis  abbat- 
ibus,  paucissimis  optimatibus. 

CONT.  FL.  WIG.,  App.  Volente  igitur  Gaufrido  comite  cum 
uxore  sua,  quae  haeres  erat,  in  regnum  succedere,  primores 
terrae,  juramenti  sui  male  recordantes,  regem  eum  suscipere 
noluerunt,  dicentes  '  Alienigena  non  regnabit  super  nos  :'  initoque 
consilio,  Stephano  comiti  .  .  .  coronam  regni  imposuerunt. 

GESTA  STEPHANI,  p.  3.  Cumque  .  .  .  cum  paucissimo  comitatu 
applicuisset,  ad  ipsam  totius  regionis  reginam  metrop'plim,  ma- 
turato  itinere,  Londonias  devenit.  Concussa  protenus  in  ad- 
ventu  viri  civitas  ilia  cum  laeto  strepitu  obviam  ei  occurrit.  .  . . 


in.]  Excerpts. 

Majores  igitur  natu,  consultuque  quique  provectiores,  concilium 
coegere,  deque  regni  statu  pro  arbitrio  suo  utilia  in  commune 
providentes,  ad  regem  eligendum  unanimiter  conspiravere. 
Dicebant  enim  omne  regnum  sinistrae  fortunae  casibus  sub- 
jacere,  ubi  ipsa  totius  regiminis  praesentia,  justitiaeque  caput, 
defuerit.  Idcirco  operae  pretium  eis  esse  regem  quam  mature 
constituere,  qui  ad  cominunis  utilitatis  pacem  reformandam  et 
rebellibus  regni  armatus  occurreret  et  legum  instituta  juste  dis- 
poneret.  Id  quoque  sui  esse  juris,  suique  specialiter  privilegii, 
ut  si  rex  ipsorum  quoquo  modo  obiret,  alius  suo  provisu  in  regno 
substituendus  e  vestigio  succederet.  .  .  .  His  igitur  auditis  et  ab 
omnibus  gratiose,  nulloque  aperte  contradicente,  receptis,  de 
regno  suscipiendo  eum  in  commune  consultum  conscivere,  regem  - 
que,  omnium  ad  hoc  concordante  favore,  constituere :  firmata 
prius  utrimque  pactione,  peractoque,  ut  vulgus  asserebat,  mutuo 
juramento,  ut  eum  cives  quoad  viveret  opibus  sustentarent, 
viribus  tutarentur,  ipse  autem  ad  regnum  pacificandum  ad 
omnium  eorundem  suffragium  toto  sese  conatu  accingeret. 

WILL.  NEWS.  i.  4.  Cum  .  .  .  rex  Henri cus  obiisset,  idem 
Stephanus  sacramenti  quod  filiae  ejus  de  conservanda  fidelitate 
praestiterat  praevaricator,  regnum  arripuit,  annitentibus  prae- 
sulibus  atque  principibus  eodem  Sacramento  astrictis.  .  .  . 
Stephanus  ergo  ut  contra  jus  humanum  pariter  et  Divinum  ; 
humanum  scilicet  quia  legitimus  haeres  non  erat ;  et  Divinum, 
id  est  violata  jurisjurandi  religione ;  sublimaretur  in  regnum, 
pactus  est  quaecunque  praesules  et  proceres  exigere  voluerunt, 
quae  postea  per  ejus  perfidiam  in  irritum  cuncta  cesserunt 

HEN.  HUNT.  lib.  viii.  Inde  perrexit  rex  Stephanus  apud 
Oxineforde,  ubi  recordatus  est  et  confirmavit  pacta  quae  Deo  et 
populo  et  sanctae  Ecclesiae  concesserat  in  die  coronationis  suae ; 
quae  sunt  haec  ;  primo  vovit  quod  defunctis  episcopis  nunquam 
retineret  ecclesias  in  manu  sua,  sed  statim  election]  canonicae 
consentiens  episcopis  eas  investiret.  Secundo  vovit  quod  nullius 
clerici  vel  laici  silvas  in  manu  sua  retineret,  sicut  rex  Henricus 
fecerat,  qui  singulis  annis  implacitaverat  eos,  si  vel  venationem 
cepissent  in  silvis  propriis,  vel  si  eas  ad  necessitates  suas  exstir- 
parent  vel  diminuerent.  .  .  .  Tertio  vovit  quod  Danegeldum,  id 
est,  duos  solidos  ad  hidam,  quos  antecessores  sui  accipere  sole- 
rjant  singulis  annis,  in  aeternum  condonaret.  Haec  principaliter 
J)eo  vovit  et  alia,  sed  nihil  horum  tenuit. 

WILL.  MALMESB.,  Hist.  Nov.  i.  §  18.  Anno  Incarnationis 
Dominicae  M°C0XXX°VIII0,  intestinis  dissidiis  Anglia  quati- 
ebatur ;  nmlti  siquidem  quos  nobilitas  generis  vel  magnitudo 

I  2 


n6  Stephen.  [PART 

animi  vel  potius  viridioris  aetatis  audacia  ad  illicita  praecipita- 
bat,  a  rege  hi  praedia,  hi  castella,  postremo  quaecunque  semel 
collibuisset,  petere  non  verebantur  ;  quae  cum  ille  dare  differ- 
ret  .  .  .  illi  continue  ira  commoti  castella  contra  eum  obfirma- 
bantx.  .  .  Denique  multos  etiam  comites,  qui  ante  non  fuerant, 
instituit,  applicitis  possessionibus  et  redditibus  quae  proprio 
jure  regi  competebant.  .  .  . 

IB.  ii.  §  34.  Sub  Stephano  plures  ex  Flandria  et  Britannia, 
rapto  vivere  assueti,  spe  magnarum  praedarum  Angliam  in- 
volabant. 

HEN.  HUNT.  lib.  viii.  Quinto  anno  regni  sui  fugavit  rex 
Stephanus  Nigellum  episcopum  Elyensem.  .  .  .  Ubi  autem  ad 
natale  vel  ad  Pascha  fuerit  dicere  non  attinet.  Jam  quippe 
curiae  solemnes  et  ornatus  regii  schematis  ab  antiqua  serie 
descendens  prorsus  evanuerant.  Ingeus  thesauri  copia  jam 
deperierat,  pax  in  regno  nulla,  caedibus,  incendiis,  rapiuis 
omnia  exterminabantur. 

WILL.  NEWB.,  Hist.  Angl.  i.  22.  Anglia  intestinis  malis  ex- 
sanguis  et  saucia  tabescebat.  Et  quidem  de  quodam  tempore 
plebis  antiquae  scriptum  est,  'in  diebus  illis  non  erat  rex  in 
Israel,  sed  unusquisque  quod  rectum  sibi  videbatur  faciebat.' 
At  in  Anglia  sub  rege  Stephano  pejus  fiebat.  Nam  quia  tune 
impotens  erat  rex,  et  per  regis  impotentiam  languida  lex,  qui- 
busdam  quod  rectum  sibi  videbatur  agentibus,  multi  quod  in- ; 
sita  ratione  malum  esse  sciebant,  sublato  regis  et  legis  metu: 
proclivius  faciebant.  Et  primo  quidem  videbatur  regnum 
Angliae  scissum  esse  in  duo ;  quibusdam  regi,  quibusdam  im- 
peratrici  faventibus.  Non  quod  vel  rex  vel  imperatrix  suae 
parti  potenter  imperaret,  sed  quod  suorum  bellicis  quisque 
studiis  pro  tempore  niteretur.  Neuter  enim  in  suos  imperiose 
agere  et  disciplinae  vigorem  exercere  poterat,  sed  uterque  suos, 
ne  a  se  deficerent,  nihil  negando  mulcebant.  Sane  inter  par- 
tes,  .  .  .  diu  multumque  certatum  est,  alternante  fortuna. 
Processu  vero  temporis  inter  eas  jam  saepius  fortunae  infideli- 
tatem  expertas,  remissiores  motus  esse  coepere ;  quod  tamen 
Angliae  non  cessit  in  bouum.  Illis  quippe  diutinae  concerta- 
tionis  pertaesis,  et  mollius  agentibus,  provinciales  discordantium 
procerum  motus  efferbuere.  Castella  quoque  per  singulas  pro- 
vincias  studio  partium  crebra  surrexerant,  erantque  in  Anglia 
quodammodo  tot  reges  vel  potius  tyranni,  quot  domini  castel- 
lorum,  habentes  singuli  percussuram  proprii  numismatis,  et 
potestatem  subditis  regio  more  dicendi  juris.  Cumque  ita 
singuli  excellere  quaererent  ut  quidam  superiorem,  quidam 


in.]  Excerpts.  117 

vel  parem  sustinere  non  possent,  feralibus  inter  se  odiis  dis- 
ceptantes,  rapinis  atque  incendiis  regioues  clarissimas  corru- 
perunt,  et,  in  fertilissima  olim  patria,  fere  omne  robur  panis 
absumpserunt.  Aquilonalis  vero  regio  quae  in  potestatem 
David  regis  Scottorum  usque  ad  flumen  Tesiam  cesserat,  per 
ejusdem  regis  industriam  in  pace  agebat. 

WILL.  MALMESB.,  Hist.  Nov.  iii.  43.  A.D.  1141.  Feria 
secunda  post  octavas  Paschae  concilium  arcbiepiscopi  Cantuariae 
Theobaldi  et  omnium  episcoporum  Angliae  multorumque  ab- 
batum,  legato  praesidente,  Wintoniae  ingenti  apparatu  inceptum. 
....  Ipsa  die  post  recitata  scripta  excusatoria  quibus  absentiam 
suam  quidam  tutati  sunt  sevocavit  in  partem  legatus  episcopos 
habuitque  cum  eis  arcanum  consilii  sui ;  post  mox  abbates,  post- 
remo  arcbidiaconi  convocati.  Ex  consilio  nihil  processit  in 
publicum,  volutabatur  tamen  per  omnium  mentes  et  ora  quid 
foret  agendum. 

§44.  Feria  tertia  hoc  fere  sensu  legati  cucurrit  oratio ;  '.  .  .  . 
Itaque  quia  Deus  judicium  Suum  de  fratre  meo  exercuit,  ut  eum 
me  nesciente  in  potestatem  potentium  incidere  permitteret ;  ne 
regnum  vacillet  si  regnante  careat,  omnes  vos  pro  jure  legationis 
meae  buc  convenire  invitavi.  Ventilata  est  hesterno  die  causa 
Eecreto  corammajori  parte  cleri  Angliae,  ad  cujus  jus  potissimum 
spectat  principem  eligere  simulque  ordinare.  Invocata  itaque 
primo,  ut  par  est,  in  auxilium  Divinitate,  filiam  pacifici  regis, 
gloriosi  regis,  divitis  regis,  boni  regis,  et  nostro  tempore  in- 
comparabilis,  in  Angliae  Normanniaeque  dominam  eligimus,  et 
ei  fidem  et  manutenementum  promittimus.' 

§  45.  Cumque  omnes  praesentes  vel  modeste  acclamassent 
sententiae  vel  silentes  non  contradixissent,  subjecit  legatus, 
'  Loudonienses,  qui  sunt  quasi  optimates,  pro  magnitudine  civi- 
tatis,  in  Anglia,  nunciis  nostris  convenimus,  et  conductum  ut  tuto 
veniant  misimus,  eosque  confido  non  ultra  mine  diem  moraturos ; 
bona  venia  usque  eras  sustineamus.' 

§  46.  Feria  quarta  venerunt  Londonienses  et  in  concilium 
introducti,  causam  suam  eatenus  egerunt  ut  dicerent  missos  se  a 
communione  quam  vocant  Londoniarum,  non  certamina  eed 
preces  offerre  ut  dominus  suus  rex  de  captione  liberaretur.  .  .  . 

§  47 Feria  quinta  solutum  est  concilium  excommuni- 

catis  ante  multis  qui  regiarum  erant  partium.  .  .  . 

HEXB.  HUNTINGD.  lib.  viii.  Anno  decimo  septimo  rex  Ste- 
pbanus  filium  suum  Eustachium  regio  diademate  voluit  insignire. 
Postulans  ijitur  ab  arcbiepiscopo  Cantuariensi  Tbeobaldo,  et 


n8  Stephen.  [PART 

caeteris  episcopis  quos  ibidem  congregaverat,  ut  eum  In  regem 
ungerent  et  benedictione  sua  confirmarent,  repulsam  passus  est. 
Papa  siquidem  litteris  suis  Archiepiscopo  prohibuerat  ne  filium 
regis  in  regem  sublimarent,  videlicet  quia  rex  Stephanus  regnum 
contra  jusjurandum  praeripuisse  videbatur. 

MATT.  PARIS,  Hist.Angl.  (ed.  Wats),  p.  86.  A.D.  1153.  Jus- 
titia  de  caelo  prospiciente  et  diligentia  Theobaldi  Cantuariensis 
archiepiscopi  et  episcoporum  regni  intercedente,  rex  Anglorum 
Stephanus  et  dux  Normannorum  Henricus,  apud  Walingeford 
in  talem  concordiam  convenerunt.  Rex  Stephanus  omni  haerede 
viduatus  praeter  solummodo  ducem  Henricum,  recognovit  in 
conventu  episcoporum  et  aliorum  regni  optimatum,  quod  jus 
haereditarium  dux  Henricus  in  regnum  Angliae  habebat ;  et 
dux  benigne  concessit,  ut  Rex  Stephanus  tota  vita  sua,  si  vellet, 
regnum  pacifice  possideret.  Ita  tamen  confirmata  est  pax,  quod 
ipse  rex  et  episcopi  tune  praesentes  cum  ceteris  optiinatibus 
regni  jurarent,  quod  dux  post  mortem  regis,  si  ilium  super- 
viveret,  regnum  sine  contradictione  aliqua  obtineret.  Et  si 
illud  propheticum  Merlini  attendatur,  quod  dicit,  '  Nocebit 
possidenti  ex  impiis  pietas,  donee  sese  genitore  induerit ;' 
manifestum  est  regem  Stephanum  Henricum  instituisse  hae- 
redem,  quern  non  genuit,  dum  ipsum  adoptavit  in  filium  et 
regni  participem  et  postmodum  successorem.  In  rege  quoque 
ducem  et  in  duce  omnes  venerabuntur  regem.  Regalia  passim 
a  proceribus  usurpata,  rex  in  sua  recipiet.  Possessiones  quae  ab 
jnvasoribus  direptae  erant,  ad  legitimos  possessores,  quorum 
fuerant  regis  Henrici  tempore,  revertentur.  Castella  adulterina 
quae  tempore  regis  a  quocunque  constructa  sint,  diruentur ; 
quorum  numerus  ad  undecies  centum  et  quindecim  excrevit. 
E,ex  colonos  praediis  assignabit,  aedificia  combusta  renovabit, 
replebit  pascua  armentis,  decorabit  ovibus  montana.  Clericus 
debitam  tranquillitatem  se  habere  gaudebit,  exactionibus  in- 
debitis  non  gravabitur.  Vicecomites  in  locis  ponentur  consuetis, 
et  neminem  ex  odio  persequentur ;  non  gratificabuntur  amicis, 
non  indulgentiis  crimina  sublevabunt,  suum  cuique  ex  integro 
reservabunt :  metu  poenarum  amcient  nocentes.  Fures  et  prae- 
dones  terrebuntur  in  furca  et  sententia  capitali.  Milites,  juxta 
Isaiam,  gladios  convertent  in  vomeres,  et  lanceas  in  ligones ; 
a  castris  ad  aratra,  a  tentoriis  ad  ergasteria  redibunt,  clieutes  * 

*  R.  de  Diceto,  who  relates  these  matters  in  nearly  the  same  words,  has 
here, '  a  tentoriis  ad  ergasteria  Flandrensium  plurimi  revocabuntur,  et,  quas 
nostratibus  operas  indixerunt,  dominis  suis  ex  necessitate  persolvent.' 
c.  528. 


m.]  Charter  of  Liberties. 

ab  excubiis  fatigati,  in  communi  laetitia  respirabunt.  Releva- 
bitur  rusticitas  otio  innocens  et  quieta :  negotiatores  commer- 
cium  ditabit  celebrius ;  et  publica  moneta  una  et  eadem  erit 
in  regno  ex  argento  percussa.  "Werra  igitur  quae  septemdecim 
annis  saevierat,  hoc  fine  quievit. 


THE  FIRST  CHARTER  OF  STEPHEJT. 

This  is  probably  the  charter  issued  by  Stephen  at  his  corona- 
tion, and  is  of  the  most  formal  description,  specifying  nothing ; 
and  although  of  great  import  had  it  been  the  act  of  a  strong 
or  resolutely  just  sovereign,  meaning  very  little  under  the  hand 
of  one  too  weak  to  enforce  it. 

STEPHANTTS  Dei  gratia  rex  Anglorum,  Justitiis,  Vicecomiti- 
bus,  Baronibus  et  omnibus  ministris  et  fidelibus  suis  Francis  et 
Anglicis  salutem. 

Sciatis  me  concessisse  et  praesenti  carta  mea  confirmasse  om- 
nibus baronibus  et  hominibus  meis  de  Anglia  omnes  libertates 
et  bonas  leges  quas  Henricus  rex  Anglorum  avunculus  meus  eis 
dedit  et  concessit,  et  omnes  bonas  leges  et  bonas  consuetudines 
eis  concede  quas  habuerunt  tempore  Regis  Edwardi. 

Quare  volo  et  firmiter  praecipio  quod  habeant  et  teneant 
omnes  illas  bonas  leges  et  libertates  de  me  et  haeredibus  meis 
ipsi  et  haeredes  sui  libere  quiete  et  plenarie,  et  prohibeo  ne  quis 
eis  super  hiis  molestiam  vel  impedlmentum,  vel  diminutionem 
faciat  super  forisfacturam  meam. 

Teste  Willelmo  Martel  apud  Londonias. — (Statutes  of  the  Realm 
— Charters  of  Liberties,  p.  4.) 


THE  SECOND  CHARTER  OF  STEPHEK. 

This  document,  which  is  of  a  character  far  more  definite  and 
more  binding  than  the  preceding,  was  issued  by  Stephen  at  the 
first  great  council  of  his  reign,  at  the  moment  when  all  parties 
seemed  to  acquiesce  in  his  accession.  His  rehearsal  of  his  title 
is  curious  and  important ;  it  is  worth  while  to  compare  it  with 
that  of  Henry  I,  but  it  need  not  necessarily  be  interpreted  as 


1 20  Stephen.  [PART' 

showing  a  consciousness  of  weakness.  The  provisions  are  based 
on  those  of  Henry's  charter.  Neither  of  the  charters  of  Stephen 
will  be  found  to  agree  with  the  account  given  by  Henry  of 
Huntingdon  of  his  promises  to  the  people  of  the  abolition  of 
Danegeld,  or  to  the  clergy  of  entire  freedom  of  election. 


Carta  Stephani  Regis  de  libertatibus  Ecclesiae  Anglicanae 
et  regni. 

Ego  Stephanus  Dei  gratia  assensu  cleri  et  populi  in  regem 
Anglorum  electus,  et  a  Willelmo  Cantuariensi  archiepiscopo  et 
eanctae  Romanae  ecclesiae  legato  consecratus,  et  ab  Innocentio 
sanctae  Romanae  sedis  pontifice  confirmatus,  respectu  et  amore 
Dei  sanctam  ecclesiam  liberam  esse  concedo  et  debitam  reveren- 
tiam  illi  confirmo. 

Nihil  me  in  ecclesia  vel  rebus  ecclesiasticis  Simoniace  acturum 
vel  permissurum  esse  promitto.  Ecclesiasticarum  personarum 
et  omnium  clericorum  et  rerum  eorum  justitiam  et  potestatem 
et  distributionem  bonorum  ecclesiasticorum  in  manu  episco- 
porum  esse  perhibeo  et  confirmo.  Dignitates  ecclesiarum  pri- 
vilegiis  earum  confirmatas,  et  consuetudines  earum  antiquo 
tenore  habitas,  inviolate  manere  statuo  et  concedo.  Omnes 
ecclesiarum  possessiones  et  tenuras  quas  die  ilia  habuerunt 
qua  Willelmus  rex  avus  meus  fuit  vivus  et  mortuus,  sine  omni 
calumniantium  reclamatione,  eis  liberas  et  absolutas  esse  con- 
cedo. Si  quid  vero  de  habitis  vel  possessis  ante  mortem  ejus- 
dem  regis,  quibus  modo  careat  ecclesia,  deinceps  repetierit,  in- 
dulgentiae  et  dispensation!  meae,  vel  restituendi  vel  discutiendi, 
reserve.  Quaecunque  vero  post  mortem  ipsius  regis  liberalitate 
regum  vel  largitione  principum,  oblatione  vel  comparatione,  vel 
qualibet  transmutatione  fidelium  eis  collata  sunt,  confirmo. 
Pacem  et  justitiam  me  in  omnibus  facturum,  et  pro  posse  meo 
conservaturum  eis  promitto. 

Forestas  quas  Willelmus  avus  meus  et  Willelmus  avunculus 
meus  instituerunt  et  habuerunt,  mihi  reserve.  Ceteras  omnes 
quas  rex  Henricus  superad4idit  ecclesiis  et  regno  quietas  recldo 
et  concedo. 

Si  quis  episcopus  vel  abbas  vel  alia  ecclesiastica  persona  ante 
mortem  suam  rationabiliter  sua  distribuerit  vel  distribuenda 
statuerit,  firmum  manere  concedo.  Si  vero  morte  praeoccupatus 
fuerit,  pro.  salute  animae  ejus  ecclesiae  consilio  eadem  fiat  dis- 
tributio.  Dum  vero  sedes  propriis  pastoribus  vacuae  fuerint, 


m.]  Charter  of  Liberties.  121 

ipsas  et  earum  possessiones  omnes  in  manu  et  custodia  clerico- 
rum  vel  proborum  hominum  ejusdem  ecclesiae  committam,  donee 
pastor  canonice  substituatur. 

Omnes  exactiones  et  injustitias  et  mescheningas,  sive  per 
vicecomites  vel  per  alios  quoslibet  male  inductas,  funditus 
exstirpo. 

Bonas  leges  et  antiquas  et  justas  consuetudines,  in  murdris 
et  placitis  et  aliis  causis,  observabo,  et  observari  praecipio,  et 
constituo.  Haec  omnia  concedo  et  confirmo  salva  regia  et  justa 
dignitate  mea. 

Testibus  W.  Cantuariensi  archiepiscopo,  et  Hugone  Rotho- 
magensi  archiepiscopo,  et  Henrico  Wintoniensi  episcopo,  et 
Rogero  Sarisbiriensi  episcopo,  et  A.  Lincolniensi  episcopo,  et 
Nigello  Eliensi  episcopo,  et  Evrardo  Norwicensi  episcopo,  et 
Simone  Wigornensi  episcopo,  et  Bernardo  episcopo  de  Sancto 
David,  et  Audoeno  Ebroicensi  episcopo,  et  Ricardo  Abrincensi 
episcopo,  et  Roberto  Herefordensi  episcopo,  et  Johanne  Roue- 
cestrensi  episcopo,  et  Athelulfo  Carlolensi  episcopo ;  et  Rogero 
cancellario ;  et  Henrico  nepote  regis ;  et  Roberto  comite  Gloe- 
cestriae,  et  Willelmo  comite  de  Warenna,  et  Rannulfo  comite 
Cestriae,  et  Roberto  comite  de  Warewic ;  et  Roberto  de  Ver,  et 
Milone  de  Gloecestria,  et  Brientio  filio  Comitis,  et  Roberto  de 
Oilli,  conestabulis ;  et  Willelmo  Martel,  et  Hugone  Bigot,  et 
Hunfrido  de  Buhun,  et  Simone  de  Belcamp,  dapiferis ;  et  "Wil- 
lelmo  de  Albiniaco,  et  Eudone  Martel  pincernis  ;  et  Roberto  de 
Ferreriis,  et  Willelmo  Peverel  de  Notingehara  ;  et  Simone  de 
Saintliz ;  et  Willelmo  de  Albamarla,  et  Pagano  filio  Johannis,  et 
Hamone  de  Sancto  Claro,  et  Ilberto  de  Laceio. 

Apud  Oxeneforde,  anno  ab  Incarnatione  Domini  M°C°- 
XXX°VI°,  sed  regni  mei  primo. — (Statutes  of  the  Realm — 
Charters  of  Liberties,  p.  3.  Will.  Malmesb.,  Hist.  Nov.  L) 


PART    IV. 

SELECT  CHARTERS  AND  EXCERPTS;   Henry  II. 
A.D.  1154-1189. 

Archbishops  of  Canterbury.  Theobald,  1139-1161  ;  Thomas  Becket, 
1162-1170;  Richard,  1174-1184;  Baldwin,  1185-1190. 

Chief  Justices.  Robert,  Earl  of  Leicester,  1 154-1167 ;  Richard  de  Lucy, 
1154-1179;  Ranulf  Glanvill,  1180-1189. 

Chancellors.  Thomas  Becket,  1154-1162;  Ealph  de  Warneville,  1173- 
1181  ;  Geoffrey,  the  king's  son,  1181-1189. 

JL  HE  reign  of  Henry  II  was  the  period  of  amalgamation  of  the 
English  and  Normans  so  far  as  concerned  their  legal  and  con- 
stitutional status.  All  vestiges  of  distinction  between  the  two 
races  before  the  law  disappear,  and  although  further  changes 
are  required  before  a  perfect  union  of  interest  and  ideas  is  com- 
pleted by  a  perfect  fusion  of  blood,  they  are  now  on  an  equality, 
and  even  the  nominal  distinction  is  sunk  in  the  common  name 
of  English.  Henry  himself  ascended  the  throne  without  any 
shadow  of  opposition  to  his  title,  and  free  from  any  obligations 
to  the  factions  which  had  struggled  for  their  own  ends  under 
the  pretence  of  supporting  Stephen  and  Matilda.  He  was  fitted 
for  the  position  of  a  national  sovereign,  not  only  by  this  freedom 
from  party  connexion,  but  by  the  training  of  his  earlier  years, 
which  had  been  so  changeful  and  unsettled  as  to  prevent  him, 
although  he  was  heir  of  Normandy  and  Anjou,  and  by  his  mar- 
riage lord  of  all  the  south-west  of  France,  from  being  moulded 
into  the  prevalent  type  of  any  of  the  races  which  he  represented. 
He  was  not  a  Norman  nor  an  Angevin  nor  a  Poitevin  by  policy 
any  more  than  by  character,  and  came  to  England  unfettered 


Reign  of  Henry  II.  123 

by  any  prepossessions  that  would  make  him  anti-English.  His 
position  in  this  respect  was  strengthened  by  the  development 
of  his  personal  character,  which,  although  in  many  points  excep- 
tionable, was  singularly  well  suited  to  the  condition  and  age  of 
the  nation  that  received  him.  His  great  sagacity  enabled  him 
to  see  the  true  interest  of  England,  and  his  ability  for  business 
to  keep  in  hand  the  strings  of  an  intricate  policy  without  falling 
under  the  sway  of  any  minister  whose  designs  might  be  more 
warped  by  national  or  party  inclinations  than  his  own;  even 
that  clearsighted  selfishness,  which  kept  him  during  the  whole 
of  his  life  free  from  complicity  in  the  struggles  of  foreign  na- 
tions, and  intent  on  the  security  and  completeness  of  his  own 
dominion,  was  a  characteristic  which  brought  much  good  to  the 
reviving  spirit  of  England.  His  policy  was  to  govern  England 
as  an  English  king,  to  utilise  and  train  all  the  elements  of  life 
by  new  organisation,  and,  by  asserting  his  royal  rights  and  those 
of  his  people,  to  keep  the  feudal  system  in  its  proper  subordina- 
tion to  the  national  interests. 

His  reign  falls  naturally  into  four  epochs  :  the  first,  extend- 
ing from  his  accession  to  his  quarrel  with  Thomas  Becket ;  the 
second,  from  that  point  to  the  death  of  the  archbishop  ;  the 
third,  until  the  death  of  the  younger  Henry  in  1183;  and  the 
fourth,  to  his  own  death  in  1189. 

I.  The  first  ten  years  of  the  reign  were  singularly  happy  and 
prosperous.  Henry's  first  ministers  were  the  men  whose  ex- 
ertions had  secured  his  succession  :  Theobald,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury;  Thomas,  the  Chancellor;  and  the  Earl  of  Leicester, 
whose  support  he  had  obtained  whilst  he  was  Duke  of  Nor- 
mandy. With  their  co-operation  he  proceeded  at  once  to  carry 
out  the  plan  of  reform  dictated  by  the  Peace  of  Wallingford, 
recalled  the  Bishop  of  Ely  to  the  Exchequer,  and  resumed,  after 
consultation  with  his  assembled  barons,  the  estates  of  the  Crown, 
which  had  been  alienated  by  Stephen  and  Matilda.  He  then 
ordered  the  demolition  of  the  illegal  castles  which  had  been  the 
strongholds  of  baronial  tyranny,  and  enforced  by  arms  the  entire 
submission  of  the  few  who,  like  Koger  of  Gloucester,  Hugh 
Mortimer,  William  of  Aumale,  and  Hugh  Bigot,  attempted  to 


124  Henry  II.  [PART 

defeat  the  measure.  In  all  this  he  seems  to  have  acted  on  the 
plan  of  his  grandfather,  whose  magnificence  he  rivalled  in  his 
court,  and  whose  customs  he  as  well  as  his  subjects,  regarding 
them  through  the  hazy  atmosphere  of  the  intervening  reign, 
looked  on  as  the  ideal  of  good  government.  The  war  of  this 
epoch  is  that  of  Toulouse,  which  affects  English  history  only 
as  the  occasion  of  the  great  Scutage.  The  restoration  of  the 
northern  counties  by  the  Scots,  the  reformation  of  the  coinage, 
the  careful  securing  of  the  title  to  the  crown  to  his  eldest  son, 
and  the  formation  of  the  design  of  Irish  conquest,  fill  up  the  list 
of  English  transactions  of  the  period.  In  default  of  more  distinct 
and  elaborate  history,  the  writings  of  John  of  Salisbury  and 
the  letters  of  Gilbert  Foliot  are  the  best  sources  of  information 
for  the  time.  In  them  we  can  see  how  many  other  influences, 
besides  the  break-up  of  feudal  government  throughout  Europe, 
were  at  work  towards  the  improvement  of  society.  The  revived 
study  of  the  Roman  law  which  had  reached  Oxford  in  Stephen's 
time,  although  it  never  had  the  effect  of  Romanising  the  English 
common  law,  had,  as  an  instrument  of  education,  a  great  bearing 
on  the  spread  of  orderly  and  equitable  ideas  of  jurisprudence ; 
the  rapid  growth  of  the  universities  of  Paris  and  Oxford,  which 
were  the  outward  expression  of  the  life  of  early  scholasticism, 
conduced  to  the  maintenance  in  the  educated  class  of  an  ideal  of 
free  government,  drawn  from  ancient  Greek  and  Roman  history, 
which,  although  never  likely  to  be  realised  in  detail,  tended  to 
make  tyranny  such  as  that  of  William  Rufus  impossible  ;  and 
the  result  of  this  was  to  give  to  the  court  of  Henry  II  during 
these  years  a  show  of  refinement  as  well  as  of  magnificence  which 
promised  well  for  the  future.  All  such  omens  were  unfortunately 
belied  by  the  outbreak  of  the  great  quarrel. 

II.  "Whatever  may  have  been  the  positive  influence  of  Thomas 
Becket  as  the  king's  confidant  and  chancellor — and  there  is 
nothing  to  show  that  it  was  ever  strong  enough  to  control  or 
guide  the  purposes  of  his  master  —  the  removal  of  it,  which 
followed  shortly  after  his  consecration  as  archbishop,  coincides 
in  time  with  the  origin  of  Henry's  legal  reforms.  In  the  eccle- 
siastical portion  of  these  reforms  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 


rv.]  Sketch  of  the  Reign. 

that  Henry  was  actuated  by  any  motives  of  hostility  to  the  clergy, 
or  even  by  a  desire  to  increase  the  royal  power ;  the  abuses 
against  which  they  were  aimed  were  glaring,  and  the  mechanism 
by  which  they  might  be  carried  out  was  easy,  and  likely  to  be 
effective.  The  lines  on  which  the  project  of  reform  was  drawn 
were  the  '  avitae  consuetudines,'  the  state  of  Church  law  which 
had  prevailed  under  Henry  I,  and  the  ministers  by  whom  it 
was  to  be  carried  out  were  men  of  pure  and  religious  character. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  there  were  certain  difficulties  of  detail 
caused  by  the  jealousies  which  had  already  arisen  between  the 
archbishop  and  the  court;  and  there  was  a  strong  party  amongst 
the  clergy,  especially  the  monastic  body,  which  was  conscious 
of  the  great  reformation  begun  by  Hildebrand  and  carried  out 
by  S.  Bernard,  and  saw  in  the  future  a  further  improvement, 
working  in  the  same  groove,  and  not  to  be,  as  men  like  the 
king  and  even  such  partisans  as  John  of  Salisbury  saw,  a  re- 
sultant from  other  forces  of  progress  besides  their  own.  The 
struggle  with  Becket  had  the  worst  effect  on  Henry's  character, 
making  him  reckless  of  religious  and  moral  obligation,  fierce 
and  irritable.  But  it  did  not  entirely  stop  his  designs  for  the 
reformation  of  the  law.  Although  he  was  absent  from  England 
during  the  larger  part  of  the  period,  it  is  marked  certainly  by 
the  expansion  of  the  provincial  judicature,  in  the  mission  of 
itinerant  justices,  and  by  the  Assize  of  Clarendon.  Possibly 
it  witnessed  several  of  the  other  reforms,  the  effect  of  which 
we  see  in  the  work  of  Eanulf  Glanvill,  and  which  form  a  step 
in  constitutional  progress  the  importance  of  which  cannot  be 
exaggerated.  The  Becket  struggle  itself  only  indirectly  affects 
the  constitution,  and  that  in  ways  which  belong  chiefly  to  other 
principles  now  being  worked  out. 

III.  The  coronation  of  the  younger  Henry  is  the  link  which 
connects  the  second  and  third  epochs  of  the  political  history 
of  the  reign.  It  was  the  most  important  of  the  series  of  events 
which  led  to  the  archbishop's  death,  and  also  of  those  whick  led 
to  that  unhappy  estrangement  between  the  king  and  his  sons 
in  which  the  age  saw  Becket's  death  avenged.  The  design 
of  securing  the  succession  of  England  for  his  family  appears  to 


126  Henry  77.  [PART 

have  had  in  Henry's  mind  a  greater  importance  than  is  easily 
realised,  seeing  that  practically  there  was  no  competitor.  It  is 
probable  that,  like  Canute  and  William  the  Conqueror,  he  saw 
the  hopelessness  of  attempting  to  found  an  empire  on  the  union 
of  his  territories,  and  had  an  early  purpose  of  dividing  them. 
The  practice  of  securing  for  the  heir-apparent  the  confirmation 
of  his  title  by  the  homage  of  the  barons  was  natural  enough, 
although  the  effect  of  it  was,  as  he  had  seen  in  his  own  case, 
very  uncertain.  This  was,  however,  very  early  negotiated,  and 
both,  the  child  William  and  the  child  Henry  received  the 
recognition.  But  the  history  of  France  suggested  a  stronger 
and  safer  expedient :  in  that  country,  since  the  accession  of  the 
reigning  dynasty,  it  had  become  a  custom  for  the  son  to  be 
crowned  before  his  father's  death,  in  accordance  with  many,  and 
those  calamitous,  precedents  in  the  Empires  East  and  "West. 
This  plan  was  adopted  by  Henry  II  in  the  case  of  his  eldest 
surviving  son :  after  being  contemplated  for  some  years,  it  was 
earned  out  under  the  most  unfortunate  circumstances,  and  had 
the  most  unfortunate  results.  The  young  king  became  a  centre 
of  disaffection  among  the  barons  whom  the  great  quarrel  be- 
tween his  father  and  the  archbishop  had  unsettled  and  roused 
to  an  attempt  to  regain  their  power  :  he  himself  found  that  his 
coronation  involved  the  burdens  without  the  powers  or  plea- 
sures of  royalty,  and  was  unable  to  see  in  his  father's  design  of 
separating  his  estates,  the  most  certain  pledge  of  a  secure  title 
to  the  English  kingdom  and  a  happy  reign. 

Under  the  malignant  influence  of  Eleanor  and  Lewis  VII, 
the  sons  rose  against  the  father,  the  great  earls  whose  territories 
covered  the  middle  of  England  took  advantage  of  the  distraction, 
and  the  Scots  moved  down  upon  the  north.  Henry's  great 
ability  was  tasked  to  the  utmost,  but  the  English  people  stood 
by  him,  and  he  was  victorious ;  the  northern  people  and  barons, 
with  the  single  exception  of  the  Mowbrays,  were  faithful,  and 
by  them  the  Scottish  invasion  was  repelled ;  the  rebellion  of  the 
midland  earls  collapsed  at  the  appearance  of  the  king,  and  the 
towns  received  him  as  a  deliverer.  The  continental  struggle 
outlasted  the  English  one  but  a  short  time ;  the  undutiful  sons 


rv.]  Excerpts.  127 

submitted,  and  Henry  personally  was  stronger  than  ever.  But 
his  character  again  declines,  the  children  for  whom  he  has  been 
working  remain  undutiful,  his  wife  is  a  prisoner,  and  his  own 
life  sadly  changed  from  its  first  promise.  Notwithstanding  this, 
he  laboured  hard  for  England,  and  after  the  submission  of  the 
rebels  took  measures  of  the  most  effective  sort,  constructive 
rather  than  destructive,  for  security  against  a  reaction.  It  is  to 
this  period  that  the  Assize  of  Northampton  and  the  completion 
of  the  organisation  of  both  the  Curia  Eegis  and  the  itinerant 
tribunals  belong ;  as  well  as  the  Assize  of  Arms,  and  other  minor 
but  significant  reforms,  which  owe  their  origination  perhaps  to 
the  great  justiciar  Ranulf  Glanvill.  The  death  of  the  young 
king,  whom  his  father  had  never  ceased  attempting  to  draw  to 
his  side  by  the  gift  of  as  much  power  as  could  be  safely  in- 
trusted to  him,  but  who  had  never  stopped  in  his  course  of 
treachery  and  ingratitude,  closes  this  eventful  epoch. 

IV.  The  remaining  years  of  the  reign  were  occupied  with  the 
accidental  results  of  the  events  that  had  gone  before :  there  were 
a  few  reforms  at  home,  such  as  the  Assize  of  the  Forest,  and 
there  were  considerable  preparations  for  a  crusade,  but  the 
chief  work  was  the  maintenance  of  peace  in  France  against  the 
machinations  of  Philip,  and  against  the  rebellion  of  the  re- 
maining children  of  Eleanor.  By  this  last  the  king's  power  and 
prestige  in  Europe  were  seriously  impaired  and  his  heart  broken. 

EXCEEPTS. 

WILL.  NEWB.  ii.  c.  i.  Anno  a  partu  Virginis  MCLIV. 
Henricus  Henrici  majoris  ex  filia  olim  imperatrice  nepos,  post 
mortem  regis  Stephani  a  Normannia  in  Angliam  veniens,  haere- 
ditarium  regnum  suscepit,  conclamatus  ab  omnibus ;  et  con- 
secratus  mystica  unctione  in  regem,  concrepantibus  per  Angliam 
turbis,  Vivat  Rex.  Prioris  quippe  regni,  sub  quo  tot  mala 
pullulaverant,  infelicitatem  experti,  de  novo  principe  meliora 
sperabant,  praesertim  cum  praeclara  illi  prudentia  atque  con- 
stantia  cum  zelo  justitiae  inesse  viderentur,  et  magni  principis 
jam  in  ipsis  suis  primordiis  praeferret  imaginem.  Denique 
edicto  praecepit  ut  illi  qui  ex  gentibus  exteris  in  Angliam  sub 
rcge  Stephano  praedarum  gratia  tanquam  ad  militandum  con- 


128  Henry  II.  [PAST 

fluxerant,  et  maxime  Flandrenses,  quorum  magna  tune  Angliae 
incubabat  multitudo,  propriis  regionibus  redderentur,  fatalem  eis 
diem  constituens,  quern  in  Auglia  sustinere  certi  foret  discri- 
minis.  Quo  edicto  pavefacti,  ita  in  brevi  dilapsi  sunt  ut  quasi 
phantasmata  in  momento  disparuisse  viderentur,  stupentibus 
plurimis  quomodo  repente  evanuissent.  Mox  castella  nova  quae 
in  diebus  avi  sui  nequaquam  exstiterant,  complanaii  praecepit, 
praeter  pauca  in  locis  opportunis  sita  quae  vel  ipse  retinece  vel  a 
pacificis  ad  regni  munimen  retineri  voluit.  Publicae  quoque 
disciplinae  in  primis  sollicitudinem  habuit ;  et  ut  legum  vigor  in 
Anglia  revivisceret  qui  sub  Rege  Stephano  extinctus  sepultus- 
que  videbatur,  cura  propensiore  sategit.  Ordinatisque  in  cunctis 
regni  finibus  juris  et  legum  ministris  qui  vel  improborum  auda- 
ciam  coercerent,  vel  interpellantibus  secundum  causarum  merita 
justitiam  exhiberent,  ipse  vel  in  deliciis  erat,  vel  majoribus 
negotiis  regiam  operam  impendebat.  Quoties  autem  judicibus 
mollius  indigniusve  agentibus,  provincialium  querimoniis  pulsa- 
batur,  provisionis  regiae  remedium  adbibebat :  illorum  compe- 
tenter  corrigens  vel  negligentiam  vel  excessum.  Talia  novj 
principis  initia  fuere,  gratulantibus  quidem  et  laudantibus 
pacificis,  mussitantibus  vero  et  contremiscentibus  improbis. 
Fugiebant  lupi  rapaces  vel  mutabantur  in  oves ;  aut,  si  non  vere 
mutabantur,  metu  tainen  legum  innoxii  cum  ovibus  morabantur. 
Conflabantur  gladii  in  vomeres  et  lanceae  in  falces,  nullusque  jam 
exercebatur  ad  praelium,  sed  omnes  olim  optatae  et  nunc  Deo  pro- 
pitio  indultae  pacis,  vel  fovebantur  otiis  vel  intendebant  negotiis.  j 

c.  2.  Considerans  autem  rex,  quod  regii  redditus  breves  essent, 
qui  avito  tempore  uberes  fuerant,  eo  quod  regia  dominica  per  mol- 
litiem  regis  Stepbani  ad  alios  multosque  dominos  majori  ex  parte 
migrassent,  praecepit  ea  cum  omni  integritate  a  quibuscunque 
detentoribus  resignari,  et  in  jus  statumque  pristinum  revocari. 

A.D.  1154.  GERVAS.  c.  1377.  In  Nativitate  Domini  tenuit 
rex  curiam  suam  apud  Beremundeseiam,  ubi  cum  principibus 
suis  de  statu  regni  et  pace  reformanda  tractans,  proposuit  anirno 
alienigenas  gentes  de  regno  propellere  et  munitiunculas  pessimas 
per  totam  Angliam  solo  tenus  dissipare. 

A.D.  1155.  ROB.  DE  MONTE.  Rex  Henricus  coepit  revocare 
in  jus  proprium  urbes,  castella,  villas,  quae  ad  coronam  regni 
pertinebant,  castella  noviter  facta  destruendo,  et  expellendo  de 
regno  maxime  Flandrenses,  et  deponendo  quosdam  imaginarios 
et  pseudocomites  quibus  rex  Stephanos  omiiia  pene  ad  fiscum 
pertiuentia  minus  caute  distribuerat. 


iv.]  Excerpts.  1 29 

CHRON.  DE  BELLO,  p.  72.  (Mense  Martio) ;  tenuit  generale 
concilium  apud  Londoniam  et  renovavit  pacem  et  leges  et  con- 
suetudines  per  Angliam  ab  antiquis  temporibus  constitutas. 

A.D.  1159.  ROB.  DE  MONTE.  Rex  igitur  Henricus,  iturus 
in  expeditionem  praedictam  et  considerans  longitudinem  et  diffi- 
cultatem  viae,  nolens  vexare  agrarios  milites  nee  burgensem  nee 
rusticorum  multitudinem,  sumptis  Ix.  solidis  Andegavensibus  in 
Normannia  de  feudo  uniuscujusque  loricae,  et  de  reliquis  omni- 
bus tarn  in  Normannia  quam  in  Anglia,  sive  etiam  aliis  terris 
suis,  secundum  hoc  quod  ei  visum  fuit,  capitales  barones  suos 
cum  paucis  secum  duxit,  solidarios  vero  milites  innumeros. 

GERVAS.  c.  1381.  Hoc  anno  rex  Henricus  scotagium  sive 
scutagium  de  Anglia  accepit,  cujus  summa  fuit  centum  millia  et 
quater  viginti  millia  librarum  argenti. 

A.D.  1163.  RAD.  DE  DICETO,  c.  536.  Malcolmus  rex  Scot- 
torum,  Resus  Australium  princeps  Walensium,  Audoenus  Aqui- 
lonarium,  et  quique  majores  de  Cambria,  fecerunt  homa-gium  regi 
Anglorum  et  Henrico  filio  suo  kalendis  Julii  apud  Wdestoke. 

V.  S.  THOMAE,  auct.  GRIM,  pp.  21,  22.  Commorante  rege  in 
praedio  suo  apud  Wodestoke,  praesente  archiepiscopo  et  primis 
patriae,  inter  alia  movetur  quaestio  de  consuetudine  quadam  quae 
in  Anglia  tenebatur.  Dabantur  de  hida  bini  solidi  ministris 
regis  qui  vicecomitum  loco  comitatus  servabant,  quos  voluit  rex 
conscribere  fisco  et  reditibus  propriis  associare.  Cui  archiepi- 
scopus  in  faciem  restitit,  dicens  non  debere  eos  exigi  pro  redi- 
tibus, '  nee  pro  reditu,'  inquit,  '  dabimus  eos,  domine  rex,  salvo 
beneplacito  vestro  :  sed  si  digne  nobis  servierint  vicecomites,  et 
servientes  vel  ministri  provinciarum,  et  homines  nostros  manu- 
tenuerint,  nequaquam  eis  deerimus  in  auxilium.'  Rex  autem 
aegre  ferens  archiepiscopi  responsionem,  'Per  oculos  Dei'  ait 
'dabuntur  pro  reditu,  et  in  scriptura  regis  scribentur;  nee 
dignum  est  ut  contradicas,  cum  nemo  tuos  contra  voluntatem 
tuam  gravare  velit.'  Praevidens  archiepiscopus  et  praecavens 
ne  per  ipsius  patientiam  consuetudo  induceretur  unde  posteri 
gravarentur,  '  per  reverentiam  oculorum  quos  jurasti,  domine  mi 
rex,  non  dabuntur  de  tota  terra  mea,  et  de  jure  ecclesiae  ne  unius 
quidem  denarius.' 

GERVAS.  c.  1384  [Mense  Octobri].  Convocatis  episcopis  apud 
"Westmonasterium  simul  cum  archiepiscopo,  de  criminosis  clericis 
contra  canonum  libertatem  male  tractandis,  usque  in  vesperam 
Bermo  pertinacior  est  protractus. 

K 


130  Henry  II.  [PART 

A.D.  1164.  RAD.  DE  DICETO,  c.  536.  Ex  mandate  regis 
concurrentibus  episcopis  et  proceribus  apud  Clarendune,,  VIII. 
kalendas  Februarii  post  immensos  tractatus  rex  tandem  ad  hoc 
animos  praelatorum  inflexit,  ut  regni  consuetudines  archiepisco- 
porum  et  episcoporum  auctoritate  firmarentur  et  scriptis.  .  .  . 

Apud  Norhamtunam  III.  idus  Octobris:  convenerunt  illuc  epi- 
scopi,  comites,  barones  totius  regni  mandate  regis  urgente.  (Ornnes 
qui  de  rege  tenerent  in  capite.  GRIM,  V.  S.  Thomae,  p.  39.) 

W.  F.  STEPH.,  V.  S.  Thomae,  p.  220.  Et  aliam  diem  .  .  .  rex 
.  .  .  praefixit,  litteris  suis  ad  vicecomitem  Cantiae  de  archiepi- 
scopo  citando  emissis  .  .  .  nee  aliam  per  litteras  sibi  directas 
solemnem  et  primam,  ut  antiqui  moris  erat,  habuerat  archi- 
episcopus  ad  concilium  citationem. 

A.D.  1 1 "70.  BENED.  ABB.  i.  4.  Peracta  igitur  sollemnitate 
Paschali,  perrexit  inde  Lundonias,  et  ibi  magnum  celebravit  con- 
cilium de  coronatione  Henrici  filii  sui  majoris,  et  de  statutis 
regni  sui,  et  ibidem  deposuit  fere  omnes  vicecomites  Angliae  et 
ballivos  eorum,  pro  eo  quod  male  tractaverant  homines  regni  sui. 

A.D.  1176.  BEN.  ABB.  i.  107. .  .  .  Circa  festum  Conversionis 
Sancti  Pauli,  venit  domirfus  rex  usque  Norhamtoniam,  et  mag- 
num ibi  celebravit  concilium  de  statutis  regni  sui,  coram  epi- 
scopis et  comitibus  et  baronibus  terrae  suae,  et  coram  eis  per 
consilium  regis  Henrici  filii  sui,  et  per  consilium  comitum  et 
baronum  et  militum  et  hominum  suorum,  bane  subscriptam 
assisam  fecit,  et  earn  teneri  praecepit ;  scilicet  quod  regnunn 
suuin  divisit  in  sex  partes  per  quarum  siugulas  tres  Justitias 
constituit.  .  .  . 

Ib.  p.  1 1 6.  (Legati  regis  Siciliae)  .  .  .  invento  domino  rege 
apud  Lundonias  petierunt  ab  eo  Johannam  filiam  suam  donari 
in  uxorem  domino  suo  Willelmo  regi  Siciliae.  Ipse  vero  con- 
gregatis  in  urbe  Lundoniarum  archipraesulibus  et  episcopis  et 
comitibus  et  sapientioribus  regni  sui,  consuluit  eos  quid  tarn 
magni  regis  nunciis  responderet.  Et  accepto  ab  eis  consilio  misit 
eos  Wintoniam  ut  praefatam  puellam  viderent,  si  eis  placeret. 

A.D.  1177.  Ib.  pp.  143-151.  (Mense  Martio.)  Et  cum  dominus 
rex  audisset  istud  chirographum  (sc.  regum  Castellae  et  Navarrae) 
et  nunciorum  utriusque  regis  allegationes  hinc  inde  audisset  et 
intellexisset,  praecepit  eis  coram  episcopis,  comitibus  et  baronibus 
suis,  ut  omni  occasione  remota,  essent  ad  eum  apud  Lundouias 
Dominica  proxima  sequenti,  recepturi  ibidem  judicium  suum. . . . 
Ibidem  ad  eum  venerunt  sicut  mandaverat  [omnes  fere  episcopi 
regni].  Venerunt  etiam  illuc  tot  abbates,  tot  decani,  tot  archi- 


iv.J  Excerpts.  j/>x 

diaconi  quot  sub  numero  non  cadebant:  venerunt  etiam  illuc 
comites  et  barones  regni  quorum  non  est  numerus.  .  .  .  Tune 
archiepiscopus  Cantuarieusis  et  episcopi  Angliae  qui  aderant  et 
comites  et  barones  regni  plenariam  utrique  parti  supradictorum 
quae  in  jure  petita  erant  fieri  restitutionem  adjudicaverunt. 

Ib.  p.  1 60.  (Mense  Maio)  .  .  transtulit  se  rex  usque  Windes- 
hoveres  et  Rogerus  Eboracensis  archiepiscopus  et  praenomi- 
nati  episcopi  cum  eo.  Venerunt  autem  ibi  ad  eum  fere  onmes 
comites  et  barones  et  milites  regni,  parati  equis  et  armis  ad 
eundum  quo  rex  praeciperet.  Cumque  ibidem  diu  de  pace  et 
stabilitate  regni  tractassent,  per  consilium  episcoporum  et  comi- 
tum  et  baronum  suorum  removit  custodes  casteUorum  Anpliae, 
et  tradidit  ea  ad  custodiendum  militibus  qui  erant  de  privata 
familia  sua. 

A.D.  1178.  BEN.  ABB.  i.  207.  Itaque  dominus  rex  moram 
faciens  in  Anglia  quaesivit  de  Justitiis  quos  in  Anglia  constitu- 
erat,  si  bene  et  modeste  tractaverunt  homines  regni ;  et  cum 
didicisset  quod  terra  et  homines  terrae  nimis  gravati  essent  ex 
tanta  Justitiarum  multitudine,  quia  octodecim  erant  numero; 
per  consilium  sapientium  regni  sui  quinque  tantum  elegit,  duos 
scilicet  clericos  et  tres  laicos,  et  erant  omnes  de  privata  familia 
sua.  Et  statuit  quod  illi  quinque  audirent  omnes  clamores 
regni,  et  rectum  facerent,  et  quod  a  curia  regis  non  recederent, 
sed  ibi  ad  audiendum  clamores  hominum  remanerent ;  ita  ut  si 
aliqua  quaestio  inter  eos  veniret,  quae  per  eos  ad  finem  duci 
non  posset,  auditui  regio  praesentaretur,  et  sicut  ei  et  sapien- 
tioribus  regni  placeret  terminaretur. 

A.D.  1179.  BEX.  ABB.  i.  238.  Tune  rex  congregatis  epi- 
scopis  et  comitibus  et  proceribus  regni  apud  Windesovers, 
communi  eorum  consilio,  coram  rege  filio  suo,  divisit  in  quatuor 
paries  Angliam  et  unicuique  parti  praefecit  viros  sapientes  de 
regno ;  et  postea  misit  eos  per  partes  regni  eis  assignatas,  ut 
justitiam  exercerent  in  populo. 

R.  DE  DICETO,  c.  605.  Rex  pater  Anglorum  his  plurimum 
quaerens  prodesse  qui  minimum  possunt,  vicecomites  publicis 
functionibus  et  ratiociniis  involutes  commodis  propriis  invigi- 
lantes  invenit.  Quare  de  communi  salute  magis  et  magis  sol- 
licitus,  certis  in  locis  jurisdictiones  aliis  fidelibus  suis  in  regno 
commisit,  ut  cognitus  per  provincias  publicae  potestatis  ad- 
ventus  terrorem  incuteret  delinquentibus  ;  fiscalia  supprimentes, 
et  quae  principis  laederent  majestatem,  regiam  indignationem 
incurrerent ;  feraruin  cubilia  temerariis  ausibus  incursantes,  vel 
mulcta  reprimeret  vel  carceralis  custodia  maceraret  diutius ; 

K    2 


132  Henry  II.  [PA.UT 

metus  poenae  profugos  absterreret,  animadversio  gravis  per- 
celleret  interceptos ;  homicidae  suspendio  punirentur,  proditores 
damnarentur  exilio,  levioribus  in  flagitiis  deprehensi  truncatione 
membrorum  notabiles  redderentur ;  invasores  locorum  vigor 
compesceret  judiciarius,  enormitatem  damni  satisfactio  maturata 
sarciret.  Rursus  aliquot  temporum  labente  curriculo,  rex  in- 
tentissimus  ad  justitiam  singulis  exhibendam,  ut  arctius  subditis 
provideret,  fidem  voluit  experiri  multorum.  In  variis  namque 
professionibus  amatores  justitiae  sollicitius  investigans,  quern 
munera  non  corrumperent  inter  hominum  millia  requirebat,  et 
sic  animum  a  proposito  non  immutans,  circa  personas  mutabiles 
immutabilem  semper  saepe  mutavit  sententiam.  Quantum 
itaque  claustralis  professio  querelas  pauperum  relevaverit,  quan- 
tum cinguli  militaris  auctoritas  restiterit  potentioribus  et  vivere 
jure  communi  coegerit,  novit  calamitas  oppressorum.  Nam 
abbates  modo,  comites  modo,  capitaneos  modo,  domesticos  inodo, 
familiarissimos  modo,  causis  audiendis  et  examinandis  prae- 
posuit.  Rex  denique  cum  tot  fitleles  suos  conditionibus  tarn 
diversis  obnoxios  publicis  utilitatibus  praefecisset,  nee  alicujus 
publice  retractasset  sententiam,  suffragium  aliud  commodis  pri- 
vatorum  utiiius  non  inveniens,  oculos  erexit  ad  caelum,  et  de 
terrestribus  cogitans  et  aliquid  mutuans  a  caelestibus,  sic  homi- 
nibus  providere  curavit,  ut  homines  ab  hominum  generalitate 
secerneret,  qui  licet  viverent  inter  homines  superintendentes 
hominibus,  aliquid  haberent,  aliquid  sentirent,  aliquid  auderent 
plus  homine.  Transcensis  igitur  omnibus  quae  mutabilitati  -2 
poterant  subjacere  de  facili,  rex  ad  sanctuarium  Dei  recurrens, 
Wintoniensem,  Elyensem,  Norwicensem  episcopos  archijusti- 
tiarios  regni,  sed  certis  in  locis,  ea  forsan  consideratione  consti- 
tuit,  ut  si  ceteri  quos  longe  prius  praemiserat  ipsum  regnantem 
in  terra  minus  reveriti  fuerint,  isti  saltern  Deum  Regem  regum, 
hominum  Creatorem,  Judicem  conscientiarum,  operum  Re- 
tributorem,  revererentur  attentius  et  ardentius,  ut  nee  ad  sinis- 
tram  declinantes  vel  ad  dexteram,  nee  opprimerent  in  judicio 
pauperem,  nee  causam  divitis  ob  acceptionem  muneris  colorare 
praesumerent.  Itaque  si  se  negotiis  saecularibus  contra  cano- 
num  instituta  praesules  immiscuerint  et  ob  hoc  trahantur  in 
causam,  "regis  instantiam,  regis  intentionem  piam,  suam  ac- 
tionem  Deo  placendam,  plurimis  profuturam,  ab  hominibus 
collaudandam,  rigori  canonum  instanter  opponant ;  sic  reatum 
culpae  fraternae  caritatis  intuitus  poterit  mitigare.  Consilium 
tamen  est  ut  ad  Rogeri  bonae  memoriae  quondam  episcopi 
Saresberiensis  opus  laudabile  frequenter  recurrant,  qui  simili 
devotione  constrictus  non  se  prius  professus  est  regni  justi- 


iv.]  Excerpts.  133 

tiarium,  quam  ab  ecclesia  Romana,  quam  ab  Anselmo,  Radulfo, 
Willelmo  Cantuariensibus  archiepiscopis,  juxta  temporum  suc- 
cessionem  cum  obedientiae  virtute  sibi  fuerit  hoc  onus  imposi- 
tum.  Ab  episcopis  igitur  supradictis  et  a  conjudicibus  eorundem 
querelis  justitia  mediante  decisis,  reservatis  quibusdam  ad  prin- 
cipis  audientiam,  regi  ratio  redditur  administrations,  VI.  kalen- 
das  Septembris,  apud  Westmonasterium.  .  .  .  Gratia  caelestis 
hoc  anno  terrenas  potestates  in  earn  erga  subditos  affectionem 
induxit,  ut  singulis  querelas  habentibus  tarn  in  foro  civili  quam 
ecclesiastico  sancta  consideratione  prospectum  esse  non  dubites. 
Eo  namqtie  decursum  est,  ut  in  comitiis  sicut  supradiximus  rege 
procurante  praesideant  praesules  et  disceptationibus  quaestionum 
forensium  quae  sanguinis  poenam  non  irrogant,  audientiam  suaiu 
accommodent.  Rursus  ad  consistorium  archiepiscopi  Cantua- 
riensis,  si  veritas  tibi  comes  fuerit,  cum  animi  tranquillitate 
potes  securus  accedere  pro  merito  causae  calculum  reportatums. 
Xe  sui  siquidem  assessores,  quos  in  dandis  consiliis  et  litibus 
dirimendis  habet  assiduos,  a  via  veritatis  exorbitent,  et  in 
pecuniae  corruptelam  partium  studia  litigantium  universi  negotii 
spem  universam  reponant,  cur  et  quando  terribiles  in  medium 
proponi  scripturas  civi  liter  introduction  sit  memoriter  tenuerunt. 
Nam  omnes  communi  sponsione  devincti  tactis  sacrosanctis  evan- 
geliis  publice  juraverunt,  nemine  deferente,  se  conservaturos  in 
posterum  modis  omnibus  suas  manus  immunes  a  munere. 
Promisit  illud  idem  archiepiscopus  in  verbo  veritatis  apud 
Pageham. 

A.  D.  1180.  BEN.  ABB.  i.  263.  Henricus  rex  Angliae  fecit 
in  Anglia  novam  monetam  fieri,  et  praecepit  quod  a  festo  Saucti 
Martini  non  caperetur  alia  moneta  in  Anglia  quam  ilia  nova :  vetus 
namque  moneta  corrupta  fuit,  et  rex  monetarios  suos  redemit,  id 
est,  ad  redemptionem  coegit. 

A.  D.  1 1 8 1 .  BEN.  ABB.  i.  2  7  8.  Hex  Angliae  fecit. .  . .  assisam 
de  armis  habendis  in  Anglia. 

A.D.  1184.  BEN.  ABB.  i.  311.  Interim  papa  Lucius  misit 
nuncios  suos  ad  regem  Angliae  postulans  ab  eo  et  ab  clericatu 
Angliae  auxilium  ad  defensionem  patrimonii  Beati  Petri  contra 
Romanes.  Rex  vero  in  Angliam  misit  nuncium  suum  ad  epi- 
scqpos  Angliae  ut  per  eorum  consilium  providentius  responderet 
nunciis  domini  papae.  Illi  vero  congregati  Lundoniis  coram 
Ranulfo  de  Glanvil,  justitiario  regis,  de  communi  eorum  consilio 
mandaverunt  domino  regi,  quod  in  consuetudinem  verti  posset 
ad  detrimentum  regni  si  permitteret  nuncios  domini  papae  in 
Angliam  venire  ad  collectam  faciendam ;  et  ideo  de  eorum  con- 


134  Henry  II.  [PART 

silio  erat,  ut  dommus  rex  secundnra  voluntatem  suam  et  hono- 
rem,  auxilium  faceret  domino  papae.  Dicebant  enim  quod 
tolerabilius  esset  et  plus  eis  placeret,  quod  dominus  rex  de  eis 
acciperet  si  vellet  recompensationem  auxilii  quod  ipse  faceret 
domino  papae.  Quorum  consilio  dominus  rex  adquievit. 

Ib.  p.  323.  Eodem  anno  post  obitum  Thomae  filii  Bernardi, 
qui,  post  discessum  Alani  de  Novil,  fuit  magister  forestarius  et 
justitiarius  per  totam  Angliam,  dominus  rex  divisit  forestas  suas 
in  Anglia  in  plures  partes  et  unicuique  parti  praefecit  quatuor 
justitiarios,  scilicet  duos  clericos  et  duos  milites :  et  constituit 
in  unaquaque  parte  duos  servientes  de  domo  et  farnilia  ipsius, 
custodes  venationis  et  viridis  super  omnes  forestarios  alios  tarn 
regis  quam  baronum  et  inilitum ;  et  postea  fecit  praedictos  jus- 
titiarios et  servientes  jurare,  tactis  sacrosanctis  evangeliis,  quod 
.  .  .  assisas  de  foresta  servarent. 

A.D.  1188.  BENT.  ABB.  ii.  33.  Rex  consilio  fidelium  suorum 
elegit  clericos  et  laicos  de  quorum  prudentia  confidebat,  et.misit 
eos  per  singulos  comitatus  ad  decimas  colligendas  secundum 
praedictam  praeordinationem  in  terns  suis  transmarinis  consti- 
tutam.  Sed  de  singulis  urbibus  totius  Angliae  fecit  eligerc 
omnes  ditiores,  scilicet  de  Lundonia  cc.  et  de  Eboraco  c.  et  de 
aliis  urbibus  secundum  numerum  et  quantitatem  eorum,  et  fecit 
omnes  sibi  praesentari  diebus  et  locis  statutis.  De  quibus  cepit 
decimam  reddituum  et  mobilium  suorum  secundum  aestima- 
tionem  virorum  fidelium  qui  redditus  et  mobilia  eomm  noverant. 
Si  quos  autem  invenisset  rebelles,  statim  fecit  eos  incarcerari  et 
in  vinculis  teneri  donee  ultiraum  quadrantem  persolverent. 
Similiter  fecit  de  Judaeis  terrae  suae,  unde  inaestimabilem  sibi 
adquisivit  pecuniam. 


CHARTER  OF  LIBERTIES  ISSUED  BY  HENRY  n. 

This  charter  of  Henry  II,  which,  like  the  similar  one  of 
Stephen,  was  issued  probably  at  the  coronation,  is  simply  a 
confirmation  of  that  of  his  grandfather,  but  would  naturally 
be  construed  to  cover  any  reforms  carried  out  on  the  principles 
set  forth  in  that  charter,  such  as  the  fixing  a  reasonable  sum  for 
reliefs,  and  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  country  at  largo 
through  visitations  of  the  Curia  Regis.  The  meaning  of  con- 
suetudo,  like  our  word  custom,  must  often  be  understood  with 
reference  to  pecuniary  exactions,  especially  when  qualified  by  the 


iv.]  Constitutions  of  Clarendon. 

/ 

word  malae.  Richard  de  Luci,  who  attests  the  charter,  is  the 
Great  Justiciar,  and  the  fact  that  it  is  attested  by  him  points  to 
the  date  of  the  charter  as  being  probably  earlier  than  the  ap- 
pointment of  Thomas  as  Chancellor. 

Carlo,  Regis  Henrici  Secundi. 

HEXRICUS  Dei  gratia  Rex  Angliae,  dux  Normanniae  et  Aqui- 
tanniae,  et  comes  Anclegaviae,  omnibus  comitibus,  baronibus  et 
fidelibus  suis  Francis  et  Anglicis  salutem.  Sciatis  me  ad  hono- 
rem  Dei  et  sanctae  ecclesiae  et  pro  communi  emendatione  totius 
regni  mei,  concessisse  et  reddidisse  et  praesenti  carta  mea  con- 
firmasse  Deo  et  sanctae,  ecclesiae  et  omnibus  comitibus  et 
baronibus  et  omnibus  hominibus  meis  omnes  concessiones  et 
donationes  et  libertates  et  liberas  consuetudines  quas  rex 
Henricus  avus  meus  eis  dedit  et  concessit.  Similiter  etiam 
omnes  malas  consuetudines  quas  ipse  delevit  et  remisit,  ego 
remitto  et  deleri  concedo  pro  me  et  haeredibus  meis.  Quare 
volo  et  firmiter  praecipio  quod  sancta  ecclesia  et  omnes  comites 
et  barones  et  omnes  mei  homines,  omnes  illas  consuetudines  et 
donationes  et  libertates  et  liberas  consuetudines  habeant  et 
teneant,  libere  et  quiete,  bene  et  in  pace  et  integre,  de  me  et 
haeredibus  meis,  sibi  et  haeredibus  suis,  adeo  libere  et  quiete 
et  plenarie  in  omnibus  sicut  Rex  Henricus  avus  meus  eis  dedit 
et  concessit  et  carta  sua  confirmavit.  Teste  Ricardo  de  Luci 
apud  Westmonasterium. — (Statutes  of  ihe  Realm — Charters  of 
Liberties,  p.  4.) 


A.D.  1164.     CONSTITUTIONS  OF  CLARENDON. 

The  following  copy  of  the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  is  prob- 
ably the  exact  form  in  which  they  were  reported  to  the  king 
and  confirmed  by  the  bishops  and  barons.  The  list  of  the 
barons  is  especially  valuable  as  showing  the  composition  of  the 
'Commune  Concilium  regni'  at  the  period,  and  may  be  com- 
pared with  the  corresponding  lists  attached  to  the  confirmations 
of  the  great  Charter  of  John.  Besides  the  importance  of  the 
Constitutions  themselves  in  their  bearing  on  the  relations  of 
Church  and  State  in  England,  the  following  points  of  con- 
sequence, more  immediately  touching  Constitutional  History  and 
the  growth  of  our  legal  system,  are  worthy  of  attention,  i.  The 
reservation  to  the  Curia  Regis  of  questions  of  Presentation  and 


136  Henri/  II.  [PART 

Advowson  for  the  decision  of  which  the  Assize  of  Darrein  pre- 
sentment was  issued,  the  only  vestiges  of  which  are  preserved  in 
Glanvill.  2.  The  maintenance  of  the  relations  between  the 
ecclesiastical  and  civil  jurisdictions  which  had  been  introduced 
into  England  by  William  the  Conqueror.  Under  the  Anglo-Saxon 
system,  in  which  the  bishop  and  archdeacon  sat  in  the  shire- 
moot  and  hundred-moot,  all  offences  touching  the  clergy,  except 
those  of  a  purely  spiritual  character,  which  were  treated  of  in 
special  courts  and  councils,  were  decided  according  to  the  law  of 
the  land,  which  provided  abundantly  for  such  cases  :  nor  until 
the  canon  law  began  to  be  studied,  which  was  after  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Collection  of  Ivo  of  Chartres,  was  much  incon- 
venience found  to  result  from  conflicting  jurisdictions.  The 
Decretum  of  Gratian  appeared  towards  the  end  of  Stephen's 
reign,  and  appeals  to  Rome  multiplied  as  the  influence  of  the 
Italian  lawyers  increased.  The  necessity  for  the  restrictive 
action  of  the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  will  be  learned  from 
the  events  which  led  up  to  them  :  although  these  events  are  to 
be  ascribed  no  doubt  largely  to  the  exaggerated  influence  of  the 
canon  law,  it  ought  not  to  be  forgotten  that  the  source  of  the 
evil  was  in  the  Conqueror's  measure  of  division.  3.  The  notice 
of  the  use  of  a  jury  (Art.  6),  and  of  the  principle  of  recognition 
by  twelve  lawful  men  in  case  of  a  dispute  as  to  the  tenure  of  an 
estate  alleged  to  be  in  franc-almoign  (Art.  9),  is  the  earliest  case 
of  such  mention  in  anything  like  statute  law.  It  is  not,  how- 
ever, to  be  supposed  that  this  is  the  act  of  the  institution  of 
such  recognitions,  of  which  probably  many  earlier  instances 
might  be  found.  4.  The  direction  that  elections  to  the  bishoprics 
and  abbacies  shall  take  place  in  the  royal  chapel,  subject  to  the 
approval  of  the  king  and  his  council,  is  in  conformity  with  the 
usage  of  Henry  I,  and  with  the  practice  of  the  "West-Saxon 
kings  of  England.  But  the  right  of  election  had  long  been 
claimed  for  the  clergy  of  the  church  whose  vacancy  was  to  be  sup- 
plied. As  early  as  the  eighth  century  the  letters  of  Alcuin  give 
proof  that  such  liberty  was  possessed  by  the  clergy  of  York,  and 
the  subsequent  restriction  was  probably  owing  to  the  example 
set  by  the  emperors  in  France  and  Germany.  Generally  the 


IV.]  Constitutions  of  Clarendon.  137 

Anglo-Saxon  bishops  were  appointed  by  the  king  and  witan, 
but  there  are  traces,  from  the  date  of  Theodore  to  the  Con- 
quest, of  free  elections  occasionally  allowed,  and  constantly 
claimed.  It  was  the  Peace  of  Anselm  and  Henry  I  that  gave 
the  king  an  absolute  and  legal  influence  in  this  matter.  5.  The 
restriction  of  the  liberty  of 'rustics'  or  'natives'  to  take  holy 
orders,  is  not  to  be  understood  as  intended  to  depress  a  class  of 
people  whom  in  other  matters  the  king  was  anxious  to  raise, 
but  as  a  security  to  the  landowners  that  they  should  not  lose 
the  services  of  their  villeins.  The  villeins  were  in  fact  labourers 
whose  wages  were  paid  in  land,  the  tenure  of  which,  having 
become  settled  to  villenage,  could  not  be  altered  or  readjusted  so 
as  to  idemnify  the  lord  for  the  loss  of  the  labour  consequent  on 
the  ordination  of  his  villein.  It  is  possible  also,  considering  the 
similar  article  of  the  Assize  of  Clarendon  (below,  p.  145),  that 
orders  or  religious  vows  were  sometimes  used  by  villeins  as  an 
expedient  for  escaping  from  the  jurisdiction  of  their  lords,  and 
thus  increased  the  number  of  disreputable  clerks  whose  miscon- 
duct necessitated  Henry's  measure  of  reform. 

Anno  ab  Incarnatione  Domini  M°C°LX0IV0,  papatus  Alex- 
andri  anno  IV*0,  illustrissimi  regis  Anglorum  Henrici  secundi 
anno  decimo,  in  praesentia  ejusdem  regis,  facta  est  ista  recor- 
datio  vel  recognitio  cujusdam  partis  consuetudinum  et  libertatum| 
et  dignitatum  antecessorum  suorum,  videlicet  regis  Henrici  avil 
sui,  et  aliorum  quae  observari  et  teneri  debent  in  regno.  Et 
propter  dissensiones  et  discordias  quae  emerserant  inter  clerum 
et  Justitias  domini  regis  et  barones  regni  de  consuetudinibus  et 
dignitatibus,  facta  est  ista  recognitio  coram  archiepiscopis  et 
episcopis  et  clero  et  comitibus  et  baronibus  et  proceribus  regni. 
Et  easdem  consuetudines  recognitas  per  archiepiscopos  et  epi- 
scopos  et  comites  et  barones  et  per  nobiliores  et  antiquiores 
regni,  Thomas  Cantuariensis  archiepiscopus,  et  Rogerus  Ebora- 
censis  archiepiscopus,  et  Gillebertus  Londoniensis  episcopus,  et 
Henricus  Wiutonieiisis  episcopus,  et  Nigellus  Eliensis  episcopus, 
et  "Willelmus  Norwicensis  episcopus,  et  Robertus  Lincolniensis 
episcopus,  et  Hilarius  Cicestrensis  episcopus,  et  Jocelinus  Saris- 
beriensis  episcopus,  et  Ricardus  Cestrensis  episcopus,  et  Bartholo- 
maeus  Exoniensis  episcopus,  et  Robertus  Herefordensis  episcopus, 
et  David  Menevensis  episcopus,  et  Rogerus  Wigorneusis  electus, 
concesserunt,  et  in  Verbo  Veritatis  viva  voce  firiniter  promiserunt 


138  Henry  IL  [PART 

tenendas  et  observandas,  domino  regi  et  haeredibus  suis,  bona 
fide  et  absque  malo  ingenio,  praesentibus  istis  :  Roberto  comite 
Leghestriae,  Reginaldo  comite  Cornubiae,  Conano  comite  Bri- 
tanniae,  Johanne  comite  de  Augo,  Rogero  comite  de  Clara,  comite 
Gaufredo  de  Mandevilla,  Hugone  comite  Cestriae,  Willelmo 
comite  de  Arundel,  comite  Patricio,  Willelmo  comite  de  Fer- 
rariis,  Ricardo  de  Luci,  Reginaldo  de  Sancto  Walerico,  Rogero 
Bigot,  Reginaldo  de  Warennia,  Richero  de  Aquila,  Willelmo  de 
Braiosa,  Ricardo  de  Camvilla,  Nigello  de  Moubrai,  Simone  de 
Bello  Campo,  Humfrido  de  Bonn,  Matthaeo  de  Herefordia, 
Waltero  de  Meduana,  Manassero  Biseth  dapifero,  Willelmo 
Malet,  Willelmo  de  Curci,  Roberto  de  Dunestanvilla,  Jocelino  de 
Baillolio,  Willelmo  de  Lanvalis,  Willelmo  de  Caisneto,  Gaufrido 
de  Ver,  Willelmo  de  Hastinges,  Hugone  de  Morevilla,  Alano  de 
Nevilla,  Simone  filio  Petri,  Willelmo  Malduit  camerario,  Johanne 
Malduit,  Johanne  Mariseallo,  Petro  de  Mara,  et  multis  aliis 
proceribus  et  nobilibus  regni,  tarn  clericis  quam  laicis. 

Consuetudinum  vero  et  dignitatum  regni  recognitarum  quae- 
dam  pars  praesenti  scripto  continetur.  Cujus  partis  capitula 
haec  sunt ; 

Cap.  i.  De  advocatione  et  praesentatione  ecclesiarum  si  con- 
troversia  emerserit  inter  laicos,  vel  inter  laicos  et  clericos,  vel 
inter  clericos,  in  curia  domini  regis  tractetur  vel  terminetur. 

Cap.  ii.  Ecclesiae  de  feudo  domini  regis  non  possunt  in  per-, 
petuum  dari  absque  assensu  et  concessione  ipsius. 

Cap.  iii.  Clerici  rectati  et  accusati  de  quacunque  re,  summoniti 
a  Justitia  regis  venient  in  curiam  ipsius,  responsuri  ibidem  de 
hoc  unde  videbitur  curiae  regis  quod  ibidem  sit  respondendum ; 
et  in  curia  ecclesiastica,  unde  videbitur  quod  ibidem  sit  respon- 
dendum ;  ita  quod  Justitia  regis  mittet  in  curiam  sanctae  ecole- 
siae  ad  videndum  qua  ratione  res  ibi  tractabitur.  Et  si  clericus 
convictus  vel  confessus  fuerit,  non  debet  de  cetero  eum  ecclesia 
tueri. 

Cap.  iv.  Archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  et  personis  regni,  non  licet 
exire  de  regno  absque  licentia  domini  vegis.  Et  si  exierint,  si 
domino  regi  placuerit,  assecurabunt,  quod  nee  in  eundo,  nee  in 
moram  faciendo,  nee  in  redeundo,  perquireut  malum  vel  damnum 
regi  vel  regno. 

Cap.  v.  Excommunicati  non  debent  dare  vadium  ad  remanens, 
nee  praestare  juramentum,  sed  tantum  vadium  etplegium  standi 
judicio  ecclesiae  ut  absolvantur. 

Cap.  vi.  Laici  non  debent  accusari  nisi  per  certos  et  legales 
accusatores  et  testes  in  praesentia  episcopi,  ita  quod  archidia- 
conus  non  perdat  jus  suum,  nee  quicquam  quod  inde  habere 


ivj  Constitutions  of  Clarendon,  130 

debeat.  Et  si  tales  fuerint  qui  culpantur,  quod  non  velit  vel 
non  audeat  aliquis  eos  accusare,  vicecomes  requisitus  ab  episcopo 
faciet  jurare  duodecim  legales  homines  de  vicineto,  seu  de  villa, 
coram  episcopo,  quod  inde  veritatem  secundum  conscientiam 
suam  manifestabunt. 

Cap.  vii.  Nullus  qui  de  rege  tenet  in  capite,  nee  aliquis 
dominicorum  ministrorum  ejus,  excommunicetur,  nee  terrae 
alicujus  illorum  sub  interdicto  ponantur,  nisi  prius  dominus  rex, 
si  in  terra  fuerit,  conveniatur,  vel  Justitia  ejus,  si  fuerit  extra 
regnum,  ut  rectum  de  ipso  faciat :  et  ita  ut  quod  pertinebit  ad 
curiam  regiam  ibidem  terminetur,  et  de  eo  quod  spectabit  ad 
ecclesiasticam  curiam,  ad  eandem  mittatur  ut  ibidem  tractetur. 

Cap.  viii.  De  appellationibus  si  emerserint,  ab  archidiacono 
debent  procedere  ad  episcopum,  ab  episcopo  ad  archiepiscopum. 
Et  si  archiepiscopus  defecerit  in  justitia  exhibenda,  ad  dominum 
regem  perveniendum  est  postremo,  ut  praecepto  ipsius  in  curia 
archiepiscopi  controversia  terminetur,  ita  quod  non  debet  ulterius 
procedere  absque  assensu  domini  regis. 

Cap.  ix.  Si  calumnia  emerserit  inter  cl^ricum  et  laicum,  vel 
inter  laicum  et  clericum,  de  ullo  tenemento  quod  clericus  ad 
eleemosinam  velit  attrahere,  laicus  vero  ad  laicum  feudum,  recog- 
nitione  duodecim  legalium  hominum,  per  capitalis  Justitiae  regis 
considerationem  terminabitur,  utrum  tenementum  sit  pertinens 
ad  eleemosinam  sive  ad  laicum  feudum,  coram  ipso  Justitia  regis. 
Et  si  recognitum  fuerit  ad  eleemosinam  pertinere,  placitum  erit 
in  curia  ecclesiastica,  si  vero  ad  laicum  feudum,  nisi-  ambo  de 
eodem  episcopo  vel  barone  advocaverint,  erit  placitum  in  curia 
regia.  Sed  si  uterque  advocaverit  de  feudo  illo  ante  eundem 
episcopum  vel  baronem,  erit  placitum  in  curia  ipsius ;  ita  quod 
propter  factam  recognitionem  seisinam  non  amittat,  qui  prior 
seisitus  fuerat,  donee  per  placitum  dirationatum  fuerit. 

Cap.  x.  Qui  de  civitate,  vel  castello,  vel  burgo,  vel  dominico 
manerio  domini  regis  fuerit,  si  ab  archidiacouo  vel  episcopo 
super  aliquo  delicto  citatus  fuerit,  unde  debeat  eisdem  respondere 
et  ad  citationes  eorum  satisfacere  noluerit,  bene  licet  eum  sub 
interdicto  ponere,  sed  non  debet  excommunicari  priusquam 
capitalis  minister  domini  regis  villae  illius  conveniatur,  ut  justi- 
ciet  eum  ad  satisfactionem  venire.  Et  si  minister  regis  inde 
defecerit,  ipse  erit  in  misericordia  domini  regis,  et  exinde  poterit 
episcopus  ipsum  accusatum  ecclesiastics  justitia  cobibere. 

Cap.  xi.  Archiepiscopi,  episcopi,  et  universae  personae  regni, 
qui  de  rege  tenent  in  capite,  habent  possessiones  suas  de  domino 
rege  sicut  baroniam,  et  inde  respondent  Justitiis  et  miuistris 
regis,  et  sequuntur  et  faciunt  omnes  rectitudines  et  consue- 


140  Henry  II.  [PART 

tudines  regias,  et  si  cut  barones  ceteri,  detent  interesse  judieiis 
curiae  domini  regis  cum  baronibus,  usque  dum  perveniatur  in 
judicio  ad  diminutionem  membrorum  vel  mortem. 

Cap.  xii.  Cum  vacaverit  archiepiscopatus,  vel  episcopatus,  vel 
abbatia,  vel  prioratus  de  dominio  regis,  debet  esse  in  manu  ipsius, 
et  inde  percipiet  omnes  reditus  et  exitus  sicut  dominicos.  Et 
cum  ventum  fuerit  ad  consulendum  ecclesiae,  debet  dominus  rex 
mandare  potiores  personas  ecclesiae,  et  in  capella  ipsius  domini 
regis  debet  fieri  electio  assensu  domini  regis  et  consilio  per- 
sonarum  regni,  quas  ad  hoc  faciendum  vocaverit.  Et  ibidem 
faciet  electus  hornagium  et  fidelitatem  domino  regi  sicut  ligio 
domino,  de  vita  sua  et  de  membris  et  de  honore  suo  terreno, 
salvo  ordine  suo,  priusquam  sit  consecratus. 

Cap.  xiii.  Si  quisquam  de  proceribus  regni  defortiaverit 
archiepiscopo,  vel  episcopo,  vel  archidiacono,  de  se  vel  de  suis 
justitiam  exhibere,  dominus  rex  debet  eos  justiciare.  Et  si  forte 
aliquis  defortiaverit  domino  regi  rectitudinem  suam,  archiepi- 
scopi  et  episcopi  et  archidiaconi  debent  eum  justiciare  ut 
domino  regi  satisfaciat. 

Cap.  xiv.  Catalla  eorum  qui  sunt  in  forisfacto  regis  non 
detineat  ecclesia  vel  cimiterium  contra  justitiam  regis,  quia 
ipsius  regis  sunt,  sive  in  ecclesiis  sive  extra  fuerint  inventa. 

Cap.  xv.  Placita  de  debitis,  quae  fide  interposita  debentur, 
vel  absque  interpositione  fidei,  sint  in  justitia  regis. 

Cap.  xvi.  Filii  rusticorum  non  debent  ordinari  absque  assensu 
domini  de  cujus  terra  nati  dignoscuntur. 

Facta  est  autem  praedictarum  consuetudinum  et  dignitatunv 
recordatio  regiarum  a  praefatis  arcbiepiscopis  et  episcopis  et 
comitibus  et  baronibus,  et  uobilioribus,  et  antiquioribus  regni, 
apud  Clarendonam  quarto  die  ante  Purificationem  Beatae  Mariae 
perpetuae  Virginis,  domino  Henrico  cum  patre  suo  domino  rege 
ibidem  praesente.  Sunt  autem  et  aliae  multae  et  magnae  con- 
suetudines  et  dignitates  sanctae  matris  ecclesiae  et  domini  regis 
et  baronum  regni,  quae  in  hoc  scripto  non  continentur.  Quae 
salvae  sint  sanctae  ecclesiae  et  domino  regi  et  haeredibus  suis  et 
baronibus  regni,  et  in  perpetuum  inviolabiliter  observentur. 
(Lyttleton 's  Life  of  Henry  II,  vol.  iv.  pp.  182-185,  from  MS. 
Cotton,  Claudius  B.  2.) 


A.D.  1166.    ASSIZE  OF  CLAKEXDON. 

This  Assize  was  issued  by  the  king  early  in  1166,  after  the 
Council  of  Oxford,  in  which   the  heretics   mentioned   in  the 


iv.]  Assize  of  Clarendon.  141 

2ist  Article  were  condemned.  It  is  a  document  of  the  greatest 
importance  to  our  legal  history,  and  must  be  regarded  as  in- 
troducing changes  into  the  administration  of  justice  which 
were  to  lead  the  way  to  self-government  at  no  distant  time. 
(I.)  It  is  clear  from  the  first  article  that  a  commission  of  itinerant 
_justices  was  to  visit  the  shires,  and  that  to  them  and  the  sherifls 
the  several  juries  of  the  shire  and  the  hundred  were  to  present 
notorious  or  reputed  offenders.  Henry  II  has  been  regarded 
as  the  inventor  of  the  system  of  itinerant  judges,  but  the 
examination  of  the  Great  Eoll  of  the  Pipe  of  31  Henry  I  shows 
that  during  his  reign  the  practice  was  observed  both  for  financial 
and  judicial  purposes.  These  journeys  were  the  substitute 
under  the  Norman  kings  for  the  progresses  of  the  earlier 
sovereigns,  who,  whilst  moving  from  one  of  their  estates  to 
another,  heard  the  complaints  of  defect  of  justice  in  the  lower 
courts.  The  annual  courts  of  William  the  Conqueror,  who  wore 
his  crown  and  heard  causes  at  Christmas,  Easter,  and  Pentecost, 
at  Gloucester,  Winchester,  and  Westminster,  a  custom  occasionally 
observed  by  William  Rufus  and  Henry  I,  only  partially  answered 
the  same  purpose;  and  for  these  towards  the  end  of  Henry's 
reign  a  visitation  of  the  Curia  Regis  itself  seems  to  have  been 
substituted.  Everything  of  the  kind  ceased  under  Stephen  : 
and  in  the  earlier  years  of  Henry  II  the  visitation  was  ap- 
parently made  only  by  either  the  Great  Justiciar  or  some  other 
great  officer  of  the  royal  household,  as  the  Constable  or  the 
Chancellor.  On  this  particular  occasion  the  visitation  was 
carried  out  by  the  Great  Justiciar  Richard  de  Luci,  and  Geoffrey 
Mandeville  Earl  of  Essex;  but  in  1168  a  deputation  of  four 
barons  of  the  Exchequer  traversed  the  country  as  itinerant 
judges  and  collectors  of  revenue,  and  in  1173  the  country  was 
divided  for  financial  purposes  into  six  circuits.  Several  modi- 
fications of  the  numbers  and  circuits  were  introduced  during 
Henry's  reign,  and  the  plan  was  followed  up  under  Richard  and 
John,  until  the  anarchy  which  followed  the  interdict.  By  Magna 
Carta  the  king  undertook  to  send  itinerant  commissions  four 
times  a  year  (Art.  18),  to  take  assizes  of  Mort-dancester,  Novel 
Disseisin,  and  Darrein  Presentment ;  but  this  was  altered  in 


142  Henry  II.  [PART 

1217  to  one  annual  visitation  for  this  purpose.  Whether  the 
judges  so  commissioned  were  competent  to  transact  other  busi- 
ness is  not  clear,  but  it  seems  that  from  this  period  the  Iter 
of  the  justices  for  general  business  was  septennial,  and  not 
annual.  And  these  septennial  iters  were  continued  until  the 
reign  of  Edward  I ;  nor  even  then  entirely  extinguished  by  the 
appointment  of  justices  of  assize.  The  subject  is  an  intricate 
one,  and  only  in  its  earlier  stages  connected  with  constitutional 
law ;  but  it  may  be  observed,  that  .much  of  the  confusion  that 
prevails  concerning  it  is  to  be  traced  to  the  fact,  that  attention 
has  not  been  paid  to  the  variety  of  commissions  under  which 
such  provincial  justice  was  executed.  From  the  first  we  have 
to  distinguish  between  financial  and  judicial  iters,  then  between 
commissions  for  taking  the  assize  and  for  trying  criminals,  and 
so  on  until  we  come  to  the  state  of  things  described  by  Black- 
stone,  under  which  the  judges  at  assizes  sit  in  five  capacities  ; 
as  justices  : — (i)  of  the  Peace,  (2)  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  (3)  of 
Gaol  Delivery,  (4)  of  Assize,  (5)  of  Nisi  Prius.  (II.)  The 
adoption  of  presentment  and  ordeal  had  the  effect  of  abolishing 
the  practice  of  compurgation  in  the  shire-moots,  which  continued 
to  be  used  in  the  boroughs  whose  charters  exempted  them  from 
the  jurisdiction  of  these  courts.  The  ordeal  in  these  circum-- 
stances  being  a  resource  following  the  verdict  of  a  jury  ac- 
quainted with  the  fact,  could  only  be  applied  to  those  who  were 
to  all  intents  and  purposes  proved  to  be  guilty.  The  abolition 
of  the  ordeal  by  the  Lateran  Council  in  1216,  and  the  impossi- 
bility of  securing  perfect  justice  by  the  machinery  of  the  grand 
jury,  led  the  way  to  the  usage  of  a  second  or  petty  jury,  to 
traverse  the  decisions  of  the  former.  (III.)  The  directions  that 
all  qualified  persons  shall  attend  the  county  court  to  serve  on 
these  juries,  and  that  no  franchise  is  to  exclude  the  sheriffs 
from  preparing  for  these  visitations  and  enforcing  the  frank- 
pledges,  are  an  important  attempt  to  limit  the  exercise  of  feudal 
courts  of  justice  and  feudal  privilege.  (IV).  The  traces  of 
Anglo-Saxon  custom  in  the  treatment  of  strangers,  waifs  and 
wanderers,  and  the  responsibility  of  their  entertainers,  may  be 
regarded  as  a  proof  that  the  country*  was  still  in  an  unsettled 


iv.]  Assize  of  Clarendon.  143 

state,  and  that  the  old  ends  had  to  be  secured  by  the  old  means. 
(V.)  The  2oth  article  has  relation  to  the  subject  of  the  last 
article  of  the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  :  and  the  2ist  is 
of  great  importance  touching  the  treatment  of  heresy  under 
Henry  II,  which  was  certainly  not  BO  severe  as  that  of  offences 
against  the  forest  laws. 

Incipit  Assisa  de  Clarenduna  facto,  a  rege  Henrico,  scilicet 
secundo,  de  assensu  archiepiscoporum,  episcoporum,  abbatum, 
comitum,  baronum,  totius  Angliae. 

1.  Inprimis    statuit    praedictus   rex    Henricus   de   consilio 
omnium  baronum  suorum,  projtace  servanda  et  justitia  tenenda, 
quod  per  singulos  comitatus  inquiratur,  et  per  singulos  huudredos, 
per  xii.  legaliores  homines  de  hundredo,  et  per  iv.  legaliores 
homines  de  qualibet  villata,  per  sacramentum  quod  illi  verum 
dicent :  si  in  hundredo  suo  vel  villata  sua  sit  aliquis  homo  qui 
sit  rettatus  vel  publicatus  quod  ipse  sit  robator  vel  murdrator 
vel  latro  vel  aliquis  qui  sit  receptor  robatorum  vel  murdratorum 
vel  latronum,  postquam  dominus  rex  fuit  rex,     Et  hoc  inquirant 
-Justitiae  coram  se,  et  vicecomites  coram  se. 

2.  Et  qui  invenietur  per  sacramentum  praedictorum  rettatus 
vel  publicatus  quod  fuerit  robator  vel  murdrator  vel  latro  vel 
receptor  eorum,  postquam  dominus  rex  fuit  rex,  capiatur  et  eat 
ad  juisam  aquae,  et  juret  quod  ipse  non  fuit  robator  vel  mur- 
drator vel  latro  vel  receptor  eorum  postquam  dominus  rex  fuit 
rex,  de  valentia  v.  solidorum  quod  sciat. 

3.  Et  si  dominus  ejus  qui  captus  fuerit  vel  dapifer  ejus  vel 
homines  ejus  requisierint  eum  per  plegium  infra  tertium  diem 
postquam  captus  fuerit,  replegiatur  ipse  et  catalla  ejus  donee 
ipse  faciat  legem  suam. 

4.  Et  quando  robator  vel  murdrator  vel  latro  vel  receptores 
eorum  capti  fuerint  per  praedictum  sacramentum,  si  Justitiae 
non  fuerint  tarn  cito  venturae  in  ilium  comitatuin  ubi  capti 
fuerint,  vicecomites  mandent  propinquiori  Justitiae  per  aliquem 
intelligentem  hominem,  quod  tales  homines  ceperint ;    et  Jus- 
titiae remandabunt  vicecomitibus  ubi  voluerint  quod  illi  ducantur 
ante  illos :  et  vicecomites  illos  ducant  ante  Justitias ;  et  cum 

*  illis'  decant  de  hundredo  et  de  villata  ubi  capti  fuerint,  duos 
legales  homines  ad  portandum  recordationem  comitatus  et 
hundredi,  quare  capti  fuerint,  et  ibi  ante  Justitiam  facient  legem 
suam. 

R.  Et  de  illis  qui  capti  fuerint  per  praedictum  sacramentum 
hujus  Assisae,  nullus  habeat  curiam  vel  justitiam  nee  catalla, 


144  Henry  II.  [PAET 

nisi  dominus  rex  in  curia  sua  coram  Justitiis  ejus,  et  dominus 
rex  habebit  omnia  catalla  eorum.  De  illis  vero  qui  capti 
fuerint  aliter  quam  per  hoc  sacramentum,  sit  sicut  esse  solet  et 
debet. 

6.  Et  vicecomites  qui  eos  ceperint  ducant  eos  ante  Justitiam 
sine  alia  summonitione  quam  inde  habeant.     Et  cum  robatores 
vel   murdratores  vel   latrones   et  receptores   eorum,   qui   capti 
fuerint  per  sacramentum  vel  aliter,  tradantur  vicecoruitibus,  et 
ipsi  r,ecipiant  eos  statim  sine  dilatione. 

7.  Et  in  singulis  comitatibus  ubi  non  sunt  gaiolae,  fiant  in 
burgo  vel  aliquo  castello  regis  de  denariis  regis  et  bosco  ejus  si 
prope  fuerit,  vel  de  alio  bosco  propinquo,  per  visum  servientium 
regis,  ad  hoc  ut  vicecomites  in  illis  possint  illos  qui  capti  fuerint 
per  ministros   qui   hoc  facere   solent   et  per   servientes   suos, 
custodire. 

8.  Vult  etiam  dominus  rex  quod  omnes  veniant  ad  comitatus 
ad  hoc  sacramentum  faciendum,  ita  quod  nullus  reman  eat  pro 
libertate  aliqua  quam  habeat,  vel  curia  vel  soca  quam  habuerit, 
quin  veniant  ad  hoc  sacramentum  faciendum. 

9.  Et  non  sit  aliquis  infra  castellum  vel  extra  castellum,  nee 
etiam  in  honore  de  Walingeford,  qui  vetet  vicecomites  intrare 
in  curiam  vel  terrain  suam  ad  videndos  francos  plegios,  et  quod 
omnes  sint  sub  plegiis :  et  ante  vicecomites  mittantur  sub  Hbero 
plegio. 

10.  Et  in  civitatibus  vel  burgis  nullus  habeat  homines  vel 
recipiat  in  domo  sua  vel  terra  sua  vel  soca  sua,  quos  non  in 
mauu  capiat  quod  eos  habebit  coram  Justitia  si  requisiti  fuerint, 
vel  sint  sub  francoplegio. 

11.  Et  nulli  sint  in  civitate  vel  burgo  vel  castello  vel  extra, 
nee  in  honore  etiam   de  Walingeford,  qui   vetent  vicecomites 
intrare  in  terrain  suam  vel  socam  suam,  ad  capiendum  illos  qui 
rettati  fuerint  vel  publicati  quod  sint  robatores  vel  murdratores 
vel   latrones  vel  receptores  eorum,  vel  utlagati  vel  rettati  de- 
foresta  ;  sed  praecipit  quod  juvent  illos  ad  capiendum  eos. 

12.  Et  si  aliquis  fuerit  captus  qui  fuerit  saisiatus  de  roberia 
vel  latrocinio,  si  ipse  fuerit  diffamatus  et  habeat  malum  testi- 
monium  de  publicamento,  et  non  habeat  warantum,  non  habeat 
legem.     Et  si  non  fuerit  publicatus,  pro  saisina  quam  habet,  eat 
ad  aquam. 

13.  Et  si  aliquis  fuerit  recognoscens  coram  legalibus  homini- 
bus  vel  hundredis    de   roberia  vel    murdro   vel    latrocinio  vel 
de   receptione   eorum,  et  postea  negare  voluerit,   non  habeat 
legem. 

14.  Vult  etiam  dominus  rex  quod  ipsi  qui  facient  legem  suam 


iv.]  Assize  of  Clarendon.  143 

et  mundi  erunt  per  legem,  si  ipsi  fuerint  de  pessimo  testimonio, 
et  publice  et  turpiter  diffamati  testimonio  multorum  et  legalium 
hominum,  foras  jurent  terras  regis,  ita  quod  infra  viii.  dies 
mare  transibunt,  nisi  aura  eos  detinuerit ;  et  cum  prima  aura 
quam  habebunt  postea  mare  transibunt,  et  ultra  in  Angliam 
non  revertentur  nisi  per  misericordiam  domini  regis :  et  ibi 
sint  utlagati  et  si  redierint;  et  si  redierint  capiantur  sicut 
utlagati. 

15.  Et  prohibet  dominus  rex  ne  aliquis  vaivus,  id  est  vagus 
vel  ignotus,  hospitetur  alicubi  nisi  in  burgo,  et  ibi  non  bospitetur 
nisi   una  nocte,  nisi  ibi   infirmetur,  vel   equus   ejus,   ita  quod 
monstrare  possit  monstrabile  essonium. 

1 6.  Et   si  ibi  fuerit  plusquam  una   nocte,    capiatur  ille  et 
teneatur  donee  domiuus  ejus  venerit  ad  eum  plegiandum,  vel 
donee  ipse  habeat  salvos  plegios;  et  ille  similiter  capiatur  qui 
hospitatus  fuerit. 

17.  Et  si  aliquis  vicecomes  mandaverit  alii  vicecomiti  quod 
homines    fugerint    de   comitatu   suo  in   alium   comitatum   pro 
roberia  vel  pro  murdro  vel  latrocinio  vel  receptione  eorum,  vel 
pro   utlagia  vel   pro   retta  forestae   regis,  ille   capiat   eos :    et 
etiam  si  per  se  vel  per  alios  sciat  quod  tales  homines  fugerint  in 
comitatum  suum,  capiat  eos  et  custodiat  donee  de  eis  habeat 
salvos  plegios. 

1 8.  Et  omnes  vicecomites  faciant  inbreviari  omnes  fugitives, 
qui  fugerint  de  suis  comitatibus ;  et  hoc  faciant  coram  comita- 
tibus,  et  illorum  nomina  scripta  portabunt  ante  Justitias  cum 
primo  ad  illos  venerint,  ut  illi  quaerantur  per  totam  Angliam,  et 
eorum  catalla  capiantur  ad  opus  regis. 

19.  Et  vult  dominus  rex  quod  ex  quo  vicecomites  susceperint 
summonitiones  Justitiarum  errantium,  ut  ipsi  cum  comitatibus 
suis  sint   ante  illos,  ipsi  congregabunt   comitatus  suos   et  in- 
quirent  omnes  qui   de   novo  venerint  in   suos  comitatus  post 
hanc  assisam ;    et  illos  mittent  per  plegios,  quod  erunt  coram 
Justitias,  vel  illos  custodient,  donee  Justitiae  ad  eos  venerint,  et 
tune  habebunt  coram  Justitias. 

20.  Prohibet  etiam  dominus  rex  ne  monachi  vel  canonici  vel 
aliqua  domus  religionum  recipiant  aliquem  de  populo  minuto 
in  monachum  vel  canonicum  vel  fratrem,  donee  sciatur  de  quali 
testimonio  ipse  fuerit,  nisi  ipse  fuerit  infirmus  ad  mortem. 

21.  Prohibet  etiam  dominus  rex,  quod  nullus  in  tota  Anglia 
receptet  in  terra  sua  vel  soca  sua  vel  domo  sub  se,  aliquem  de 
secta  illorum  renegatorum  qui  excommunicati  et  siguati  fuerunt 
apud  Oxeneforde.      Et  si  quis  eos  receperit,  ipse  erit  in  miseri- 
cordia  domini  regis;    et  domus,  in  qua  illi  fuerint,  portetur 


146  Henry  II.  [PART 

extra  villam  et  comburatur.  Et  hoc  jurabit  unusquisque  vice- 
comes  quod  hoc  tenebit,  et  hoc  jurare  faciet  omnes  ministros 
suos,  et  dapiferos  baronum,  et  omnes  milites  et  franco-tenentes 
de  comitatibus. 

22.  Et  vult  dominus  rex  quod  haec  assisa  teneatur  in  regno 
BUO  quamdiu  ei  placuerit. —  (MS.  Bodl.  Rawlinson,  C.  641.) 


A.D.  1 1 66.   CARTEL  DECLARATORY  OF  LIABILITY  TO  SCUTAGE. 

The  following  letter  is  one  of  a  large  number  of  answers  to 
an  inquiry  made  by  Henry  II  in  or  about  the  year  1166,  as 
to  the  number  of  knights  fees  held  of  his  tenants  in  chief. 
The  measure  was  necessitated  by  the  financial  policy  of  the  king 
who  required  some  guide  for  the  assessment  of  Scutage  in  aid 
pur  fille  marier;  the  earlier  aids  having  been  raised  on  the 
hidage  of  the  country  simply,  as  recorded  in  Domesday.  It 
shows  the  way  in  which  the  barons  declared  their  liability 
and  that  of  their  tenants  at  this  time.  The  letter  probably 
preserves  the  exact  words  of  the  royal  writ  which  it  is  intended 
to  answer. 

Karissimo  domino  suo  ligio  Henrico  Regi  Anglorum  &c.  suus 
homo  ligius  Robertas  de  Brinton  salutem  et  fidele  servitium. 

Mihi  et  aliis  comparibus  meis  per  litteras  vestras  innotuit,  ut 
per  fidem  et  ligantiam  quam  vobis  debemus,  vobis  per  breve 
nostrum  pendens  extra  sigillum,  mandaremus  quot  milites 
habemus  de  veteri  feodamento  de  tempore  Henrici  regis  avi 
vestri,  et  quot  milites  habeamus  de  novo  feodamento  post 
tempus  regis  Henrici  avi  vestri,  et  quot  milites  habeamus  super 
dorninium  nostrum.  Inde  est  quod  vobis,  ut  domino  meo 
karissimo,  mando  quod  de  veteri  feodamento  nullum  militem 
habeo,  praeter  feodum  unius  quern  mi  hi  cum  quadam  liberali 
muliere,  nomine  Eva,  quae  modo  est  haeres,  per  servitium  unius 
milites  dedistis,  faciendo  servitium  ad  custum  vestrum.  De  novo 
autem  feodamento  nullum  habeo  militem  vel  super  dominium 
meum.  Et  vobis  quidem  et  filio  vestro  hominium  et  ligantiam 
feci.  [Liber  Niger  Scaccarii,  ed.  Hearne,  i.  148,  149.] 


TV.]  Inquest  of  Sheriffs.  147 


A.D.  1170.     INQUEST  OF  SHERIFFS. 

When  Henry  II  returned  from  the  Continent  in  the  spring 
of  117°,  after  an  absence  of  four  years,  he  was  received  with 
loud  complaints  of  the  exactions  of  the  sheriffs  and  bailiffs,  and 
of  the  oppressiveness  of  their  jurisdiction.  The  country  had 
been  scarcely  prepared  for  the  severe  way  in  which  the  Assize 
of  Clarendon  was  carried  out,  and  the  payment  of  the  aid 
on  the  marriage  of  the  king's  eldest  daughter  had  been  felt  as 
a  heavy  tax  ;  but  it  is  probable  that  there  had  been  some 
misconduct  among  the  royal  officers  themselves.  For  Henry, 
who  was  at  this  moment  anxiously  contriving  the  recognition 
and  coronation  of  his  eldest  son,  it  was  very  important  to  keep 
the  people  contented.  Accordingly,  shortly  after  Easter,  in  a 
great  council  at  London,  he  issued  the  following  commission 
to  a  body  of  barons  errant,  and  removed  the  sheriffs  of  nearly 
all  the  counties  from  their  places. 

I.  He  seems  to  have  taken  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
afforded  by  the  complaints  of  the  people  to  enter  upon  a 
general  investigation  of  the  provincial  administration  of  jus- 
tice, not  merely  in  the  county  and  hundred  courts  and  royal 
demesne,  but  in  the  franchises  of  the  barons,  lay  and  eccle- 
siastical :  and  further  to  have  inquired  narrowly  into  the  con- 
fiscations of  goods  of  the  persons  who  had  fled  from  justice 
tinder  the  Assize  of  Clarendon,  showing  some  suspicion  as 
to  the  honesty  of  the  sheriffs  both  in  the  examination  of 
charges  and  in  the  disposition  of  the  forfeitures.  He  seems  to 
have  thought  that  the  aid  for  the  marriage  of  his  daughter, 
which  we  learn  from  the  Pipe  Rolls  was  a  very  large  one, 
afforded  too  great  a  temptation  to  the  sheriffs.  The  further 
inquiry  whether  these  officers  had  restored  anything,  as  hush- 
money,  to  those  who  had  complained  to  the  king,  with  a  view 
of  stifling  their  complaints,  is  very  significant.  The  examina- 
tion into  the  administration  of  the  forests  completed  the  survey 
of  the  whole  system  of  jurisdiction  existing  in  the  country ; 
and  the  report,  if  it  ever  was  made,  must  have  been  a  record 

L  2 


e 

V s 
V 


148  Henry  II.  [PART 

of  the  most  interesting  kind  conceivable.  It  is  probable  that 
the  result  was  on  the  whole  satisfactory,  as  the  historian  tells 
us  that  no  further  proceedings  were  taken  against  the  sheriffs. 

II.  The  sheriffs  removed  on  this  occasion  from  their  offices 
were  most  of  them  local  magnates,  whose  chances  of  oppression 
and  whose  inclination  towards  a  feudal  administration  of  justice 
were  too  great.  In  their  place  Henry  instituted  officers  of  the 
Exchequer,  less  closely  connected  with  the  counties  by  property, 
and  more  amenable  to  royal  influence  as  well  as  more  skilled 
administrators — another  step  towards  the  concentration  of  the 
provincial  jurisdiction  under  the  Curia  Regis. 

In  primis  exigent  barones  vadium  et  plegium  ab  omnibus 
vicecomitibus  qui  fuerunt  vicecomites  postquam  dominus  rex 
novissime  transfretavit  in  Uormanniam,  et  ab  omnibus  qui 
fuerunt  post  terminum  ilium  baillivi  vel  ministri  eorum  qui- 
cunque  baillivam  de  eis  habuerunt ;  et  ab  omnibus  iliis  qui 
post  terminum  ilium  tenuerunt  hundred  os  baronum  quos  ipsi 
habent  in  comitatu,  sive  eos  tenuerint  ad  firmam,  sive  in 
custodia ; — quod  erunt  coram  domino  rege  die  quern  ipsi  eis 
constituerint  ad  faciendum  rectum  et  adreciandum  ei  et  homi- 
nibus  suis  quod  adreciare  debuerint.  Et  si  vicecomites  ante  eos 
propter  infirmitatem  venire  non  possunt,  mittant  loco  suo  qui 
pro  eis  respondeant,  et  dent  vadium  et  plegium  sufficientem  pro  • 
vicecomitibus  et  pro  se  ipsis,  quod  coram  domino  rege  facient 
hoc  quod  vicecomites  facere  debeut  ad  diem  constitutum. 

Postea  capient  sacramentum  ab  omnibus  baronibus  et  mili- 
tibus  et  liberis  hominibus  de  comitatu,  quod  verum  dicent  de 
hoc  [quod]  ab  eis  inquiretur  ex  parte  domini  regis  ;  et  quod  non 
celabunt  veritatem  pro  amore  alicujus  vel  odio  vel  pretio  vel 
praemio  vel  timore  vel  promissione  vel  pro  ulla  re. 

Hie  est  modus  inquisitionis  : — (I.)  Inquiratur  de  vicecomiti- 
bus, inprimis,  et  baillivis  eorum,  quid  vel  quantum  acceperint 
de  singulis  hundredis  et  de  singulis  villatis,  et  de  singulis 
hominibus,  postquam  dominus  rex  transfretavit,  unde  terra  vel 
homines  gravati  sint ;  et  quid  acceperint  per  judicium  comitatus 
vel  hundredi,  et  quid  sine  judicio,  et  quid  inquisierint  captum 
esse  per  judicium  scribatur  separating  et  quid  sine  judicio 
scribatur  separatim ;  et  de  omnibus  prisis  inquirent  causam  et 
testimonium. 

II.  Similiter  inquiratur  de  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  abbati- 
bus,  comitibus,  baronibus  et  eorum  senescallis  et  ministris,  quid 


iv.]  Inquest  of  Sheriffs.  540 

vel  quantum  acceperint  per  terras  suas  post  terminum  praedic- 
tum,  de  singulis  hundredis  suis  et  de  singulis  villatis  suis,  et  de 
singulis  hominibus  suis,  per  judicium  vel  sine  judicio  ;  et  omnes 
prisas  illas  scribant  separatim  et  causas  et  occasiones  earum. 

III.  Et  similiter  inquirant  de  hominibus  illis  qui  post  termi- 
num ilium  habuerunt  alias  baillivas  de  domino  rege  in  custodia 
sive   de  episcopatu,  sive  de   abbatia,  sive  de  baronia,  sive  de 
bonore  aliquo  vel  eschaeta. 

IV.  Et  similiter  inquiratur  de  baillivis  regis  qui  per  terrain 
euam  erraverunt  pro  negotiis  regis  faciendis,  quid  eis  datum  sit  j 
et  quid  inde  inquisierint,  scribant. 

/"  V.  Item  de  catallis  fugitivomm  pro  Assisa  de  Clarendune, 
'  et  de  catallis  eorum  qui  per  assisam  illam  perierunt,  inquiratur 
quid  actum  sit,  et  quid  inde  exierit  de  singulis  hundredis  et 
singulis  villatis,  et  diligenter  et  intente  scribatur.  Et  similiter 
inquiratur  si  aliquis  in  assisa  ilia  injuste  retatus  fuerit,  pro 
praemio  vel  promissione  vel  odio  vel  alio  injusto  modo ;  et  an 
aliquis  retatus  relaxatus  fuerit  vel  reus  pro  praemio  vel  promis- 
sione  vel  amore,  et  quis  inde  praemium  acceperit,  et  hoc  similiter 
scribatur. 

VI.  Et  inquiratur  de  auxiliis  ad  maritandam  filiam  regis, 
quid  inde  exierit  de  singulis  hundredis  et  singulis  villatis,  sive  in 
redditis  sive  in  perdonis,  et  cui  illud  traditum  fuerit  et  libera- 
tum. 

V.      VII.  Et  inquiratur  quid  vel  quantum  acceperint  forestarii  f 
vel  baillivi  vel  ministri  eorum,  post  terminum  praedictum,  in  ' 
baillivis  suis,   quocunque  modo  illud   ceperint  vel    quacunque 
occasione ;  et  si  quid  perdonaverint  de  rectis  regis  pro  praemio  j 
vel  promissione  vel  pro  amicitia  aliqua.    Et  de  forisfactis  forest- 
arum  ;  de  hiis  qui  forestis  suis  forisfecerunt,  et  cervis  et  bisiis  i 
et   aliis   bestiis  salvagiis  ;    et  quod  inde  inquisierint,  scribant  \ 
diligenter ;  et  si  forestarii  vel  baillivi  eorum  aliquem  ceperint 
vel   attachiaverint   per  vadium  et   plegium,  vel   retaverint,   et  | 
postca  sine  judicio  per  se  relaxaverint,  qui  haec  fecerint  inqui-  j 
rantur  et  inbrevientur. 

VIII.  Et  omnes  qui  retati  fuerint  de  aliquo  reto  ponantur  per 
vadium  et  plegium  quod  sint  coram  domino  rege  die  quera  eis 
ponent,  et  quod  rectum  facient,  et  quod  adresciabunt  ei  et  homi- 
nibus suis  quod  adresciare  debuerint,  et  quibus  plegii  desunt, 
custodiantur. 

IX.  Et    inquiretur   si   vicecomites    vel    quicunque   baillivi 
aliquid  redcliderint  de  hiis  quae  ceperint,  vel  si  pacem  aliquam 

I  fecerint  cum  hominibus  postquam  audierunt  adventum  domini 
1  regis,  pro  disturbare  ne  querimonia  inde  ad  dominum  regem 
\  veniret. 


150  Henry  II.  [PART 

X.  Et  de  admerciatis  inquiratur,  si  aliquis  relaxatus  fuerit 
pro  praemio  vel  amore  de  hoc  quod  fuerit  primum  admerciatus, 
et  per  quern  hoc  faetum  fuerit. 

XI.  Inquiratur  qui  sunt  qui  debent  domino  regi  homagium 
et  non  fecerunt,  neque  illi  neque  filio  suo,  et  inbrevientur. 

XII.  De  dominiis    domini   regis    inquiratur   si   curiae    sint 
clausae  de  fossatis  et  hais,  et  si  sint  ibi  grangiae  et  bovariae 
et  bercheriae,  et  aliae  domus  et  instauramenta  sicut  dominus  rex 
praecepit  antequam  transfretaret. 

XIII.  Et  postquam  inquisiti  fuerint,  vicecomites  mei  et  mi- 
nistri  adhibeantur  ad  cetera  negotia  mea  et  jurent  quod  legaliter 
intendent  inquisitioni  faciendae  per  terras  baronum. — (MS.  Bodl. 
Rawlinson,  C.  641.) 


A.D.  1176.      ASSIZE    OF   NOKTHAMPTON. 

The  Assize  of  Northampton  is  a  re-issue  and  expansion  of 
the  Assize  of  Clarendon  issued  in  1166,  drawn  up  in  the  form  of 
instructions  to  the  six  committees  of  judges  who  were  to  visit 
the  circuits  now  marked  out.  The  earlier  articles  of  this  Assize 
correspond  with  those  of  Clarendon,  but  are  more  severe  in  the 
punishment  prescribed,  and  place  less  power  in  the  hands  of  the  •» 
sheriffs.  The  later  articles,  which  are  new  and  are  to  be  care-  " 
fully  compared  with  the  great  Charter  of  John,  are  of  leading 
importance  as  touching  the  tenure  of  lands,  reliefs,  dower,  and 
similar  points.  The  Assize  has  considerable  significance  as  a 
political  measure  also ;  for  it  is  the  first  judicial  act  of  import- 
ance since  the  quelling  of  the  rebellion  of  1173:  and  in  this 
aspect  deserves  examination  in  such  points  as  the  exaction  of 
the  oaths  of  fealty  from  all  classes,  freeholders  and  villeins  alike  ; 
the  complete  destruction  of  the  castles  which  had  been  held 
against  the  king ;  the  present  custody  of  all  the  castles ;  and  the 
registration  of  all  fugitives  and  outlaws. 

Hae  sunt  Assisas  factae  apud  Clarendune,  et  jpostea  recordatae 
apud  Northamtoniam. 

1.  Si  quis  retatus  fuerit  coram  justitiariis  domini  regis  de 
murdro  vel  latrocinio,  vel   roberia,  vel  receptatione  hominum 


iv .]  Assize  of  Northampton.  i^i 

talia  faciendum,  vel  de  falsoneria  vel  iniqua  combustione,  per 
sacrameutum  duodecim  militum  de  hundredo,  et  si  milites  non 
adfuerint,  per  sacramentum  duodecim  liberorum  legalium  homi- 
num,  et  per  sacramentum  quatuor  hominum  de  unaquaque  villa 
hundredi,  eat  ad  judicium  aquae,  et  si  perierit  alter um  pedem 
amittat.  Et  apud  Northamtoniam  additum  est  pro  rigore  jus- 
titiae  quod  dexterum  similiter  pugnum  cum  pede  amittat,  et 
regnum  abjure t,  et  infra  quadraginta  dies  a  regno  exulet.  Et  si 
ad  aquam  mundus  fuerit,  inveniat  plegios  et  remaneat  in  regno, 
/  nisi  retatus  fuerit  de  murdro  vel  alia  turpi  felonia  per  commune 
comitatus  et  legalium  militum  patriae,  de  quo  si  praedicto 
modo  retatus  fuerit,  quamvis  ad  aquam  salvus  fuerit,  niliilo- 
minus  infra  quadraginta  dies  a  regno  exeat,  et  catalla  sua 
secum  asportet,  salvo  jure  dominorum  suorum,  et  regnum  ab- 
juret  in  uiisericordia  domiui  regis.  Haec  autem  assisa  atenebit 
a  tempore  quo  assisa  facta  fuit  apud  Clarendonam,  continue 
usque  ad  hoc  tempus  ;  et  amodo  quamdiu  domino  regi  placuerit, 
in  murdro,  et  proditione,  et  iniqua  combustione,  et  in  omnibus 
praedictis  capitulis  nisi  in  minutis  furtis  et  roberiis,  quae  facta 
fuerunt  tempore  guerrae,  sicut  de  equis  et  bobus  et  minoribus 
\^  rebus. 

J       2.  Item  nulli  liceat  neque  in  burgo  neque  in  villa  hospitari    j 
I  aliquem  extraneum,  ultra  unam  noctem,  in  domo  sua,  quern  ad     v» 
I  rectum  habere  noluerit,  nisi  hospitatus  ille  essonium  rationabile 

habuerit,  quod  hospes  domus  monstret  vicinis  suis.      Et  cum^) 
I    recesserit,  coram  vicinis  recedat  et  per  diem. 

3.  Si  quis  saisitus  fuerit  de  murdro  vel  latrocinio  vel  roberia 
vel  falsoneria,  et  inde  sit  cognoscens,  vel  de  aliqua  alia  felonia 
quam  fecerit,  coram   praeposito  hundredi  vel   burgi,  et  coram 
legalibus  hominibus  ;  id  postea  coram  Justitiis  negare  non  potent. 
Et  si  idem  sine  saisina  coram  eis  aliquid  hujusmodi  recognoverit, 
hoc  similiter  coram  Justitiis  negare  non  poterit. 

4.  Item  si  quis  obierit  francus-tenens,  haeredes  ipsius  rema- 
neant  in  tali  saisina  qualem  pater  suus  habuit  die  qua  fuit  vivus 
et  mortuus,  de  feodo  suo  ;  et  catalla  sua  babeant  unde  faciant 
divisam   defuncti  :    et  dominum  suum  postea  requirant,  et  ei 
faciant  de  relevio  et  aliis  quae  ei  facere  debent  de  feodo  suo. 
Et  si  haeres  fuerit  infra  aetatem,  dominus  feodi  recipiat  homa- 
gium  suum  et  habeat  in  custodia  ilium  quamdiu  debuerit.     Alii 
domini,  si  plures  fuerint,  homagium  ejus  recipiant,  et  ipse  faciat 
eis  quod  facere  debuerit.      Et  uxor  defuncti  habeat  dotem  suam 
et  partem  de  catallis  ejus  quae  earn  contingit.     Et  si  dominus 
feodi  negat  haeredibus  defuncti  saisinam  ejusdem  defuncti  quam 
exigunt,  Justitiae  domini  regis  faciant  inde  fieri  percognitionem 


152  Henry  II.  [PART 

per  duodecim  legales  homines,  qualem  saisinam  defunctus  inde 
habuit  die  qua  fuit  vivus  et  mortuus  :  et  sicut  recognitum  fuerit, 
ita  haeredibus  ejus  restituant.  Et  si  quis  contra  hoc  fecerit  et 
inde  attaintus  fuerit,  remaneat  in  misericordia  regis. 

5.  Item  Justitiae  domini  regis  faciant  fieri  recognitionem  de 
dissaisinis  factis  super  Assisam,  a  tempore  quo  douainus  rex 
venit  in  Angliam  proximo  post  pacem  factarn  inter  ipsum  et 
regem  filium  suum. 

ff  6.  Item  Justitiae  capiant  domini  regis  fidelitates  infra  clausum 
Pascha,  et  ad  ultimum  infra  clausum  Pentecosten,  ab  omnibus, 
scilicet  comitibus,  baronibus,  militibus  et  libere  tenentibus,  et 

(  etiam  rusticis,  qui  in  regno  manere  voluerint.  Et  qui  facere 
noluerit  fidelitatem,  tanquam  inimicus  domini  regis  capiatur. 
Habent  etiam  Justitiae  praecipere,  quod  omnes  illi  qui  nondum 
fecerunt  homagium  et  ligantiam  domino  regi,  quod  ad  terminum 
quern  eis  nominabunt  veniant  et  faciant  regi  homagium  et  ligan- 
tiam sicut  ligio  domino. 

7.  Item  Justitiae  faciant  omnes  justitias  et  rectitudines  spec- 
tantes  ad  dominum  regem  et  ad  coronam  suam,  per  breve  do- 
mini regis,  vel  illorum  qui  in  loco  ejus  erunt,  de  feodo  dimidii 
militis  et  infra,  nisi  tarn  grandis   sit  querela  quod  non  possit 
deduci  sine  domino  rege,  vel  talis  quam  Justitiae  ei  reportent 
pro  dubitatione  sua,  vel  ad  illos  qui  in  loco  ejus  erunt.     Inten- 
dant  tamen  pro  posse  suo  ad  commodum  domini  regis  faciendum. 
Faciant  etiam  assisam  de  latronibus  iniquis  et  malefactoribus 
terrae ;  quae  assisa  est  per  consilium  regis  filii  sui  et  hominum 
suorum,  per  quos  ituri  sunt  comitatus. 

8.  Item  Justitiae  provideant  quod  castella  diruta  prorsus 
diruantur  et  diruenda  bene  prosternantur.     Et  nisi  hoc  fecerint, 
dominus  rex  judicium  curiae  suae  de  eis  habere  voluerit  sicut 
de  contemptoribus  praecepti  sui. 

i          9.  Item  Justitiae  inquirant  de  excaetis,  de  ecclesiis,  de  terris, 
de  feminis  quae  sunt  de  donatione  domini  regis. 

10.  Item  baillivi  domini  regis  respondeant  ad   scaccarium, 
tarn  de  assiso  redditu,  quam  de  omnibus  perquisitionibus  suis, 
quas  faciunt  in  bailliis  suis  ;   exceptis  illis  quae  pertinent  ad 
vicecomitatum. 

11.  Item  Justitiae  inquirant  de  custodiis  castellorum,  et  qui, 
et  quantum,  et  ubi  eas  debeant,  et  postea  maudent  domino  regi. 

12.  Item  latro,  ex  quo  capitur,  vicecomiti  tradatur  ad  cus- 
todiendum.     Et  si  vicecomes  absens  fuerit,  ducatur  ad  proxi- 
mum  castellanum,  et  ipse  ilium  custodiat  donee  ilium   liberet 
vicecomiti. 

13.  Item  Justitiae  faciant  quaerere  per  consuetudinem  terrae 


iv.]  Assize  of  Arms.  I  rq 

illos  qui  a  regno  recesserunt ;  et  nisi  redire  voluerint  infra  ter- 
minum  nominatum,  et  stare  ad  rectum  in  curia  domini  regis, 
postea  utlagentur ;  et  nomina  utlagorum  afferant  ad  Pascha  et 
ad  festum  Sancti  Michaelis,  ad  scaccarium,  et  exinde  mittantur 
domino  regi. — (Benedictus  Abbas,  i.  108.) 


A.D.  1181.     ASSIZE  OF  ARMS. 

The  trinoda  necessitas,  the  threefold  obligation  on  all  free  men 
possessing  land  alodially,  implied  the  duty  of  expeditio  or  fyrd, 
in  addition  to  the  maintenance  of  bridges  and  local  defences 
(brig-bot  and  burh-bot).  And  this  obligation  to  military  service  in 
defence  of  the  country  or  of  the  peace  survived  the  alodial  system, 
and  was  not  merged  in  the  military  machinery  of  feudalism.  It 
was  by  the  means  of  a  general  levy  of  the  whole  population  of  the 
shire  under  its  ealdorman  that  the  early  wars  against  the  Danes 
were  fought,  and  to  the  want  of  a  general  centre,  probably,  their 
failure  is  to  be  ascribed.  The  huscarls  of  Canute,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  the  germ  of  a  standing  army,  and  an  anticipation 
of  the  system  of  fighting  by  mercenaries  which  was  adopted  by 
William  the  Conqueror  and  the  Norman  kings  on  account  of  the 
insufficiency  of  the  feudal  levies.  The  hatred  of  the  English 
towards  mercenaries  reached  a  climax  in  the  time  of  Stephen, 
and  Henry  II  only  ventured  on  one  occasion  to  introduce  his 
Braban^ons  into  the  country,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Flemings. 
Neither  the  feudal  levies  which  were  unmanageable  and  pre- 
carious, nor  the  mercenaries  who  were  intolerable  to  the  people, 
were  available  for  the  purposes  served  by  the  ancient  national 
militia ;  and  that  body,  which  was  the  armed  English  people, 
had  subsisted  side  by  side  with  the  county  court  and  hundred 
court  through  the  Norman  period.  It  was  this  force  which 
William  Rufus  had  brought  to  the  seaside  for  compulsory  ser- 
vice, and  had  there  released  on  the  payment  of  the  sum  given 
to  each  man  by  his  shire  to  provide  him  with  necessaries  during 
the  campaign  ;  and  which,  fighting  under  the  banner  of  Arch- 
bishop Thurstan,  who  had  called  up  every  parish  priest  at  the 
head  of  his  parishioners,  had  won  the  battle  of  the  Standard : 


154  Henry  II.  [PART 

the  same  force  in  1173  had  been  out  in  Yorkshire  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  loyal  barons,  and  had  successfully  resisted  the 
Scottish  invasion. 

The  Assize  of  Arms  was  a  measure  not  peculiar  to  England, 
but  its  effect  in  England  was  to  re-create  and  re-arm  this  ancient 
force.  The  effect  of  the  scutages  in  commutation  of  personal 
service  was  to  diminish  the  military  force  under  the  influence 
of  the  barons,  providing  the  king  with  mercenaries  for  his 
foreign  wars  :  the  Assize  of  Arms  was  intended  to  create  a  force 
for  national  defence,  safer  and  more  trustworthy  than  the  feudal 
levies.  And  this  purpose  it  seems  to  have  answered ;  it  was 
renewed  or  re-issued  by  Henry  III  in  an  expanded  form  and  in 
conjunction  with  the  system  of  Watch  and  Ward  :  and  subse- 
quent legislation  by  Edward  I  in  the  statute  of  Winchester,  by 
Henry  IV,  Philip  and  Mary,  and  James  I,  has  brought  it  down, 
in  principle,  to  our  own  times  as  the  militia.  The  importance 
of  the  Assize  as  illustrating  the  constitutional  point  of  recog- 
nition by  jury  for  the  purpose  of  taxation,  and  the  growing 
tendency  to  connect  local  and  central  administration,  depends 
chiefly  on  Article  9.  The  use  of  the  words  communa  liberorum 
hominum,  in  Article  3,  is  also  interesting,  and  gives  a  sort  of 
clue  to  the  political  tendency  of  the  whole  Act. 

Assisa  de  Armis  habendis  in  Anglia. 

/•  I.  Quicunque  habet  feodum  unius  militis  habeat  loricam  et 
cassidem,  clypeum  et  lanceam  ;  et  omnis  miles  habeat  tot  loricas 
et  cassides,  et  clypeos  et  lanceas  quot  habuerit  feoda  militum  in 
dominico  suo. 

2.  Quicunque  vero  liber  laicus  habuerit  in   catallo  vel  in 
redditu  ad  valentiam  de  xvi.  marcis,  habeat  loricam  et  cassidem 
et  clypeum  et  lanceam  ;    quicunque  vero  liber  laicus  habuerit 
in  catallo  vel  redditu  x.  marcas  habeat  aubergel,  et  capellet  ferri 
et  lanceam. 

3.  Item  omnes  burgenses  et  tota  communa  liberorum  homi- 
^     num  habeant  wambais  et  capellet  ferri  et  lanceam.~" 

(""""4".  Unusquisque  autem  illorum  juret,  quod  infra  festum 
Sancti  Hilarii  haec  arma  habebit,  et  domino  regi  Henrico 
scilicet  filio  Matildis  imperatricis  fidem  portabit,  et  haec  arma 
in  suo  servitio  tenebit  secundum  praeceptum  suum  et  ad  fidem 


iv.]  Assize  of  Arms. 

domini  regis  et  regni  sui.  Et  nullus  ex  quo  arma  haec  habuerit, 
ea  vendat,  nee  invadiet  nee  praestet,  nee  aliquo  alio  modo  a  se 
alienet;  nee  domiuus  suus  ea  aliquo  modo  ab  homine  suo  alienet, 
nee  per  forisfactum,  nee  per  donum,  nee  per  vadium,  nee  aliquo 
alio  modo. 

5.  Si  quis  haec  arma  habens  obierit,  arma  sua  remaneant 
haeredi  suo.     Si  vero  haeres  de  tali  aetate  non  sit,  quod  armis 
uti  possit,  si  opus  fuerit,  ille  qui  eum  habebit  in  custodia  habeat 
similiter  custodiam  armorum,  et  hominem  inveniat  qui  armis  uti 
possit  in  servitio  domini  regis,  donee  Laeres  de  tali  aetate  sit 
quod  arma  portare  possit,  et  tune  habeat. 

6.  Quicunque  burgensis  plura  arma  habuerit,  quam  habere 
oportuerit  secundum  hanc  assisam,  ea  vendat  vel  det  vel  sic 
a  se  alienet  tali  homini  qui  ea  in  servitio  domini  regis  Angliae 
retineat.    Et  nullus  eorum  plura  arma  retineat  quam  eum  se- 
cundum hanc  assisam  habere  oportuerit. 

7.  Item  nullus  Judaeus  loricam  vel  aubergellum  penes  se 
retineat,  sed  ea  vendat,  vel  det,  vel  alio  modo  a  se  removeat, 
ita  quod  remaneant  in  servitio  regis. 

/       8.    Item  nullus  portet  arma  extra  Angliam  nisi  per  prae- 
/  ceptum  domini  regis  ;   nee  aliquis  vendat  arma  alicui,  qui  ea 
portet  ab  Anglia. 

9.  Item  Justitiae  faciant  jurare  per  legales  milites  vel  alios 
liberos  et  legales  homines  de  huncU-ediset~~de  burgis,  quot 
viclerint  expedire,  qui  Labebunt  valentiam  catalli  secundum 
quod  eum  habere  oportuerit  loricam  et  galeam  et  lanceam  et 
clypeum  secundum  quod  dictum  est;  scilicet  quod  separatim 
nominabunt  eis  omnes  de  hundredis  suis  et  de  visnetis  et  de 
burgis,  qui  habebunt  xvi.  marcas  vel  in  catallo  vel  in  redditu, 
similiter  et  qui  habebit  x.  marcas.  Et  Justitiae  postea  omnes 
illos  juratores  et  alios  faciant  inbreviari,  qui  quantum  catalli  vel  C 
redditus  habuerint,  et  qui  secundum  valentiam  catalli  vel  red-  ^ 
ditus,  quae  arma  habere  debuerint ;  et  postea  coram  eis  in  com- 
muni  audientia  illorum  faciant  legere  hanc  assisam  de  armis 
habendis,  et  eos  jurare  quod  ea  arma  habebunt  secundum  valen- 
tiam praedictam  catallorum  vel  redditus,  et  ea  tenebunt  in  ser- 
vitio domini  regis  secundum  hanc  praedictam  assisam  in  prae- 
cepto  et  fide  domini  regis  Henrici  et  regni  sui.  Si  vero  conti- 
gerit  quod  aliquis  illorum  qui  habere  debuerint  haec  arma,  noil 
sint  in  comitatu  ad  terminum  quando  Justitiae  in  comitatu  illo 
erunt,  Justitiae  ponant  ei  terminum  in  alio  comitatu  coram  eis. 
Et  si  in  nullo  comitatu  per  quos  iturae  sunt,  ad  eos  venerit,  et 
on  fuerit  in  terra  ista,  ponatur  ei  terminus  apud  Westmuster  ad 
:tavas  Sancti  Michaelis,  quod  sit  ibi  ad  faciendum  sacramentuin 


Henry  II.  [PART 

suum,  sicut  se  et  omnia  sua  diligit.  Et  ei  praecipiatur  quod 
infra  festum  praedictum  Sancti  Hilarii  habeat  arma  secundum 
quod  ad  eum  pertinet  habendum. 

10.  Item  Justitiae  faciant  dici  per  omnes  comitatus  per  quos 
iturae  sunt,  quod  qui  haec  arma  non  habuerint  secundum  quod 
praedictum  est,  dominus  rex  capiet  se  ad  eoruni  membra  et  nullo 
modo  capiet  ab  eis  terram  vel  catallum. 

11.  Item  nullus  juret  super  legales  et  liberos  homines,  qui 
non  habeat  xvi.  marcas,  vel  x.  marcas  in  catallo. 

12.  Item  Justitiae  praecipiant  per  omnes   comitatus,  quod 
nullus  sicut  se  ipsum  et  omnia  sua  diligit,  emat  vel  vendat 
aliquam  navem  ad  ducendum  ab  Anglia,  nee  aliquis  deferat  vel 
deferre  faciat  maironiam  extra  Angliam.    Et  praecepit  rex  quod 
nullus  reciperetur  ad  sacramentum  armorum  nisi  liber  homo.— •_ 
*(Beri.  Abb.  i.  278;  Hoveden,  ii.  261.) 


A.D.  1184.    ASSIZE  OF  THE  FOREST. 

The  forests  of  England  were  regarded,  at  least  from  the  time 
of  the  Conquest,  as  the  peculiar  and  personal  property  of  the 
king,  subject  to  his  uncontrolled  jurisdiction,  and  out  of  the 
scope  of  the  common  law  of  the  realm.  In  origin,  they  were 
probably  the  remaining  unenclosed  woodlands  which  had  been 
national  property,  and  became  royal  demesne  in  the  eleventh 
century.  There  exists  a  series  of  directions  for  the  management 
of  these  forests,  stated  to  be  enacted  by  Canute,  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  witan.  But  their  authenticity  is  too  uncertain  to 
allow  any  argument  to  be  based  upon  them.  His  genuine  legis- 
lation on  the  point  is  very  simple  :  '  I  will  that  every  man  be 
worthy  of  his  hunting  in  wood  and  field  on  his  own  estate.  And 
let  every  man  abstain  from  my  hunting :  look,  wherever  I  will 
that  it  should  be  freed,  under  full  penalty.'  (Canute,  Saec.  §  80.) 
The  ancient  woodlands  had  been  enclosed,  with  very  extensive 
additions,  as  hunting  grounds,  by  the  Conqueror  and  his  sons ; 
a  set  of  forest  customs,  cruel  to  man  and  beast,  were  brought 
into  use  by  Henry  I ;  and  the  supreme  jurisdiction  of  the  king 
over  all  woods  and  forests,  whether  on  his  own  soil  or  not,  was 
now  asserted.  This  prerogative  was  odious  both  to  the  barons, 
whose  pleasures  and  rights  it  interfered  with,  and  to  the  people, 


iv.]  Assize  of  the  Forest.  157 

on  whom  fell  the  cruelty  of  the  executive  administration.  And 
the  charter  of  Henry  I  failed  to  provide  any  remedy  for  the 
evil ;  the  article  that  touches  the  forests  amounting  to  a  refusal 
of  any  limitation  of  the  existing  custom.  Stephen,  in  his  weak- 
ness, was  compelled  to  resign  all  the  forests  that  Henry  I  had 
created,  but  retained  those  that  subsisted  at  the  death  of  William 
Rufus.  The  jurisdiction  had  been  resuscitated  by  Henry  II 
early  in  his  reign,  by  the  appointment  of  justices  who  visited 
the  forests  at  the  time  that  the  Justices  Itinerant  '  went  the 
counties'  or  '  circuits.'  But  this,  the  Assize  of  Woodstock,  is  his 
first  formal  act  concerning  them,  that  is  now  in  existence.  The 
eleventh  article  of  Henry's  Assize  is  repealed  by  the  great  Charter 
of  John ;  and  a  parallel  may  be  drawn  between  the  county  juris- 
diction and  the  forest  jurisdiction  in  several  of  the  other  articles, 
especially  that  requiring  an  oath  from  every  person  of  twelve 
years  old  and  upwards.  The  punishments  prescribed  by  the 
assize  are  milder  than  those  usual  under  Henry  I,  but  the  rigour 
with  which  the  law  was  enforced  was  a  great  ground  of  com- 
plaint against  Henry  II ;  and  this  is  altogether  the  part  of  his 
administration  that  savours  most  strongly  of  tyranny.  Henry 
was  an  ardent  and  indefatigable  hunter,  and  some  of  his  most 
important  councils  were  held,  and  acts  performed,  at  his  hunting 
palaces,  such  as  Clarendon,  "Woodstock,  and  Marlborough. 

Incipit  Assisa  Domini  Henrici  regis  de  Foresta. 

Haec  est  assisa  domini  Henrici  regis  filii  Matildis,  in  Anglia, 
de  foresta  et  venatione  sua,  per  consilium  et  assensum  archi- 
episcoporum,  episcoporum,  et  baronum,  comitum  et  nobilium 
Aiigliae,  apud  Wudestoke. 

1.  Primum  defendit  quod  nullus  ei  forisfaciat  de  venatione 
sua  nee  de  forestis  suis  in  ulla  re :  et  non  vult  quod  confident  in 
hoc  quod  habuerit  misericordiam  de  illis  propter  eorum  catalla 
hue  usque  qui  ei  forisfecerunt  de  venatione  sua  et  de  forestis 
suis.     Nam  si  quis  ei  amodo  forisfecerit  et  inde  convictus  fuerit, 
plenariam  vult  de  illo  habere  justitiam  qualis  fait  facta  tempore 
regis  Henrici  avi  sui. 

2.  Item  defendit  quod  nullus  habeat  arcus,  nee  sagittas,  nee 
canes,  nee  leporarios  in  forestis  suis,  nisi  habeat  warrautum  regem 
vel  aliquem  alium  qui  ei  warautizare  poterit. 


158  Henry  II.  [PAUT 

3.  Item  defendit  quod  nullus  donet  vel  vendat  aliquid  ad 
destructioneta  vel  vastum  bosci  sui,  qui  sunt  infra  foi'estam  regis 
Henrici :  conceclit  bene  quod  capiant  de  boscis  eorum  quod 
necesse  eis  fueriti  (sc.  estoveria),  sine  vasto,  et  haec  per  visum 
forestarii  regis. 

4.  Item  praecepit  quod  omnes  illi  qui  habent  boscos  infra 
metas  forestae  regis,  ponant  idoneos  forestarios  in  boscis  eorum, 
de  quibus  forestariis  ipsi  quorum  bosci  fuerint  sint  plegii,  vel 
tales  iuveniant  plegios  idoneos  qui  emendare  poterunt  si  forestarii 
in  aliquo  forisfecerint  quod  domino  regi  pertineat.    Et  illi  qui 
extra  metas  reguardi  boscos  habeant  in  quibus  venatio  domini 
regis   pacem    habet,  nullum  forestarium  habeant,  nisi  assisam 
domini  regis  juraverint  et  pacem  venationis  suae,  et  custodem 
aliquem  ad  boscum  ejus  custodiendum. 

5.  Item    praecipit  dominus  rex  quod  forestarii  sui  capiant 
curam   super  forestam   militum  et  aliorum  qui  habent  boscos 
infra  metas  forestae  regis,  quod  bosci  non  destruantur ;  nam  si 
super  hoc  fuerint  destructi  bosci,  sciant  bene  illi  quorum  bosci 
fuerint  destructi,  quod  de  ipsismet  vel  de  eorum  terris  capietur 
emendatio  et  non  de  alio. 

6.  Item  dominus  rex  praecepit  quod  omnes  forestarii  sui 
jurent  quod  secundum  posse  suum  tenebunt  assisam  ejus  qualem 
earn  fecit  de  forestis  suis  ;  et  quod  non  vexabunt  milites  neque 
alios  probos  homines  de  hoc  quod  dominus  rex  concedit  illis  de 
boscis  eorum. 

7.  Item  rex  praecepit  quod  in  quolibet  comitatu  in  quo  habet 
venationem,  ponantur  xii.  milites  ad  custodiendum  venationem 
suam    et   viridem    cum   foresta  ;    et   iv.    milites   ponantur   ad 
agistandum  boscos  suos,  et   ad    recipiendum    panagium    suum 
et  custodiendum  ;   et  defendit  rex  quod  nullus  agistet  boscos 
suos    infra   metas  forestae    antequam    bosci    regis    agistentur ; 
et   incipit    agistamentum    domini   regis    quindecim    dies    ante 
festum  Sancti  Michaelis,  et  durat  quindecim  dies  post  festum 
Sancti  Michaelis. 

8.  Et  rex  praecepit  quod  si  forestarius  ejus  habeat  boscos 
dominicos  domini  regis  in  custodia  sua,  et  illi  bosci  fuerint 
destructi,   et  non  possit   nee   sciat  justam   causam   monstrare 
quare  bosci  destruantur,  nihil  aliud  capiatur  a  forestario  nisi 
proprium  corpus. 

/  9.  Item  rex  defendit  quod  nullus  clericus  ei  forisfaciat  de 
venatione  sua  nee  de  forestis  suis  :  praecepit  bene  forestariis 
euis  quod  si  invenerint  eos  forisfacientes,  non  dubitent  in  eos 

.nianum  ponere,  ad  eos  retinendum  et  attachiandum,  et  ipse 
eos  bene  warantizabit. 


iv. J  Saladin  Tithe. 

10.  Item  rex  praecepit  quod  sua  essarta  videantur  [in  quo- 
libet  tertio  anno]  nova  et  vetera ;  et  purprestnrae  suae,  et  vasta 
forestae,  et  quod  inbreviantur  quaelibet  per  se. 
t      n.  Item  rex  praecepit  quod  [archiepiscopi,  episcopi]  comites 
/  et  barones  et  milites  et  libere  tenentes  et  omnes  homines  veniant 
ad  summonitionem  magistri  forestarii  sui,  sicut  se  defendi  volunt 
ne   incidant   in   misericordiam  domini  regis,    ad   placitandum 
placita  domini  regis  de  forestis  suis,  et  alia  negotia  sua  facienda 
in  comitatu. 

12.  Apud  Wdestoke  rex  praecepit,  quicunque  forisfecerit  de  ' 
foresta  sua  semel,  de  ipso  salvi  plegii  capiantur ;  et  si  iterum 
forisfecerit,    similiter  :    si  autem  tertio  forisfecerit,  pro  tertio 
forisfacto  nulli  alii  plegii  capiantur  de  illo,  nee  aliquid  aliud 
nisi  proprium  corpus  forisfacientis. 

[13.  Item  praecipit  quod  omnis  homo  habens  aetatem  xii. 
annorum,  manens  infra  pacem  venationis,  juret  ejus  pacem,  et 
clerici  laicum  feodum  tenentes. 

14.  Item  praecipit  quod  expeditatio  mastivorum  fiat  ubi-' 
cunque  ferae  suae  pacem  habent  et  habere  consueverunt. 

15.  Item  praecipit  quod  nullus  tannator  vel  dealbator  cori- 
orum  maneat  in  forestis  suis  extra  burgum. 

1 6.  Item  rex  praecipit  quod  nullus  de  cetero  chaceat  ullo 
modo  ad  capiendas  feras  per  noctem  infra  forestam  neque  extra, 
ubicunque  ferae  suae  frequentant  vel  pacem  habent  aut  habere 
consueverunt,  sub  poena  imprisonamenti  unius  anni  et  faciendo 
finem  et  redemptionem  ad  voluntatem  suam,  et  quod  nullus  sub 
eadem  poena  faciat  aliquam  forstallationem  feris  suis  vivam  vel 
mortuam  inter  forestam  suam  et  boscos  vel  alia  loca  per  ipsum 
vel  progeuitores  suos  deafforestatos.] — (Ben.  Abb.  ii.  clxi.) 


A.D.  1 1 88.     ORDINANCE  OF  THE  SALADIN  TITHE. 

The  importance  of  this  Act,  constitutionally,  consists  in  its 
being  an  early  attempt  to  bring  taxation  to  bear  on  personal 
property ;  and  in  the  fact  of  the  employment  of  local  jurors  to 
determine  the  liability  of  individuals,  as  had  been  done  in  1181 
in  the  Assize  of  Arms.  In  these  points  it  should  be  compared 
with  the  corresponding  Act  of  Philip  Augustus.  A  similar  but 
less  complete  plan  had  been  tried  in  1184.—  (Lib.  Oust.  p.  653.) 


160  Henry  II.  [PAUT 


Ordinance  of  the  Saladin  Tithe. 

I.  Unusquisque  decimam  reddituum  et  mobilium  suorum  in 

I  eleemosynam  dabit  hoc  anno,  exceptis  armis  et  equis  et  vestibus 

\y      militum,  exceptis  similiter  equis  et  libris  et  vestibus  et  vesti- 

mentis  et  omnimoda  capella  clericorum,  et  lapidibus  pretiosis 

tarn  clericorum  quaru  laicorum. 

r      2.  Colligatur  autem  pecunia  ista  in^  singulis  parochiis.  prae- 
j^          sente  presbytero  parochiae  et  archipresbytero,  et  uno  Templario 
-  V      et  uno  Hospitalario,  et  serviente  domini  regis  et  clerico  regis, 
^juJflMr     serviente  baronis  et  clerico  ejus,  et  clerico  episcopi ;  facta  prius 
excommunicatione  ab  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  archipresbyteris 
singulis  in  siugulis  parochiis,  super  unumquemque  qui  decimam 
praetaxatam  legitime  non  dederit,  sub  praesentia  et  conscientia 
illorum  qui  debent,  sicut  dictum  est,  interesse.     Et  si  aliquis 
juxta  conscientiam  illorum   minus  dederit  quam  debuerit,  eli- 
gentur  de   parochia  quatuor  vel   sex  viri   legitimi,  qui  jurati 
,    dicant  quantitatem  illam  quam  ille  debuisset  dixisse ;  et  tune 
Voportebit  ilium  superaddere  quod  minus  dedit. 

3.  Clerici  autem  et  milites  qui  crucem  acceperunt,  nihil  de 
decima  ista  dabunt,  sed  de  proprio  suo  et  dominico  :  et  quicquid 
homines  illorum  debuerint  ad  opus  illorum  colligetur  per  supra- 
dictos,  et  eis  totum  reddetur. 

4.  Episcopi   autem   per   litteras   suas   in   singulis   parochiis 
episcopatuum   suorum   facient   nunciari,  et   in  die    Natalis,  et; 
Sancti  Stephani,  et  Sancti  Johannis,  ut  unusquisque  decimam" 
praetaxatam  infra  purificationem  Beatae  Virginis  penes  se  colli- 
gat,  et  sequenti  die  et  deinceps,  illis  praesentibus  qui  dicti  sunt, 
ad  locum  quo  vocatus  fuerit,  unusquisque  persolvat. — (Benedictus 
Abbas,  ii.  31.) 


EXTKACTS    FROM    GLAKVILL. 

The  following  extracts  contain  only  such  illustrations  of  the 
system  of  recognition  by  jury  as  throw  light  on  the  principles  of 
representation  and  election  existing  in  the  legal  system,  before 
they  began  to  be  applied  to  self-government  and  to  the  consti- 
tution of  the  Common  National  Council ;  with  a  few  casual  no- 
tices of  the  condition  of  villeins  and  the  privileges  of  boroughs 
and  franchises. 


IV.] 


Extracts  from  Glanvlll. 


161 


I, 


GLANVILL,  De  Legibus  Angliae,  lib.  ii.  c.  7.  Est  autera 
magna  assisa  regale  quoddam  beneficium,  dementia  principis 
de  consilio  procerum  populis  indultura,  quo  vitae  hominum  et 
status  integritati  tarn  salubriter  consulitur,  ut  in  jure  quod  quis 
in  libero  soli  tenemento  possidet  retinendo  duelli  casum  declinare 
possint  homines  ambiguum.  Ac  per  hoc  contingit  inspcratae  et 
praematurae  mortis  ultimum  evadere  supplicium,  vel  saltern 
perennis  infamiae  obprobrium  illius  infesti  et  inverecundi  verbi 
quod  in  ore  victi  turpiter  sonat  consecutivum.  Ex  aequitate 
autem  maxima  prodita  est  legalis  ista  institutio ;  jus  enim  quod 
post  multas  et  longas  dilationes  vix  evincitur  per  duellum,  per 
beneficium  istius  constitutionis  commodius  et  acceleratius  expe- 
ditur.  Assisa  enim  ipsa  tot  non  expectat  essonia  quot  duellum, 
ut  ex  sequentibus  liquebit.  Ac  per  hoc  et  laboribus  hominum 
parcitur  et  sumptibus  pauperum.  Praeterea  quanto  magis  pon- 
derat  in  judiciis  plurium  idoneorum  testium  fides  quam  unius 
tantum,  tanto  majore  aequitate  nititur  ista  constitutio  quam 
duellum.  Cum  enim  ex  unius  jurati  testimonio  procedat  duel- 
lum, duodecim  ad  minus  legalium  hominum  exigit  ista  constitutio 
V  juramenta. 

V  Pervenitur  autem  ad  assisam  ipsam  hoc  ordine.  Quare  is 
/  qui  se  in  assisam  posuit  ab  initio,  perquiret  breve  de  pace 
|  habenda,  ne  de  cetero  ab  adversario  ponatur  in  placitum  per 
I  breve,  quo  prius  inter  eos  placitum  fuit  de  tenemento  unde 
£  tcnens  posuit  se  in  assisam.  .  .  . 

c.  10.  Per  talia  autem  brevia  pacem  perquirit  is  qui  tenet,  et 
in  assisam  se  ponit,  donee  adversarius  ad  curiam  veniens  aliud 
breve  perquirat,  ut  per  quatuor  legales  milites  de  comitatu 
et  de  visineto  eligantur  duodecim  milites  legales  de  eodem 
visineto,  qui  super  sacramentum  suum  dicant  uter  litigantium 
majus  jus  habeat  in  terra  petita.  .  .  . 

c.  12.  Sed  nota  quod  apparentibus  in  curia  quatuor  militibus 
die  sibi  praefixa,  paratis  duodecim  alios  eligere,  de  hoc  ex  aequo 
prodita  est  quaedam  constitutio,  juxta  quam  de  consilio  curiae 
ita  solet  res  expediri,  quod  sive  venerit  sive  non  is  qui  tenet, 
nihilominus  per  illos  quatuor  milites,  et  super  eoruin  sacra- 
mentum fiet  electio  duodecim.  .  .  . 

c.  14.  Facta  electione  duodecim  militum,  summonendi  sunt 
illi  ut  ad  curiam  veniant  parati  super  sacramentum  suum  dicere 
quis  eorum,  scilicet  an  teuens  an  petens,  majus  jus  habeat  in  sua 


demanda. 

c.  1 6.  Die  autem  duodecim  militibus  praefixa  ad  recogni- 
tionem  faciendam,  sive  venerit  is  qui  tenet  sive  non,  sine  dila- 
tioue  recognitio  ipsa  procedat.  .  .  . 


1 62  Henry  II.  [PART 

c.  17.  Procedente  autem  assisa  ad  faciendam  recognitlonem 
ipsam,  aut  bene  notum  est  jus  ipsum  ipsis  juratoribus,  aut 
quidam  sciunt  et  quidam  nesciunt,  aut  omnes  ignorant.  Si 
nulli  eorum  rei  veritatem  inde  sciverint,  et  hoc  in  curia  super 
sacramentum  eorum  testati  sint  sive  fuerint,  ad  alios  decur- 
rendum  est  donee  tales  inveniantur  qui  rei  veritatem  inde 
scierint.  Sin  autem  quidam  eorum  rei  veritatem  sciant,  quidam 
non,  rejectis  ignorantibus,  alii  quidem  vocandi  sunt  ad  curiam 
donee  duodecim  ad  minus  reperiantur  inde  Concordes.  Item 
si  quidam  eorum  dixerint  pro  uno,  quidam  pro  alio  litigantium, 
adjiciendi  sunt  alii  donee  duodecim  ad  minus  in  alterutram 
partem  concorditer  acquieverint.  Jurare  autem  quilibet  eorum 
debet,  qui  ad  hoc  vocati  sunt,  quod  non  falsum  inde  dicent  nee 
veritatem  tacebunt  scienter;  ad  scientiam  autem  eorum  qui 
super  hoc  jurant  inde  habendam,  exigitur  quod  per  proprium 
visum  suum  et  auditum  illius  rei  habuerint  notitiam,  vel  per 
verba  patrum  suorum  et  per  talia  quibus  fidem  teneantur  habere 
V  ut  propriis.  .  .  . 

Lib.  v.  c.  5.  Pluribus  autem  modis  potest  ad  libertatem  aliquis 
i.       in  villenagio  positus  deduci,  veluti  si  dominus  ejus  volens  eum 
„      ad  libertatem  perduci  et  a  se  et  haeredibus  suis  quietum  clama- 
verit ;  vel  si  eum  ad  liberandum  alicui  donaverit  vel  vendiderit. 
Illud  tamen  notandum  est  quod  non  potest  aliquis  in  villenagio 
positus  libertatem  suam  propriis  denariis  suis  quaerere.     Posset 
enim  tune  a  domino  suo  secundum  jus  et  consuetudinem  regni 
ad  villenagium  revocari,  quia  omnia  catalla  cujuslibet  nativi  ita- 
intelliguntur  esse  in  potestate  domini  sui,  quod  propriis  denariis- 
suis  versus  dominum  suum  a  villenagio  se  redimere  non  poterit. 
•  Si  quis  vero  extraneus  eum  ad  liberandum  emeret  suis  nummis, 
posset  quidem  perpetuo  versus  dominum  suum  qui  eum  vendi- 
derat,  se  in  statu  libertatis  tueri.  .  .  . 

Notandum  etiam  quod  potest  quis  nativum  suum  quantum 
ad  sui  ipsius  vel  haeredum  suorum  personas  liberum  facere,  non 
quantum  ad  alios.  Quia  si  quis  prius  nativus,  hoc  modo  ad 
libertatem  perductus,  contra  extraneum  aliquem  ad  diratiocina- 
tionem  faciendam  produceretur  in  curia,  vel  ad  aliquam  legem 
terrae  faciendam,  posset  inde  juste  amoveri,  si  nativitas  sua  ad 
villenagium  suum  in  curia  objecta  fuerit  et  probata,  etiamsi  in 
tali  statu  miles  factus  esset  a  villenagio  liberatus. 

Item  sj  quis  nativus  quiete  per  unum  annum  et  unum  diem. 

£in  aliqua  villa  privilegiata  manserit,  ita  quod  in  eorum  com- 
iminam,  scilicet  gildam  tanquam  civis  receptus  fuerit,  eo  ipso  a 
villenagio  liberabitur.  .  .  . 

Lib.  ix.  c.  i.  .  .  .  Episcopi  vero  consecrati  homagium  facere  j 


rv.]  Extracts  from  Glanvill.  jtfo 

non  sclent  domino  regi  etiam  de  baroniis  suis,  sed  fidelitatem 
cum  juramentis  interpositis  ipsi  praestare  sclent.  Electi  vero  in 
episcopos  ante  consecrationem  suam  homagia  sua  facere  solent. 

c.  4.  .  .  .  Dicitiir  autem  rationabile  relevium  alicujus  juxta 
consuetudinem  regni,  de  feodo  unius  militis  centum  solidos ;  de 
socagio  vero  quantum  valet  census  illius  socagii  per  unum  annum ; 
de  baroniis  vero  nihil  certum  statutum  est,  quia  juxta  volun- 
tatem  et  misericordiam  domini  regis  solent  baroniae  capitales  de 
suis  releviis  domino  regi  satisfacere. 

c.  8.  Postquam  vero  convenerit  inter  dominum  et  haereclem 
tenentis  sui  de  rationabili  relevio  dando  et  recipiendo,  potent 
idem  haeres  rationabilia  auxilia  de  hominibus  suis  inde  exigere ; 
ita  tamen  moderate  secundum  quantitatem  feodorum  euorum, 
et  secundum  facultates,  ne  nimis  gravari  inde  videantur  vel 
strum  contenementum  amittere.  Nihil  autem  certum  statutum 
est  de  hujusmodi  auxiliis  dandis  vel  exigendis  nisi  ut  praedicta 
forma  inviolabiliter  observetur. 

Sunt  praeterea  alii  casus  in  quibus  licet  domini  s  auxilia 
similia,  sed  sub  forma  praescripta,  exigere  ab  hominibus  suis, 
veluti  si  films  et  haeres  suus  miles  fiat,  vel  si  primogenitam 
filiam  suam  maritaverit ;  utrum  vero  ad  guerram  suam  manute- 
nendam  possint  domini  hujusmodi  auxilia  exigere  quaero.  Obti- 
net  autem  quod  non  possunt  ad  id  tenentes  distringere  de  jure 
nisi  quatenus  facere  velint.  Possunt  autem  domini  tenentes 
suos  ad  hujusmodi  rationabilia  auxilia  reddenda,  etiam  suo  jure, 
sine  praecepto  domini  regis  vel  ejus  capitalis  Justitiae,  per  judi- 
cium  curiae  suae  distringere  per  catalla  quae  in  ipsis  feodis 
invenerint,  vel  per  ipsa  feoda  si  opus  fuerit ;  ita  tamen  quod 
ipsi  tenentes  inde  deducantur  juste  secundum  considerationem 
curiae  suae  et  consuetudinem  rationabilem  :  si  ergo  ad  hujusmodi 
auxilia  rationabilia  reddenda  posset  aliquis  dominus  tenentes 
suos  ita  distringere,  multo  fortius  districtionem  eo  modo  licite 
poterit  facere  pro  ipso  relevio  suo  vel  pro  necessario  servitio  suo 
de  feodo  suo  sibi  debito. 

Lib.  xii.  c.  6.  Solent  autem  placita  ista  (sc.  de  Bervitio)  in 
curiis  dominorum  vel  eorum  qui  loco  dominorum  babentur 
deduci,  secundum  rationabiles  consuetudines  ipsarum  curiarum, 
quae  tot  et  tarn  variae  sunt,  ut  in  scriptum  de  facili  reduci  non 
possunt. 

c.  9.  Ad  vicecomitem  autem  provinciarum  pertinent  praedicta  I 
placita   de   recto   ubi   curiae   dominorum   probantur   de   recto 
defecisse.  .  . 

c.  23.  Praedicta  vero  placita  sive  alia,  qualiter  vel  quo  jure 
deduci  sive  terminari  habeant  in  diversis  comitatibus,  omitto, 

M  2 


164  Henry  II.  [PART 

cum  propter  ipsorum  cornitatuum  consuetudines  diversas,  quas 
quidem  singuli  comitatus  singulas  observant,  turn  quia  propositi 
mei  brevitas  illud  non  exigit,  cum  non  attendant  nisi  ad  ea  quae 
in  capitali  curia  regis  fieri  soleant  et  debeant. 

Lib.  xiii.  c.  i.  .  .  Nunc  vero  ea  quae  super  seisinis  solum- 
modo  usitata  sunt  restant  prosequenda.  Quae  quia,  ex  beneficio 
constitutionis  regni  quae  Assisa  nominator,  in  majori  parte 
transigi  solent  per  recognitionem,  de  diversis  recognitionibus 
restat  tractandum. 

'  c.  2.  Est  autem  quaedam  recognitio  quae  vocatur  de  morte 
antecessoris ;  quaedam  autem  de  ultimis  praesentationibus 
personarum  in  ecclesiis.  .  .  quaedam  autem  recognitio  est  quae 
dicitur  nova  disseisina  .  .  . 

c.  3.  Accepto  itaque  brevi  de  morte  antecessoris  ab  ipso 
vicecomite,  et  in  comitatu  data  securitate  ab  ipso  petente  de 
clamore  suo  prosequendo,  tune  hoc  ordine  pervenitur  ad  assisam. 
Ab  initio  eligendi  sunt  duodecim  liberi  et  legales  homines  de 
visineto  secundum  formam  in  brevi  expressam.  .  .  .  Nomina 
etiam  illorum  duodecim  electorum  faciet  vicecomes  imbreviari. 
Deinde  summonere  faciet  ipse  vicecomes  ipsum  tenentem.  .  .  . 
Et  si  juratores  ipsi  dixerint  pro  petente,  adjudicabitur  ei  inde 

;  seisina  et  praecipietur  vicecomiti  quod  ei  seisinam  illarn  habere 

1  faeiat.  . 


CHARTEBS  OP  BOROUGHS  GRANTED  BY  HENRY  II. 

The  following  are  specimens  of  the  charters  issued  by  Henry 
II  in  the  earlier  part  of  his  reign.  Towards  the  end  of  it  he 
seems  to  have  avoided  granting  such  peraianent  liberties,  and 
to  have  generally  preferred  taking  fines  for  the  continuance 
of  privileges  or  customs  from  year  to  year.  The  grants  of  these 
charters  are  not  much  in  advance  of  those  of  Henry  I.  The 
following  list  of  liberties  acquired  by  fine  during  the  intervening 
period  is  abridged  from  Madox's  History  of  the  Exchequer, 
chap.  xi. : — In  the  thirty -first  of  Henry  I  the  citizens  of  London 
pay  100  marks  to  have  sheriffs  of  their  own  choosing  :  those 
of  Lincoln  pay  200  marks  of  silver,  and  four  of  gold,  that  they 
may  hold  their  city  in  chief  of  the  king  :  the  weavers  of  Oxford 
pay  two  marks  of  gold  for  their  guild  ;  those  of  Lincoln,  one ; 
those  of  Huntingdon,  forty  shillings.  Thomas  of  York,  son  of 


iv.]  Charters  of  Towns.  165 

Ulviet,  gives  a  coursing  dog  that  he  may  be  alderman  of  the 
Guild  of  Merchants  at  York. 

In  the  third  of  Henry  II  the  citizens  of  York  pay  forty 
marks  for  respite  that  they  may  not  plead  outside  of  the  county 
until  the  king's  return :  in  the  thirteenth,  the  burghers  of 
Bedford  pay  forty  marks  to  have  the  same  liberties  that  those 
of  Oxford  have  :  in  the  sixteenth,  those  of  Shrewsbury  and 
Bridgnorth  pay  a  fine  to  have  their  town  at  ferm  :  in  the 
twenty-second,  the  men  of  Andover  pay  to  have  the  same 
liberties  in  their  guild  that  those  of  Wilton  and  Salisbury 
have  :  and  in  the  twenty-sixth,  the  men  of  Preston  pay  to  have 
the  same  liberties  as  those  of  Newcastle.  In  the  thirty- 
first,  the  burghers  of  Cambridge  pay  three  hundred  marks  of 
silver,  and  one  mark  of  gold,  to  have  their  town  at  ferm, 
and  be  exempt  from  the  intermeddling  of  the  sheriff.  In  the 
fourteenth  of  Henry  II,  the  men  of  Horncastle  paid  £29  135.  4$. 
for  the  aid  to  marry  the  king's  daughter,  '  quod  ipsi  assederunt 
inter  se  concessu  Justitiarum  aliter  quam  Justitiae.' 

Charter  of  Henry  II  to   WincJwster. 

Henricus  rex  Angliae,  dux  Normanniae  et  Aquitanniae, 
comes  Andegaviae,  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  abbatibus,  comiti- 
bus,  vicecomitibus  et  omnibus  fidelibus  suis  Francis  et  Anglis, 
et  ministris  totius  Angliae  et  omnium  portuum  maris  salutem. 
Praecipio  quod  cives  mei  Wintonienses  de  gihla  mercatorum 
cum  omnibus  rebus  suis  sint  quieti  de  omni  thelonio,  passagio 
et  consuetudine  ;  et  nullus  super  eos  disturbet  neque  injuriam 
neque  contumeliam  eis  faciat  super  forisfacturam  meam.  His 
testibus,  Tho.  Cancell.;  Com-.  Reg.;  Com.Gloec.;  Ric.  de  Humet, 
Constabulario ;  Gar.  fil.  Giroldi,  Camerario  :  "Will.  fil.  Ham. ; 
Joe.  Baillol. — (Milner's  Wincliester,  ii.  300  ;  Woodward's  Hamp- 
shire, i.  271.) 

Charter  of  Henry  II  to   Winchester. 

H.  Rex  Anglorum,  &c.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  civibus  meis 
Wyntouiae  omnes  libertates  et  consuetudines  quas  ipsi  habu- 
erunt  in  tempore  regis  Henrici  avi  mei.  Et  praecipio  quod 
habeant  et  teneant  omnia  acata  et  vadia  sua  et  tenementa 
eua  secundum  consuetudines  civitatis,  ita  libere  et  quiete 


1 66  Henry  II.  [PART 

et  pacifice,  sicut  unquam  melius  tenuerunt  tempore  regis 
Henrici ;  et  si  aliquae  consuetudines  injuste  levatae  sunt  in 
guerra,  cassatae  siut ;  et  quicunque  petierint  civitatem  illam 
cum  mercatu  suo,  de  quocunque  loco  sint,  sive  extranei,  sive  alii, 
veniant,  morentur  et  recedant  in  salva  pace  mea,  reddendo 
rectas  consuetudines,  et  nemo  eas  injuste  disturbet  super  hanc 
cartam  meam.  Et  volo^  et  praecipio  quod  praedicti  cives  mei 
firmam  pacem  juste  habeant.  T.  Cancellario,  etc.  Apud  Sarum. 
— ( Woodward's  Hampshire,  i.  271.) 

Charter  of  Henry  II  to  Lincoln. 

Henricus  Dei  gratia  &c.  episcopo  Lincolniensi,  justitiariis,  vice- 
comitibus,  baronibus,  ministris  et  omnibus  fidelibus  suis,  Francis 
et  Anglis  Lincolniae  salutem.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  civibus 
meis  Lincolniae  omnes  libertates  et  consuetudines  et  leges  suas 
quas  habuerunt  tempore  Eadwardi  et  Willelmi  et  Henrici  regum 
Angliae,  et  gildam  suain  mercatoriam  de  hominibus  civitatis  et 
de  aliis  mercatoribus  comitatus,  sicut  illam  habuerunt  tempore 
praedictorum  antecessorum  nostrorum  regum  Angliae  melius  et 
liberius.  Et  omnes  homines  qui  infra  quatuor  divisas  civitatis 
manent  et  mercatum  deducunt,  sint  ad  gildas  et  consuetudines 
et  assisas  civitatis  sicut  melius  fuerunt  tempore  Edwardi  Wil- 
lelmi et  Henrici  regum  Angliae.  Concede  etiam  eis  quod  si 
aliquis  emerit  aliquam  terram  infra  civitatem  de  burgagio  Lin- 
coluiae,  et  earn  tenuerit  per  annum  et  unum  diem  sine  calumnia, 
et  ille  qui  earn  emerit,  possit  monstrare  quod  calumniator  exstit- 
erit  in  regione  Angliae  infra  annum  et  non  calumniatus  est  earn, 
extunc  ut  in  antea  bene  et  in  pace  teneat  earn  et  sine  placito. 
Confirmo  etiam  eis  quod  si  aliquis  manserit  in  civitate  Lincolniae 
per  annum  et  unum  diem  sine  calumnia  alicujus  calumniatoris, 
et  dederit  consuetudines,  et  poterit  monstrare  per  leges  et  con- 
suetudines civitatis  quod  calumniator  exstiterit  in  regione 
Angliae  et  non  calumniatus  est  eum,  extunc  ut  in  antea  re- 
maneat  in  pace,  in  civitate  mea  Lincolnia,  sicut  civis  meus. 
Testibus,  E.  episcopo  Lexoviensi ;  Thoma  Cancellario ;  H.  Con- 
stabulario  ;  Henrico  de  Essex,  Constabulario.  Apud  Nottinge- 
ham. — (Foedera,  i.  40.) 

Charter  of  Henry  II  to  NottingJiam. 

Henricus,  Rex  Angliae,  &c.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  et  hac 
carta  mea  confirmasse  burgensibus  de  Notingeham  omnes  illas 
liberas  consuetudines  quas  habuerunt  tempore  Henrici  avi  nostri ; 
scilicet  tcl  et  theam  et  infangenethef  et  telonia  a  Turmotestoua 


iv.]  Charters  of  Towns.  167 

usque  ad  Newerc,  de  omnibus  Trentam  transeuntibus,  ita  ple- 
narie  ut  in  burgo  de  Notingeham,  et  ex  alia  parte  a  Duito  ultra 
Rempeston  usque  ad  aquam  de  Hadeford  in  Norhantesire. 
Homines  etiam  de  Notingeharnsire  et  de  Derbescire  venire 
debent  ad  burgum  de  Notingeham  die  Veneris  et  Sabbati  cum 
quadrigis  et  summagiis  suis  :  nee  aliquis  infra  decem  leucas  de 
Notingeham  tinctos  pannos  operari  debet,  nisi  in  burgo  de 
Notingeham.  Et  si  aliquis  undecunque  sit  in  burgo  de  Not- 
ingeham manserit  anno  uno  et  die  uno  tempore  pacis  absque 
calumnia,  nullus  postea  nisi  rex  [in  eum]  jus  habebit.  Et  qui- 
cunque  burgensium  terram  vicini  sui  emerit  et  possederit  per 
annum  integrum  et  diem  unum  absque  calumnia  parentum  ven- 
dentis,  si  in  Anglia  fuerint,  postea  earn  quiete  possidebit ;  neque 
praeposito  burgi  de  Notingeham  aliquem  burgensium  calumnianti 
respondeatur  nisi  alius  fuerit  accusator  in  causa.  Et  quicunque 
in  burgo  manserit,  cujuscunque  feodi  sit,  reddere  debet  simul 
cum  burgensibus  talliagia  et  defectus  burgi  adimplere.  Omnes 
etiam  qua  ad  forum  de  Notingeham  venerint,  a  vespere  diei 
Veneris  usque  ad  vesperam  Sabbati,  non  namientur  nisi  pro  firma 
regis.  Et  iter  de  Trenta  liberum  esse  debet  navigantibus  quan- 
tum pertica  una  obtinebit  ex  utraque  parte  fili  aquae.  Quare 
volo  et  praecipio  quod  praedicti  burgenses  praedictas  consuetu- 
dines  habeant  et  teneant  bene  et  in  pace,  libere  et  quiete,  et 
honorifice  et  plenarie  et  integre,  sicut  habuerunt  tempore  regis 
Henrici  avi  mei.  Teste,  &c. — (Foedera,  i.  41.) 

Charter  of  Henry  II  to  Oxford. 

Henricus  rex  Angliae,  dux  Normanniae  et  Aquitanniae  &c. 
Sciutis  me  concessisse  et  confirmasse  civibus  meis  in  Oxenforde 
omnes  libertates  et  consuetudines  et  leges  et  quietantias  quas 
habuerunt  tempore  regis  Henrici  avi  mei,  nominatim  gildam 
suam  Mercatoriam  cum  omnibus  libertatibus  et  consuetudinibus 
in  terris  et  in  silvis,  pasturis  et  aliis  pertinentiis,  ita  quod  aliquis 
qui  non  sit  de  gildhalla  aliquam  mercaturam  non  faciet  in 
civitate  vel  suburbiis,  nisi  sicut  solebat  tempore  regis  Hfiurici 
avi  mt'i.  Praeterea  concessi  eis  quod  sint  quieti  a  theloneo  et 
passagio  et  omni  consuetudine  per  totam  Angliam  et  Nornian- 
niam,  per  terram,  per  aquam,  per  ripam  maris,  by  land  and  by 
strand.  Et  habeant  onmes  alias  consuetudines  et  libertates  et 
leges  suas  quas  habeant  communes  cum  civibus  meis  Londoma- 
rum.  Et  quod  ad  festum  meum  mihi  serviant  cum  illis  de 
botteleria  mea,  et  facient  cum  eis  mercaturam  suam  infra  Lon- 
donias  et  extra  et  in  omnibus  locis.  Et  si  dubitaverint  vel 


i68  Henry  II.  [PART 

r  contenderint  de  judicio  aliquo  quod  facere  debeant,  de  hoc 
Londonias  mittant  nuncios  suos,  et  quod  Londonienses  inde 
judicabunt  firmum  et  ratum  habeant.  Et  extra  civitatemi 
Oxenforde  non  placitent  de  aliquo  unde  calumniati  sunt,  sed  de  | 
quocunque  in  placito  ponentur  se  disrationabunt  secundum 
leges  et  consuetudines  civium  Londoniarum  et  noa  aliter ;  quia 
ipsi  et  cives  Londoniarurn  sunt  de  una  et  eadem  consuetudine 
et  lege  et  libertate.  Quare  volo  &c.  quod  habeant  praedictas 
libertates  et  leges  et  consuetudines  et  tenuras  suas  ita  bene  et  in 
pace  &c.  cum  Saca  et  Soca  et  Tol  et  Team  et  Infangtheof,  et  cum  \ 
omnibus  aliis  libertatibus  et  consuetudinibus  et  quietantiis  suis 
sicut  eas  unquam  melius  habuere  tempore  regis  Henrici  avi  mei ; 
et  sicut  cives  mei  Londoniarum  eas  habent.  Testibus  Torna  Can- 
cellario,  Reginaldo  Comite  Cornubiae,  H.Comite  Norfolkiae  &c. — 
(PeshcMs  Oxford,  p.  339,  from  an  inspeximus  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth.) 


DIALOGUE  DE  SCACCABIO. 

This  very  important  treatise  is  the  work  of  Richard,  Bishop 
of  London,  Treasurer  of  the  Exchequer,  son  of  Nigel,  Bishop  of 
Ely,  his  predecessor  in  the  office,  and  great  nephew  of  Bishop 
Bx)ger  of  Salisbury,  the  original  organiser  of  the  administration 
of  that  Court.  It  is  given  here  in  its  integrity,  as  contributing 
an  extraordinary  mass  of  information  on  every  important  point 
in  the  development  of  constitutional  principles  before  the  great 
Charter.  Even  those  portions  of  it  which  bear  more  directly 
on  archaeological  and  legal  questions  are  worthy  of  scrutiny,  as 
indications  of  the  spirit  of  the  time  that  was  preparing  for  the 
great  struggle  for  law  against  despotic  misrule.  It  is  taken 
from  Madox's  edition,  as  drawn  by  him  from  the  Red  Book  of 
the  Exchequer,  a  MS.  of  the  thirteenth  century;  and  for  the 
first  time  printed  in  his  invaluable  History  of  tlie  ExcTiequer. 

PRAEFATIO. 

Ordinatis  a  Deo  potestatibus  in  omni  timore  subici  similiter 
et  obsequi  necesse  est.  Omnis  enim  potestas  a  Domino  Deo  est. 
Non  ergo  videtur  absurdum  vel  a  viris  ecclesiasticis  alienum, 
regibus  quasi  praecelleutibus  et  ceteris  potestatibus  serviendo, 


IT.1  Dialogue  de  Scaccario.   I.  169 

sua  jura  servare ;  praesertim  in  hiis  quae  veritati  vel  honestati 
non  obviant.  Oportet  autem  hiis  servire,  non  in  conservandis 
tantum  dignitatibus,  per  quas  gloria  regiae  potestatis  elucet, 
veruni  in  mundanarum  facultatum  copiis,  quae  eos  sui  status 
ratione  contingunt :  ilia  enim  illustrant,  heae  subveniunt.  Porro 
mobilium  copia,  vel  defectus,  principum  potestates  humiliat  vel 
exaltat.  Quibus  enim  haec  desunt,  hostibus  praeda  erunt : 
quibus  autem  haec  suppetunt,  hiis  hostes  in  praedam  cedunt. 
Sane  licet  haec  regibus,  plerunque  jure  non  prorsus  examinato, 
sed  patriis  quandoque  legibus,  quandoque  cordium  suorum  con- 
siliis  occultis,  vel  solius  interdum  suae  voluntatis  arbitrio,  pro- 
venire  contingat,  eorum  tamen  facta  ab  inferioribus  discutienda 
vel  condempnanda  non  sunt.  Quorum  enim  corda  et  motus  ) 
cordium  in  manu  Dei  sunt,  et  quibus  ab  Ipso  Deo  singulariter  ' 
est  credita  cura  subditorum,  eorum  causa  Divino  tantum  non  | 
humano  judicio  stat  aut  cadit.  Nemo  tamen  quant umlibet 
dives,  si  secus  egerifc,  de  impunitate  sibi  blandiatur,  cum  de 
hujusmodi  scriptum  sit,  '  potentes  potenter  tormenta  patientur.' 
Igitur  qualiscunque  sit  vel  videatur  acquirendi  causa  vel  modus, 
iis  qui  ad  eorum  custodiam  ex  officio  deputantur,  cura  remissior 
esse  non  debet.  Sed  in  eisdem  congregandis,  conservandis,  vel 
clistribuendis,  sollicitam  decet  esse  diligentiam  quasi  rationem 
redJituris  de  regni  statu,  qui  per  hos  incolumis  perseverat. 
Xovimus  quidem  pmdentia,  fortitudine,  temperantia,  sive  justitia, 
ceterisque  virtutibus  principaliter  regna  regi  juraque  subsistere ; 
unde  et  hiis  mundi  rectoribus  totis  est  viribus  insistendum.  Sed 
fit  interdum  ut  quod  sano  consilio  vel  excellenti  meute  concipi- 
tur,  per  hanc  quasi  per  quaudam  negotiorum  methodum  facilem 
consequatur  effectum.  Non  solum  autem  hostilitatis,  sed  et 
pacis  tempore  necessaria  videtur :  illo  enim  in  municipiis  fir- 
mandis,  in  stipendiis  ministrandis,  et  in  aliis  plerisque  locis 
pro  qualitate  personarum  ad  conservandum  regni  statum  effun- 
ditur  :  hoc  vero  licet  anna  quiescant>  a  devotis  principibus  con- 
struuntur  basilicae,  Christus  alitur  et  vestitur  in  paupere,  et 
ceteris  operibus  misericordiae  insistendo,  in  misericordia  distri- 
buitur  :  in  utriusque  vero  temporis  strenuis  actibus  gloria  prin- 
cipum est ;  sed  excellit  in  hiis  ubi  pro  temporalibus  impensis 
felici  mercimonio  mansura  succedunt.  Ea  propter,  rex  illustris, 
muudanorum  principum  maxime,  quia  saepe  te  vidimus  utro- 
que  tempore  gloriosum,  non  parcentem  quidem  pecuniae  the- 
sauris,  sed  pro  loco,  pro  tempore,  pro  personis,  legitimis 
sumptibus  insistentem,  modicum  opus  excellentiae  tuae  de- 
vovimus,  non  de  rebus  quidem  magnis  vel  luculento  sermone 
conipositum,  sed  agresti  stylo  de  scaccarii  tui  necessariis  ob- 


170  Henry  II.  [PAUT 

servantiis.  Porro  super  hiis  te  vidimus  quandoque  sollicitum, 
adeo  ut  missis  a  latere  tuo  viris  discretis,  de  eodem  dominum 
tune  Eliensem  conveneris.  Nee  fuit  absurdum  tam  excellentis 
ingenii  virum,  tam  singularis  potentiae  principem,  inter  cetera 
majora  haec  etiam  curasse.  Sane  scaccarium  suis  legibus  non 
temere,  sed  magnorum  consideratione  subsistit ;  cujus  ratio  si 
servetur  in  omnibus,  poterunt  singulis  sua  jura  servari,  et  tibi 
plane  provenient  quae  fisco  debentur ;  quae  possit  opportune 
nobilissimae  mentis  tuae  ministra  manus  effundere. 

LIBER  PBIMUS. 

Anno  xxiii.  regni  regis  Henrici  secundi,  cum  sederem  ad 
fenestram  speculae  quae  est  juxta  fluvium  Tamensem,  factum 
est  verbum  bominis  in  impetu  loquentis  ad  me,  dicens,  'magister, 
non  legisti,  quod  in  scientia  vel  thesauro  abscondito  nulla  sit  uti- 
litas1?'  Cui  cum  respondissem,  'legi;'  statim  intulit,  'cur  ergo 
scientiam  de  scaccario  quae  penes  te  plurima  esse  dicitur  alios 
non  doces,  et  ne  tibi  commoriatur  scripto  commendasT  Turn 
ego  ;  '  ecce,  frater,  ad  scaccarium  jam  per  multa  tempora  rese- 
disti,  et  nibil  te  latet,  cum  scrupulosus  sis ;  sic  et  de  ceteris  qui 
assident  probabile  est/  At  ille,  '  sicut  qui  in  tenebris  ambulant 
et  manibus  palpant,  frequenter  offendunt :  sic  illic  multi  resi- 
dent, qui  videntes  non  vident,  et  audientes  non  intelligunt.' 
Turn  ego  ;  '  irreverenter  loqueris  ;  nee  enim  scientia  tanta  est  vel 
de  tantis  ;  sed  forte  sunt  illis  qui  [circa]  magna  occupantur  corda, 
ut  pedes  aquilae,  qui  parva  non  retinent,  et  quos  magna  non  effu- 
giunt.'  Et  ille,  '  esto  :  sed  licet  aquilae  Celsius  volant,  tamen  in 
humilibus  quiescunt  et  reficiuntur ;  et  ob  hoc  humilia  vobis 
exponi  petimus  ipsis  aquilis  profutura.'  Turn  ego  ;  '  veritus  sum 
de  hiis  rebus  opus  contexere,  quia  corporeis  sensibus  subjecta 
sunt,  et  cotidianis  usibus  vilescunt ;  nee  est  vel  esse  potest  in 
eis  subtilium  rerum  descriptio,  vel  jocunda  novitatis  inventio. 
Et  ille;  'qui  novitatibus  gaudent,  qui  subtilium  rerum  fugam 
appetunt,  habent  Aristotelem  et  libros  Platonicos,  audiant  illos. 
Tu  scribe  non  subtilia,  sed  utilia.'  Turn  ego  ;  'de  hiis  rebus  quas 
petis  impossibile  est  nisi  rusticano  sermone  et  communibus 
loqui  verbis.'  At  ille,  velut  succensus  in  iram,  desideranti  enim 
animo  nihil  satis  festinatur,  ait :  '  artium  scriptores  ne  multa 
parum  scisse  viderentur,  et  ut  ars  difficilior  cognita  fieret,  multa 
conquisierunt,  et  verbis  incognitas  palliarunt :  tu  vero  scri- 
beudam  artein  non  suscipis,  sed  quasdam  consuetudines  et  jura 
scaccarii ;  quae  quia  communia  debent  esse,  communibus  neces- 
sario  utendum  est  verbis;  ut  sint  cognati  sermones  rebus  de 


IV.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  171 

quibus  loquiraur.  Praeterea,  quamvis  plerunque  nova  liceat 
nomina  fiugere,  rogo  taraen,  si  placet,  ut  usitatis  rerum  ipsarum 
vocabulis  quae  ad  placitum  sunt  uti  non  pudeat,  nee  nova  diffi- 
cultas  ex  insolitis  verbis  oborta  amplius  perturbet/  Turn  ego  ; 
'  sensi  te  iratum  ;  sed  animo  aequior  esto  ;  faciam  quod  hortaris. 
Surgens  ergo  sede  ex  adverso ;  et  de  hiis  quae  te  offendunt 
interroga.  Quod  si  quid  inauditum  proposueris,  non  erubesco 
dicere,  nescio.  Sed  conveniamus  ambo  discretiores.'  Et  ille ; 
'  ad  vota  respondes.  Licet  autem  turpis  et  ridicula  res  sit  ele- 
mentarius  senex,  ab  ipsis  tameii  elementis  incipiam.' 


I.  Quid  sit  Scaccarium,  et  quae  ratio  hujus  nominis. 

Disdpulus.    Quid  est  scaccarium  ? 

Hagister.  Scaccarium  tabula  est  quadrangula  quae  longitu- 
dinis  quasi  decem  pedum,  latitudinis  quinque,  ad  modum  mensae 
circumsedentibus  apposita,  undique  habet  limbum  altitudiuis 
quasi  quatuor  digitorum,  ne  quid  appositum  excidat.  Super- 
ponitur  autem  scaccario  superiori  pannus  in  termino  Paschae 
emptus,  non  quilibet,  sed  niger  virgis  distinctus,  distantibus 
a  se  virgis  vel  pedis  vel  palmae  extentae  spatio.  In  spatiis 
autem  calculi  sunt  juxta  ordines  suos  de  quibus  alias  dicetur. 
Licet  autem  tabula  talis  scaccarium  dicatur,  transmutatur  tamen 
hoc  nomen  ut  ipsa  quoque  curia  quae  consedente  scaccario  est 
scaccarium  dicatur ;  adeo  ut  si  quandoque  per  sententiam  aliquid 
de  com  muni  consilio  fuerit  constitutum,  dicatur  factum  ad 
scaccarium  illius  vel  illius  anni.  Quod  autem  hodie  dicitur 
ad  scaccarium,  olim  dicebatur  ad  taleas. 

D.    Quae  est  ratio  hujus  nominis  1 

M.  Nulla  mihi  verier  ad  praesens  occurrit,  quam  quod  scac- 
carii  lusilis  similem  habet  formam. 

D.  Nunquid  antiquorum  pmdentia  pro  sola  forma  sic  nomi- 
navit,  cum  et  simili  ratione  possit  tabularium  appellari? 

H.    Merito  te  scrupulosum  dixi.     Est  et  alia,  sed  occultior. 
Sicut  enim  in  scaccario  lusili  quidam  ordines  sunt  pugnatorum, 
et  certis  legibus  vel  limitibus  procedunt  vel  subsistunt,  praesi- 
dentibus  aliis  et  aliis  procedentibus  :  sic  in  hoc  quidam  praesi- 
dent,  quidam  assident  ex  officio;    et  non  est  cuiquam  liberum 
leges  constitutas  excedere  ;    quod  erit  ex  consequentibus  mani- 
festum.     Item  sicut  in  lusili,  pugna  committitur  inter  reges  :  sic 
in  hoc  inter  duos  principaliter  conflictus  est  et  pugna  committitur,  , 
thesaurarium  scilicet  et  vicecomitem  qui  assidet  ad  compotum  \  I 
residentibus  aliis  tanquam  judicibus  ut  videant  et  judicent. 


172  Henry  II.  [PART 

D.  Nunquid  a  thesaurario  compotus  suscipitur,  cum  illic 
multi  sunt  qui  ratione  potestatis  majores  videantur  ? 

M.  Quod  thesaurarius  a  vicecomite  compotum  suscipiat,  liinc 
manifestum  est,  quod  idem  ab  eo  cum  regi  placuerit  requi.ri.tur : 
nee  enim  ab  ipso  requireretur  quod  non  suscepisset.  Sunt 
tamen  qui  dicunt  thesaurarium  et  camerarios  obnoxios  tantum 
hiis  quae  scribuntur  in  rotulis  in  thesauro,  ut  de  hiis  compotus 
ab  eis  exigatur.  Sed  verius  creditur  ut  de  tota  scriptura  rotuli 
respondeant ;  quod  ex  consequentibus  coustare  poterit. 

II.  Quod  aliud  est  inferius,  aliud  superius  ;  una  tamen 
origo  utriusque. 

D.  Nunquid  solum  illud  scaccarium  est  in  quo  est  talis  con- 
flictus  ? 

M.  Non.  Est  enim  inferius  scaccarium,  quod  et  recepta 
dicitur,  ubi  pecunia  numeranda  traditur,  et  scriptis  et  talliis 
committitur,  ut  de  eisdem  postmodum  in  superiori  compotus 
reddatur ;  una  tamen  est  utriusque  origo ;  quia  quicquid  sol- 
vendum  esse  in  majori  deprehenditur,  hie  solvitur ;  et  quod  hie 
solutum  fuerit,  ibi  computatur. 

III.  Quae  sit  ratio  vel  institutio  inferioris  per  singula  officia. 

D.    Quae  est  ratio  vel  institutio  inferioris  scaccarii  ? 

M.  Ut  video,  nullius  horum  ignorantiam  sustines.  Noveris 
autem  quod  inferius  illud  scaccarium  suas  habet  personas, 
ratione  quidem  officiorum  a  se  distinctas,  sed  in  regis  utili- 
tatem,  salva  tamen  aequitate,  pari  intentione  devotas ;  omnes 
quidem  dominorum  suorum  nominibus  non  propriis  militantes, 
exceptis  duobus  militibus  scilicet  qui  prae  est  examinibus,  et 
fusore.  Horum  officia  de  regis  nostri  pendent  arbitrio ;  unde 
magis  ad  superius  quam  ad  itiferius  pertinere  videntur,  sicut 
infra  dicetur.  Illic  est  clericus  thesaurarii  cum  sigillo  ejus.  Sunt 
et  duo  milites  camerariorum.  Est  et  miles  quidam  qui  argen- 
tarius  dici  potest ;  quia  ex  officio  argento  examinando  praeest. 
Est  et  fusor  qui  argentum  examinat.  Sunt  et  quatuor  compu- 
tatores  ad  numerandam  pecuniam.  Est  et  ostiarius  thesauri, 
et  vigil.  Horum  autem  haec  sunt  officia.  Clericus  thesaurarii, 
cum  fuerit  numerata  pecunia,  et  in  forulos  missa  per  centenas 
libras,  apponit  sigillum,  et  deputat  scripto,  quantum,  vel  a  quo, 
vel  ob  quam  causana  receperit ;  taleas  quoque  de  eadem  recepta  a 
camerariis  factas  inbreviat ;  non  solum  autem  pecuniae  saccis 
sed  et  archis  et  singulis  forulis  in  quibus  rotuli  vel  talliae  collo- 
cantur,  si  libet,  apponit  sigillum ;  et  ad  omnia  subjecta  officia 


iv.]  Lialogus  de  Scaccarlo.   I.  173 

diligenter  prospicit,  et  nihil  eum  latet.  Militum,  qui  et  came-  \ 
rarii  dicuntur  quod  pro  camerariis  ministrant,  hoc  est  officium  : 
hi  claves  archarum  bajulant ;  archae  enim  cuilibet  duae  serae, 
sunt  diversi  generis,  hoc  est,  cujus  neutri  clavis  alterius  possit' 
aptari  ;  et  hii  claves  earum  deferunt ;  circumcingitur  autem 
quaelibet  area  corrigia  quadam  immobili,  in  qua  desuper  firmatis  i 
seris  thesaurarii  sigillum  apponitur ;  ut  nulli  eorum  nisi  de 
communi  assensu  accessus  pateat.  Item  officium  horum  est, 
numeratam  pecuniam  et  in  vasis  ligneis  per  centenos  solidos 
compositam  ponderare,  ne  sit  error  in  numero,  tune  demum  in 
forulos  mittere  per  centenas,  ut  dictum  est,  libras.  Quod  si  vas 
aliquod  inventum  est  minus  habens,  non  quidem  per  aestima- 
tionem  quod  deesse  putatur  apponitur,  sed  statim  de  quo  dubi- 
tatur  in  acervum  numerandorum  projicitur.  Et  nota  quosdam 
comitatus  a  tempore  regis  Henrici  primi  et  in  tempore  regis 
Henrici  secundi  licite  potuisse  cujuscunque  monetae  denarios 
solutioni  offerre,  dummodo  argentei  essent  et  ponderi  legitimo 
non  obstarent ;  quia  scilicet  monetarios  ex  antiqua  institutione 
non  habentes,  undecunque  sibi  denarios  perquirebant ;  quales 
sunt  Norhumberland  et  Cumberland ;  sic  autem  suscepti 
denarii,  licet  de  firma  essent,  seorsum  tamen  ab  aliis  cum  quibus- 
dam  signis  appositis  mittebantur.  Reliqui  vero  comitatus  solos 
usuales  et  instantis  monetae  legitimos  denarios  tarn  de  firmis 
quam  de  placitis  afferebant.  At  postquam  rex  illustris,  cujus 
laus  est  in  rebus  magnis  excellentior,  sub  monarchia  sua  per 
universum  regnum  unum  pondus  et  unam  monetam  instituit, 
omnis  comitatus  una  legis  necessitate  teneri  et  generalis  com- 
mercii  solutione  coepit  obligari.  Omnes  itaque  idem  monetae 
genus  quomodocunque  teneantur  solvunt ;  sed  tamen  exami- 
nationis  quae  de  combustione  provenit  jacturam  omnes  non 
sustinent.  Item  hii  taleas  faciunt  de  receptis,  et  commune  est 
eis  cum  clerico  thesaurarii,  ut  per  brevia  regis  vel  praecepto 
baronum,  thesaurum  susceptum  expendant;  non  tamen  incon- 
Bultis  dominis  suis.  Hii  tres  simul  omnes  vel  vicissim  cum 
thesauro  mittuntur  cum  oportuerit.  His  tribus  praecipua 
cura  est  in  omnibus  hiis  quae  in  inferior!  scaccario  fiunt. 

D:  Ergo,  ut  video,  licet  his  per  breve  regis,  vel  praecepto 
eorum  qui  praesident,  thesaurum  susceptum  consultis  tamen 
dominis  suis  expendere. 

M.  Licet,  inquam ;  hoc  modo  de  liberationibus  servientum  in- 
ferioris  scaccarii,  et  de  minutis  necessariis  scaccarii  emendis, 
qualia  sunt  vasa  ilia  lignea,  et  alia,  de  quibus  infra  dicetur,  eorum 
fidei  committitur ;  alias  autem  non.  Qui  vero  breve  regis  vel 
cartam  detulerit  pro  pecunia,  praecipientibus  domiuis  suis,  hao 


174  Henry  II.  [PAUT 

ei  lege  solvatur  id  quod  expresse  nominatur  in  brevi,  ut  ante- 
quam  exeat,  susceptam  pecuniam  numeret ;  quod  si  quid  de- 
fuerit,  redeat  ad  scaccarium  is  qui  suscepit,  et  fidei  religionem 
praestet  sub  hac  forma :  quod  quantum  suscepit  reportavit,  hoc 
apposito,  secundum  conscientiam  suam,  ut  fit  in  aliis ;  et  hoc 
facto,  solvatur  ei  quod  restat ;  numerata  prius  eadem  coram 
omnibus  a  constitutes  computatoribus.  Si  vero  lege  sibi  pro- 
posita  ostium  thesauri  egressus  fuerit ;  quaecunque  fuerit  per- 
sona, Tel  quantacunque  jactura,  non  ei  respondeatur.  Militis 
argentarii  et  fusoris  officia  sibi  videntur  annexa,  et  ad  superius 
scaccarium  magis  pertinentia ;  et  ob  hoc  ibidem  cum  ceteris 
officiis  explananda.  Quatuor  computatorum  officiuni  hoc  est.  Cum 
in  scaccarium  numeranda  pecunia  mittitur,  unus  eorum  diligenter 
totam  commiscet,  ut  non  seorsum  meliores  et  seorsum  deteriores 
sint,  sed  mixti,  ut  ponderi  respondeant ;  quo  facto,  camerarius 
ad  libram  scaccarii  ponderat  quantum  oportet  in  trutina. 
Quod  si  numerus  xx.  solidos  plus  quam  vi.  nummis  excreverit 
respectu  librae,  indigna  recipi  dicitur :  si  vero  vel  ad  vi.  denarios 
vel  infra  se  cohibet,  suscipitur ;  et  a  computatoribus  diligenter 
per  ceutenos  solidos,  ut  praedictum  est,  numeratur.  Si  vero  de 
firma  sint  denarii  et  sint  examinandi,  facta  commixtione  xliiii. 
Bolidorum  de  acervo,  in  loculum  seorsum  mittuntur,  et  huic  vice- 
comes  signum  apponit ;  ut  ex  hiis  postmodum  examen,  quod 
vulgo  essayum  dicitur,  fiat,  sicut  ex  consequentibus  liquebit. 
Erit  autem  curae  eorum  qui  praesunt  receptae  gratia  dominorum 
suorum,  hoc  est,  clerici  thesaurarii  et  camerariorum,  ut  recepta 
pecunia  seorsum  mittant  examinati  argenti  pondera  et  denarios  " 
de  firma,  appositis  quibusdam  signis  saccis  eorum,  ut  si  rex 
vasa  argentea  ad  cultum  domus  Dei,  vel  ad  domus  propriae 
obsequium,  vel  forte  monetas  transmarinas  fieri  voluerit,  ex  hiis 
fiant. 

D.  Est  aliquid  in  praedictis  quod  me  pulsat. 

M.  Die  ergo. 

D.  Dixisti,  si  bene  memini,  quod  ad  scaccarium  quandoque 
differtur  solvenda  pecunia,  quae  judicatur  indigna  recipi,  si 
scilicet  pensata  cum  libra  ponderis  de  scaccario,  inventa  est 
minus  habens  ultra  vi.  denarios.  Cum  ergo  quaelibet  moneta 
regni  hujus  impressam  habere  debeat  regis  imaginem,  et  ad  idem 
pondus  omnes  monetarii  teneantur  operari,  qualiter  fieri  poterit 
ut  non  omne  eorum  opus  ejusdem  ponderis  sit  ? 

M.  Magnum  est  quod  quaeris,  et  alterius  egens  inquisitionis, 
attamen  fieri  potest  per  falsarios  et  nummorum  decurtatores  vel 
detonsores.  Noveris  autem  monetam  Angliae  in  tribus  falsam 
deprehendi,  in  falso  scilicet  pondere,  in  falsa  lege,  in  falsa 


rv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  175 

imagine.  His  tamen  falsitatibus  par  poena  non  debetur.  Sed 
,de  hiis  alias. 

D.  Si  placet,  prosequere  de  officiis,  ut  coepisti. 

M.  Ad  ostiarii  curam  spectat,  ut  excludat  vel  admittat  quod 
oportet,  et  diligens  sit  in  custodia  omnium  quae  ostio  con- 
cluduntur ;  unde  et  ratione  ostii  de  singulis  brevibus  exitus 
duos  habet  denarios.  Hie  ministrat  forulos  ad  pecuniam  re- 
ponendam  et  rotulos,  et  taleas,  et  cetera  necessaria  per  annum, 
et  pro  singulis  forulis  duos  habet  denarios.  Hie  in  omnem 
receptam  ligna  opportuna  ministrat  ad  taleas  receptae,  et  com- 
potorum,  et  semel,  hoc  est,  in  tennino  Saucti  Michaelis,  v.  solidos 
pro  lignis  talearum  percipit.  Hie  vascula  lignea,  cnipulos, 
loculos,  et  corrigias,  et  cetera  minuta  necessaria  de  fisco  invenit. 
In  termino  eodem  pro  incausto  totius  anni  ad  utrumque  scac- 
carium  ii.  solidi  debentur,  quos  sibi  de  antique  jure  vendicat 
sacrista  majoris  Ecclesiae  Westmonasterii.  Vigilis  officium 
idem  est  ibi  quod  alibi ;  diligentissima  scilicet  de  nocte  custodia, 
thesauri  principaliter,  et  omnium  eorum  quae  in  domo  thesauri 
reponuntur.  Sic  habes  omnium  officia  distincta,  qui  inferius 
ministrant.  Sunt  et  hiis  liberationes  constitutae  dum  scaccarium 
est,  hoc  est  a  die  qua  convocantur,  usque  ad  diem  qua  generalis 
est  secessio.  Clericus  thesaurarii  qui  infra  est,  quinque  denarios 
habet  in  die.  Scriptor  ejusdem  thesaurarii  in  superiori  scac- 
cario  similiter  v.  Scriptor  cancellarii  v.  Duo  milites  bajuli 
claviura,  quisque  in  die  viii.,  ratione  militiae.  Asserunt  enim, 
quod  equis  necessariis  et  armis  instructi  fore  teneantur,  ut  cum 
thesauro  missi,  quod  sui  officii  fuerit  opportunius  sic  exequantur. 
Miles  argentarius  xii.  denarios  in  die.  Fusor  v.  Ostiarius 
majoris  scaccarii  v.  Quatuor  computatores,  quisque  iii.  denarios  ; 
si  Londoniae  fuerint;  si  Wintoniae,  quia  inde  solent  assumi,  duos 
quisque  habet.  Vigil  unum  denarium.  Ad  lumen  cujusque 
noctis  circa  thesaurum,  obolum. 

D.  Ostiarius  thesauri,  qua  ratione  liberationem  solus  non 
percipit  ? 

M.  Non  satis  novi.  Sed  tamen  quia  videtur  aliquid  percipere 
ratione  ostii,  et  pro  forulorum  et  talearum  ministerio,  libera- 
tionem forte  non  recipit;  vel  forte  quia  non  regi,  sed  magis 
thesaurario  et  camerariis  servire  videtur  in  custodia  ostii 
domus  eorum.  Hac  lege  minoris  scaccarii  vel  receptae  ratio 
subsistit. 

D.  Sic  mihi  satisfactum  est  in  hac  parte  nt  nihil  deesse 
videatur.  Nunc  ergo,  si  placet,  prosequere  de  majore. 


1 7  6  Henry  II.  [PAET 


IV.  Quae  sit  auctoritas  superioris,  et  unde  sumpsit  origimm  1 

M.  Licet  eorum  qui  ad  scaccarium  majus  resident,  officia 
quibusdam  videantur  proprietatibus  esse  distincta ;  unum 
tamen  omnium  officium  est  et  intentio ;  ut  regis  utilitati  pro- 
spiciant;  salva  tamen  aequitate  secundum  constitutas  leges 
scaccarii.  Ejus  autem  ratio  vel  institutio  cum  ipsa  temporis 
antiquitate,  cum  magnorum  qui  assident  auctoritate,  roborata 
subsistit.  Ab  ipsa  namque  regni  conquisitione  per  regem 
Willelmum  facta  coepisse  dicitur,  sumpta  tamen  ipsius  ratione  a 
scaccario  transmarino  :  verum  in  plurimis  et  pene  majoribus 
dissident.  Sunt  etiam  qui  credunt  usum  ejus  sub  regibus 
Anglicis  exstitisse  ;  hinc  sumentes  rei  hujus  argumentum,  quod 
coloni  et  jam  decrepiti  senes  fundorum  illorum  qui  coronae 
annominantur,  quorum  in  biis  cana  memoria  est,  optime  nove- 
rint  a  patribus  suis  edocti,  quantum  de  albo  firmae  pro  singulis 
libris  solvere  teneautur.  Sed  haec  ratio  cognitionis  est  de 
firmae  solutione,  non  de  scaccarii  sessione.  Videtur  autem  eis 
obviare,  qui  dicunt  album  firmae  a  temporibus  Anglicorum 
coepisse,  quod  in  libro  judiciario  in  quo  totius  regni  descriptio 
diligens  continetur,  et  tarn  de  tempore  regis  Edwardi,  quam  de 
tempore  regis  Willelmi  sub  quo  factus  est,  singulorum  fundorum 
valentia  exprimitur,  nulla  prorsus  de  albo  firmae  fit  mentio  : 
unde  probabile  videtur,  quod,  facta  ilia  descriptione  tempore 
jam  dicti  regis,  de  albo  firmarum  fuerit  a  studiosis  ejus  consti- 
tutum  propter  causas,  quae  inferius  annotantur.  Quocunque 
vero  tempore  coeperit  usus  ejus,  certum  est  quod  magnorum 
auctoritate  roboratur ;  adeo  ut  nulli  liceat  statuta1  scaccarii 
infringere,  vel  eis  quavis  temeritate  resistere.  Habet  enim  hoc 
commune  cum  ipsa  domini  Regis  Curia,  in  qua  ipse  in  propria 
persona  jura  decernit,  quod  nee  recordationi,  nee  sententiae  in  eo 
latae  licet  alicui  contradicere.  Huic  autem  curiae  tarn  insignia 
auctoritas  est,  turn  propter  regiae  imaginis  excellentiam  quae  in 
sigillo  ejus  de  thesauro  individua  lege  servatur;  turn  propter 
eos  qui  assident,  ut  dictum  est,  quorum  solertia  totius  regni 
status  indemnis  servatur.  Illic  enim  residet  capitalis  domini 
regis  Justicia,  primus  post  regem  in  regno  ratione  fori,  et 
majores  quique  de  regno,  qui  familiarius  regiis  secretis  assistunt; 
ut  quod  fuerit  sub  tantorum  praesentia  constitutum  vel  termi- 
natum,  inviolabili  jure  subsistat.  Verum  quidam  ex  officio, 
quidam  ex  sola  jussione  principis  resident.  Ex  officio  principa- 
liter  residet,  immo  et  praesidet,  primus  in  regno,  capitalis  scilicet 
Justicia.  Huic  autem  assident  ex  sola  jussione  principis,  momen- 
tanea  scilicet  et  mobili  auctoritate  quidam,  qui  majores  et  dis- 


rv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  177 

cretiores  videntur  in  regno,  sive  de  clero  sint  sive  de  curia. 
Assident  inquam  ad  discernenda  jura  et  dubia  detenninanda 
quae  frequenter  ex  inciclentibus  quaestionibus  oriuntur.  Non 
enim  in  ratiociniis  sed  in  multiplicibus  judiciis  excellens  scac- 
carii  seientia  consistit.  Facile  enim  est,  proposita  summa  quae 
exigitur,  et  suppositis  ad  collationem  ejus  hiis  quae  soluta  sunt, 
per  subtractionem  discernere,  si  satisfactum  est,  vel  si  quid 
restat.  At  cum  coeperit  multiplex  inquisitio  fieri  de  hiis  rebus, 
quae  varie  fisco  proveniunt  et  diversis  modis  requiruntur,  et  a 
vicecomitibus  non  eodem  modo  perquiruntur,  discernere  si  secus 
egerint,  quibusdam  grave  est,  et  ob  hoc  circa  haec  seientia  scac- 
carii  major  esse  <licitur.  Dubiorum  vero  vel  dubitalium  judicia, 
quae  frequenter  emergunt,  sub  una  tractatus  serie  comprehendi 
non  valent ;  quia  necdum  omnia  dubiorum  genera  in  lucem 
prodierunt.  Quaedam  tamen  ex  hiis  quae  proposita  vel  deter- 
minata  cognovimus,  suis  locis  inferius  annotabimus. 


V.  Quid  sit  officium  Praesidentis,  et  omnium  illic  ex  officio 
residentium;  et  quae  dispositio  sedium. 

D.  Quid  est  hujus  tarn  excellentis  sessoris  officium  ? 

M.  Aliud  verius  attribui  sibi  non  valet,  nisi  quod  omnibus, 
quae  inferiore  vel  superiore  scaccario  fuerint,  hie  prospicit  et  ad 
nutum  ipsius  quaelibet  officia  subjecta  disponuntur ;  sic  tamen 
ut  ad  domini  regis  utilitatem  juste  proveniant.  Hoc  tamen 
inter  cetera  videtur  excellens,  quod  potest  hie  sub  testimonio 
suo  breve  domini  regis  facere  fieri,  ut  de  thesauro  quaelibet 
summa  liberetur,  vel  ut  computetur  alicui  quod  sibi  ex  domini 
regis  mandate  praenoverit  computandum  ;  vel  si  maluerit,  breve 
suum  faciet  sub  aliorum  testimonio  de  his  rebus. 

D.  Magnus  est  hie,  cujus  fidei  totius  regni  cura,  immo  et  cor 
regis  committitur.  Scriptum  quippe  est;  'ubi  est  thesaurus 
tuus,  ibi  est  et  cor  tuum.'  Sed  jam  si  placet  prosequere  de 
ceteris. 

M.  Vis  prosequar  de  ipsis  secundum  gradus  dignitatum  an 
secundum  dispositionem  sedium  ? 

D.  Secundum  quod  quisque  ratione  officii  sui  sedem  adeptus 
est.  Facile  enim  erit  ut  credo  ex  officiis  perpendere  dignitates. 

M,  Ut  noveris  quo  ordine  disponantur,  scias  ad  quatuor 
scaccarii  latera  quatuor  poni  sedilia  vel  scanna.  Ad  caput  vero 
scaccarii,  hoc  est  uncle  latitude  discernitur,  in  medio  non  sedilis 
sed  scaccarii,  locus  est  illius  principalis  de  quo  supra  diximus. 
In  laeva  ejus  primo  loco  residet  cancellarius  ratione  officii,  si 
adesse  eum  contingat :  post  hunc  miles  gregarius  quern  consta- 

N 


178  Henry  II.  [PART 

bularium  diciraus  :  post  hunc  duo  camerarii,  prior  autem,  qui 
intuitu  provectioris  aetatis  venerabilior  esse  videbitur  :  post  hos 
miles  qui  vulgo  dicitur  marescallus  :  inseruntur  tamen  quando- 
que  alii  his  absentibus,  vel  forte  eis  praesentibus,  si  tanta  scilicet 
fuerit  auctoritas  eorum  qui  a  rege  destinantur,  ut  eis  cedere 
debeant.  Et  haec  est  dispositio  primi  sedilis.  In  secundo  vero 
quod  est  ad  latus  longitudinis  scaccai'ii,  in  primo  capite  residet 
clericus  vel  alius  serviens  camerariorum  cum  recautis,  hoc  est, 
cum  contrataleis  de  recepta.  Post  hunc  interpositis  quibusdam 
qui  non  ex  officio  resident  sed  sunt  a  rege  missi,  locus  est  quasi 
in  medio  lateris  scaccarii  illi  qui  compotos  positione  ponit  calcu- 
lorum.  Post  hunc  aliqui  non  ex  officio,  necessarii  tamen.  In 
fine  sedilis  illius  residet  clericus  qui  scriptorio  praeest ;  et  hie  ex 
officio.  Sic  habes  secundi  scanni  dispositionem.  Verum  ad 
dextram  praesidentis  justiciarii  residet  primo  loco  nunc  Win- 
toniensis  Episcopus  quondam  Pictaviae  Archidiaconus,  non  ex 
officio  quidem  sed  ex  novella  constitutione  ;  ut  scilicet  proximus 
sit  thesaurario,  et  scripturae  rotuli  diligenter  intendat.  Post 
hunc  residet  thesaurarius  in  capite  secundae  sedis  in  dextra,  cui 
diligentissima  cura  est  per  singula  quae  illic  geruntur,  quasi 
rationem  de  hiis  omnibus  si  oportuerit  reddituro.  Post  hunc 
residet  clericus  ejus,  scriptor  rotuli  de  thesauro  :  post  hunc  alius 
scriptor  rotuli  de  cancellaria  :  post  hunc  clericus  cancellarii,  qui 
oculata  fide  semper  prospicit,  ut  rotulus  suus  alii  per  singula 
respondeat,  ut  nee  iota  unum  desit,  nee  alius  sit  ordo  scribendi  : 
post  hunc  quasi  in  fine  sedilis  illius  residet  clericus  constabularii, 
magnus  quidem  et  officiosus  in  domini  regis  curia,  et  hie 
quidem  habens  officium  quod  per  seipsum  vel  per  clericum  dis- 
cretum,  si  regi  visus  fuerit  alias  magis  necessarius,  administrate 
Et  haec  est  descriptio  tertiae  sedis.  In  quarto  scanno,  quod  est 
oppositum  justiciario,  in  capite  residet  Magister  Thomas  cogno- 
mine  Brunus,  cum  rotulo  tertio  qui  ex  novella  constitutione,  hoc 
est  a  domino  rege  nostro,  additus  est ;  quia  scriptum  est,  '  funi- 
culus  triplex  difficile  solvitur.'  Post  hunc  vicecomites  et  clerici 
sui,  qui  assident  ad  compotum  cum  taleis  et  aliis  necessariis. 
Et  haec  est  dispositio  quartae  sedis. 

D.  Scriptor  Magistri  Thomae  nunquid  sedem  habet  cum  aliis 
scriptoribus  sed  super  alios  ? 

M.  Sedem  quidem  habet  non  cum  aliis  sed  super  alios. 

D.  Quare  sic  ? 

M.  Cum  enim  sic  dispositae  essent  sedes  ab  initio,  ut  scriptor 
thesaurarii  ad  latus  suum  resideret,  ne  quid  scriberetur,  quod 
oculum  ejus  effugeret ;  et  item  scriptor  cancellariae  ad  latus 
scriptoris  thesaurarii,  ut  fideliter  exciperet  quod  ille  praescribe- 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I. 

bat;  et  item  clericus  cancellarii  necessario  proximus  esset  illi 
scriptori,  ne  posset  errare ;  non  superfuit  locus  in  quo  scriptor 
ille  resicleret  in  serie  scanni,  sed  datus  est  ei  locus  in  eminenti, 
ut  prospiciat  et  immineat  scriptori  thesaurarii  qui  primus 
scribit,  et  ab  ipso  quod  oportet  excipiat. 

D.  Huic  oculi  lyncei  necessarii  essent,  ne  erraret ;  pericu- 
losus  enim  in  hiis  error  dicitur. 

M.  Licet  erret  interdum  in  excipiendo,  quia  remotus  est ; 
tamen  dum  rotuli  corriguntur  facta  omnium  trium  collatione, 
facile  erit  errata  corrigere. 

D.  Satis  hactenus  dictum  est  de  ordine  sedentium.  Nunc  de 
eorum  officiis,  si  placet,  exsequere,  incipiens  a  laeva  praesidentis. 

Quid  ad  Cancellarium. 

M.  Cancellarius  in  ordine  illo  primus  est  :  et  sicut  in  curia 
sic  ad  scaccarium  magnus  est :  adeo  ut  sine  ipsius  consensu  vel 
consilio  nil  magnum  fiat,  vel  fieri  debeat.  Verum  hoc  habet 
officium  dum  residet  ad  scaccarium  ;  ad  ipsum  pertinet  custodia 
sigilli  regii,  quod  est  in  thesauro,  sed  inde  non  recedit  nisi 
cum  praecepto  Justitiae  ab  inferiore  ad  superius  scaccarium  a 
thesaurario  vel  camerario  defertur,  ad  explenda  eolum  negotia 
scaccarii.  Quibus  peractis  in  loculum  mittitur,  et  loculus  a 
cancellario  consignatur,  et  sic  thesaurario  traditur  custodien- 
dus.  Item,  cum  necesse  fuerit,  signatus  sub  omnium  oculis 
cancellario  offertur ;  nunquam  ab  ipso,  vel  ab  alio  alias  offeren- 
dus.  Item  ad  ipsum  pertinet  rotuli  qui  est  de  cancellaria 
custodia  per  suppositam  personam ;  et  sicut  viris  magnis  visum 
est,  de  omni  scriptura  rotuli  cancellarius  aeque  tenetur  ut 
thesaurarius,  excepto  duntaxat  de  hoc,  quod  scribitur  in 
thesauro  receptum  :  licet  enim  non  praescribat  ut  thesaurarius 
conscribit,  tamen  etsi  ille  erraverit,  licet  ipsi  vel  clerico  ejus 
thesaurarium  cum  moclestia  corripei-e,  et  quid  debeat  suggerere. 
Quod  si  thesaurarius  perseveraverit,  et  mutare  noluerit,  poterit 
eum  si  de  parte  sua  confidit  tantum  coram  baronibus  arguere,  ut 
ab  eis  quid  fieri  debeat  judicetur. 

D.  Verisimile  etiam  videtur  custodem  tertii  rotuli  eadem 
ecripturae  lege  constringi. 

M.  Non  est  verisimile  tantum  Bed  verum  :  par  enim  est  aucto- 
ritas  illis  duobus  rotulis  ratione  scripturae  ;  quia  sic  plucuit  ejus 
auctori. 

Quid  ad  Constabularium. 

Constabularii  officium  est  ad  scaccarium,  ut  in  brevibtis  regis 
de  exitu  thesauri  vel  de  aliquibus  computandis,  his  qui  compotum 

K  2 


180  Henry  II.  [PART 

faciunt  simul  cum  praesidente  testis  existat.  In  omnibus  enim 
hujusmodi  brevibus  ex  antiqua  institutione  duos  oportet  con- 
scribi  testes.  Item  ejus  offimim  est,  cum  ad  scaccarium  stipen- 
diarii  regis  venerint  pro  stipendiis  suis,  sive  sint  residentes  in 
castris  regis  sive  non,  assumpto  secum  clerico  constabulariae, 
cujus  est  terminos  eorum  nosse,  et  marescallo  scaccarii,  com- 
putet  eorum  liberationes,  et  de  retractis  fidem  suscipiat,  et 
residuum  solvi  faciat.  Omnis  enim  liberatio  quorumcunque, 
sive  accipitrariorum  sive  falconariorum  sive  bernariorum,  ad 
officium  ejus  spectat,  si  praesens  fuerit ;  nisi  forte  dominus  rex 
ad  idem  aliquem  prius  assignaverit  :  quia  constabularius  a  rege 
non  facile  potest  avelli,  propter  majora  et  magis  urgentia. 
Notandum  vero  quod  marescallus  scaccarii  de  liberationibus 
residentium  militum  percipit  quod  ad  eum  pertinet  ratione  officii 
sui ;  de  commeantibus  autem  non.  Item  huic  cum  aliis  maguis 
commune  est,  ut  nihil  magnum  eo  inconsulto  fieri  debeat. 

Quid  ad  Camerarios. 

Camerariorum  officium  annexum  est  officio  thesaurarii,  quia 
uno  et  eodem  praetextu  honoris  vel  dispendii  militare  noscuntur ; 
et  est  eis  idem  velle  ad  honorem  regis,  adeo  ut  quod  ab  uno 
factum  fuerit,  a  nullo  eorum  dicatur  infectum.  Thesaurarius 
enim  pro  se  et  pro  eis  suscipit  compotos,  et  secundum  qualitates 
exactorum  verba  ministrat  in  scripturam  rotuli,  in  quibua 
omnibus  pari  jure  societatis  obligantur,  et  sic  de  aliis  quae  vel 
ab  hoc,  vel  ab  hiis,  salva  fide  domini  regis,  fiunt,  sive  in 
scriptis,  sive  in  receptis,  sive  in  taleis,  sive  in  expensis. 

Quid  ad  MarescaUum. 

Harescalli  cura  est  taleas  debitorum  quas  vicecomes  reddi- 
derit,  quae  tamen  annotantur  in  rotulo,  mittere  seorsum  in 
forulo  suo :  brevia  quoque  regia  de  computandis,  vel  perdonandis, 
vel  dandis,  his  quae  exiguntur  a  vicecomite  per  summonitionem. 
Uli  vero  forulo  superscriptio  comitatus,  cujus  haec  sunt,  ap- 
ponitur,  et  singulis  comitatibus  singulos  oportet  forulos,  a  vice- 
comite qui  computat,  marescallo  niinistrari. 

D.  Est  hie  aliquid  quod  me  movet. 

M.  Satis  praesensi.  Sustine  tamen  modicum.  Plana  enim 
erunt  omnia  ex  consequentibus.  Item  si  quis  debitor  non 
satisfaciens  de  summonitione  meruerit  comprehendi,  huic  tradi- 
tur  servandus,  et  soluto  scaccario  illius  diei,  si  voluerit,  mittet 
eum  in  carcerem  custodiae  publicae,  non  tamen  vinculabitur  vel 
in  ima  trudetur,  sed  seorsum  vel  supra  carcerem ;  licet  enim 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  181 

solvendo  non  sit,  tamen  ob  hoc  non  meruit  sceleratis  deputari ; 
ita  tamen  si  miles  non  fuerit ;  de  militibus  namque  pro  pecunia 
retentis,  illustris  regis  constitutio  est,  quae  infra  annotabitur  in 
agendis  vicecomitis.  Item  ad  hunc  spectat,  ut  peracto  compoto 
vicecomitis,  vel  custodis,  vel  cujuscunque  personae  qui  ad  com- 
potum  residet,  fidem  ab  ipso  suscipiat  in  publico,  quod  legitimum 
compotum  secundum  conscientiam  suam  fecerit.  Si  vero  vice- 
comes,  vel  qui  computavit,  aliquo  debito  tenetur,  addet  quod  a 
scaccario,  hoc  est,  a  leugata  villae,  in  qua  est,  non  discedet,  nisi 
ipsa  die  rediturus,  sine  licentia  baronum.  Item  hie  factas 
summonitiones  contra  terminum  alterius  scaccarii  a  latere  sigilli 
regii  signatas  sub  numero  suscipiet,  et  ostiario  superioris 
scaccarii  per  mauum  suam  distribuet,  per  Angliam  deferendas. 
Sic  habes  eorum,  qui  in  primo  scanno  resident,  officia  distincta, 

Quid  ad  Factorem  Talearum. 

In  capite  vero  secundae  sedis  primus  est  serviens  camerariorum, 
clericus  seu  laicus,  cujus  officium  paucis  expediri  potest,  verbo 
tamen  non  opere.  Hie  taleas  de  thesauro  contra  vicecomitem, 
vel  eum  qui  computat,  ministrat,  et,  cum  oportuerit,  secundum 
quod  ratio  computationis  exegerit,  mutat,  vel  minuit,  vel  addit 
in  talea,  apposita  eidem  contratalea  vicecomitis.  Quo  facto  in 
termino  Paschae,  longiorem  vicecomiti  reddit  iterum  in  termino 
Sancti  Michaelis  afferendam.  In  termino  vero  Sancti  Michaelis, 
cum  in  rotulo  summa  ejus  scripto  fuerit  deputata,  tradit  eandem 
longiorem  marescallo,  iu  forulo  suo  reponendam. 

D.  Miror,  quod  dixisti  taleam  semel  compoto  oblatam  iterum 
alii  compoto  offereudam. 

M.  Noli  mirari ;  quoniam  quaecunque  exacta  vel  soluta  fuerint 
a  vicecomite  in  termino  Paschae,  necesse  est  iterate  summoneri ; 
non  tamen  ut  secundo  solvatur  quod  jam  solutum  fuerit,  sed  ut 
offerant  se  compoto,  et  oblata  talea  solutionis  jamdudum  factae 
redigatur  in  scripturam  rotuli ;  et  sic  absolvatur  a  debito. 
Dum  enim  taleam  penes  se  habuerit,  liberatus  non  erit,  sed 
semper  summonendus. 

D.  Et  haec  necessaria  visa  sunt ;  sed  prosequere,  si  placet,  de 
officiis. 

M.  Immo  quia  de  taleis  mentionem  fecimus,  quo  ordine 
taleandi  ratio  consistat,  paucis  adverte.  Talearum  igitur  alia 
est,  quae  simpliciter  talea  dicitur ;  alia,  quam  memorandam 
nuncupamus.  Legitimae  vero  taleae  longitudo  a  summitate 
indicis  usque  ad  summitatem  extend  pollicis  est :  illic  terebro 
modico  perforatur.  Memoranda  vero,  quae  de  firma  blanca 
semper  fieri  solet,  paulo  brevior  est ;  quia  facto  essayo,  per  quod 


—  ,  ..  .     — 


[cm 


•H    17 

n  L 

:  Bi  T  .; 


3D  :.: 


:.—•    ;  -  :•- 

:       11.1.1  V    : 


184  Henry  II.  [PART 

officiis  ;  post  hunc  qui  calculis  inservit,  primus  residet  ex  officio 
clericus  qui  praeest  regis  scriptorio. 

Quid  ad  Clericum  qui  praeest  scriptorio. 

Ad  hunc  pertinet  scriptores  idoneos  ad  rotulum  cancellariae, 
et  ad  brevia  regis  quae  in  scaccario  fiunt,  nee  non  ad  summoni- 
tiones  conscribendas,  invenire,  et  ut  bene  fiant  prospicere ;  quae 
quidem  officia,  licet  paucis  exprimantur  verbis,  infinitis  tamen 
vix  expleri  possunt  laboribus ;  quod  norunt  hii,  qui  haec  ipsa 
rerum  cxperientia  didiceriurt  Sic  babes  officia  dispositorum  in 
secundo  sedili. 

Quid  ad  Pictavensem  Archdiaconum  nunc  Wintoniensem 
Episcopum. 

D.  Si  bene  memini,  primus  ad  dextram  praesidentis  residet 
Wintouiensis  Episcopus,  cujus  officium  in  scaccario  vellem  pro- 
tinus  expediri.  Magnus  enim  est  et  nisi  magnis  occupari  non 
debeat. 

M.  Magnus  est  procullubio ;  et  magnis  intentus  in  multa 
distrahitur,  sicut  in  Tricolumni  plenius  est  ostensum.  Hie 
ante  tempora  promotionis,  dum  paulo  inferior  in  regis  curia 
militaret,  visus  est  fide  et  industria  regis  negotiis  necessarius,  et 
in  computationibus  atque  in  rotulorum  et  brevium  scripturis 
eatis  alacer  et  officiosus.  TJnde  datus  est  ei  locus  ad  latus 
thesaurarii,  ut  scilicet  scripturae  rotulorum  et  hiis  omnibus 
cum  ipso  intenderet.  Thesaurarius  quidem  tot  et  tantis  curis  et 
sollicitudinibus  per  omnia  distrahitur,  ut  fas  sit  interdum  tanto 
operi  subrepere  somnum.  In  humanis  autem  actionibus  vix 
aliquid  est  usquequaque  perfectum. 

J).  Quid  est  quod  dicis  ?  nee  enim  novi  quid  sit  Tricolumnis. 

M.  Libellus  quidem  est  a  nobis  utcunque  tempore  juventutis 
editus,  de  tripartita  regni  Angliae  historia,  sub  illustri  Anglorum 
rege  Henrico  secundo ;  quern  quia  per  tres  columnas  per  uni- 
versuin  digessimus,  diximus  Tricolumnum.  In  prima  quidem  de 
ecclesiae  Anglicanae  negotiis  plurimis,  et  de  nonnullis  rescriptis 
sedis  apostolicae.  In  secunda  vero  de  insignibus  praedicti  regis 
gestis,  quae  fidem  humanam  excedunt.  In  tertia  vero  de  pluribus 
negotiis  tarn  in  publicis  quam  in  familiaribus,  necnon  in  curiae 
judiciis,  agitur.  Hie  si  forte  in  manus  tuas  incident,  cave  ne  te 
effugiat ;  utilis  enim  poterit  futuris  esse  temporibus  et  jocundus 
his,  qui  de  regni  statu  sub  praedicto  principe  sollioiti  fuerint.  Hie 
enim  rex  licet  atavis  regibus  editus  fuerit,  et  per  longa  terrarum 
spatia  triurnphali  victoria  suum  dilataverit  irnperium;  majus 


IT.]  Dlalogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  185 

taraen  est,  quod  prodigum  in  se  faraae  titulum  strenuis  actibus 
superavit.  Sed  de  his  hactenus.  Nunc  coepta  negotia  prose- 
quamur. 

D.  Esto,  si  sic  placet.  Salva  sit  igitur  reverentia  thesau- 
rarii :  hie  videtur  ejus  dignitati  derogatum,  quia  non  est  soli 
fidei  ipsius  per  omnia  creditum. 

M.  Ahsit ;  immo  magis  sic  ejus  laboribus  parcitur  et  indemni- 
tati  providetur ;  fnon  enim  quod  vel  ipsi  vel  alii  non  creditur, 
tot  et  tanti  resident  ad  scaccarium  :  sed  quia  rebus  ma^nis  et 
regni  negotiis  sub  tanto  principe  decet  magnos  ac  multos  de- 
putari,  non  tamen  ut  utilitati  prospiciant,  sed  excellentiae  et 
honori  regis  deserviant. 

D.  Prosequere,  si  placet,  de  officiis. 

Quid  ad  Thesaurarium. 

M.  Officium  thesaurarii,  vel  cura  vel  sollicitudo  ipsius  vix  ex- 
plicari  posset  verbis,  etiamsi  esset  raihi  calamus  scribae  velociter 
scribentis.  In  omnibus  enim  et  per  omnia,  quae  vel  in  inferiori 
Bcaccario  vel  in  superior!  geruntur,  ipsius  sollicita  diligentia 
necessaria  est.  Ex  praedictis  tamen  magna  ex  parte  constare 
potest,  in  quibus  amplior  sit  ejus  cura,  adeo  ut  ab  hiis  avelli 
non  possit  manente  scaccario ;  in  recipiendis  scilicet  compotis 
vicecomitum,  et  in  scriptura  rotuli.  Ipse  namque  ministrat 
verba  secundum  qualitatem  negotiorum  in  scripturam  rotuli  sui, 
a  quo  postmodum  illud  idem  excipitur  ab  aliis  rotulis,  sicut 
supra  dictum  est ;  et  cavendum  est  ipsi,  ne  vel  in  numero,  vel  in 
causa,  vel  in  persona  sit  error,  ne  absolvatur  qui  quietus  non 
est,  vel  rursus  conveniatur  qui  meruit  absolvi.  Tanta  namque 
rotuli  ejus  auctoritas  est,  ut  nulli  liceat  ei  contradicere  vel 
rnutare ;  nisi  forte  tarn  manifestus  error  fuerit,  ut  omnibus 
pateat :  neque  tune  nisi  de  communi  consilio  omnium  baronum 
mutari  debet,  et  ipsis  praesentibus  cum  adhuc  scilicet  scacca- 
rium illius  diei  perseverat :  scripturam  vero  rotuli  praeterito 
anno  factam,  vel  etiam  hujus  anni  exstantis,  post  solutum 
scaccarium  nulli  mutare  licet  nisi  regi,  cui  super  his  licent 
quaecunque  libent.  Item  ad  eum  spectat,  ut  ad  omnia  magna 
negotia  cum  superioribus  assumatur,  et  nil  eum  lateat. 

Quid  ad  Scriptorem  Thesaurarii. 

Scriptoris  qui  proximus  est  thesaurario  officium  est  pracparare 
rotulos  ad  scripturam  ex  pellibus  ovinis,  non  sine  causa.  Longi- 
tudo  autem  eorum  est  quanta  surgit  ex  duabus  meml)ranis ;  non 
tamen  quibuslibet,  sed  magnis,  ad  hoc  opus  ex  industria  pro- 


1 86  Henry  II.  [PART 

curatis  :  latitude  vero  paulo  plus  una  expansa  et  semis.  Regu- 
latis  igitur  rotulis  a  summo  pene  usque  deoi-sum,  et  ex  utraque 
parte,  lineis  a  se  decenter  distantibus,  praenotantur  in  summo 
rotuli  comitatus  et  bailliae,  de  quibus  infra  compotus  redditur  : 
facto  vero  modico  intervallo  quasi  trium  vel  quatuor  digitorum, 
praescribitur  in  medio  lineae  nomen  comitatus  de  quo  primo 
loco  agendum  est.  Deiude  in  capite  sequentis  lineae  nomen  vice- 
comitis  depingitur,  subsequente  hoc  tenore  veAorum  ;  '  Ille  vel 
ille  vicecomes  reddit  compotum  de  firma  illius  vel  illius  comi- 
tatus.' Deinde  paulo  post  in  eadem  linea  scribitur,  'in  thesauro,' 
nee  apponitur  aliud  nisi  consummate  compoto,  propter  urgentem 
causam,  quae  in  agendis  vicecomitum  manifesta  est.  Deinde  in 
capite  sequentis  lineae,  quid  in  eleemosyna  et  decimis  constitutis, 
quid  etiam  in  liberatione,  de  firma  comitatus  expendatur,  ex- 
primitur.  Post  haec  in  capite  lineae  inferioris  in  terris  datig 
annotantur  ea  quae  regum  munificentia  contulit  ecclesiis,  vel  his 
qui  eis  militarunt,  in  fundis  suis  quae  coronae  annominantur, 
quibusdam  blancos,  quibusdam  numero. 

D.  Movet  me  quod  dicis  quosdam  fundos  dari  blancos, 
quosdam  numero. 

M.  Prosequamur  ad  praesens  de  scriptoris  officio ;  et  in 
agendis  vicecomitis  super  hoc,  si  libet,  interroga.  Post  terras 
datas,  facto  intervallo  unius  liueae  ut  videantur  etiam  ipsa  sui 
ratione  sejuncta,  annotantur  ea  quae  jussa  sunt  de  firma  expendi 
per  brevia  regis ;  quia  haec  constituta  non  sunt,  sed  casualia ; 
quaedam  etiam,  quae  sine  brevibus  computantur  per  con- 
suetudinem  scaccarii,  de  quibus  infra  dicetur:  et  sic  terminator 
compotus  de  corpore  comitatus.  Post  hoc,  facto  intervallo  quasi 
sex  vel  septem  linearum,  fit  compotus  de  purpresturis  et  escaetis 
sub  his  veibis  ;  '  Idem  vicecomes  reddit  compotum  de  firma  pur- 
presturarum  et  escaetarum ;'  sed  et  de  omnibus  firmis  maneriorum 
et  de  censu  nemorum,  quae  annuatim  debentur  et  solvuntur. 
Post  haec  suo  ordine  compoti  collocantur,  exceptis  quibusdam 
civitatibus  et  villis  et  bailliis,  quarum  majores  compoti  sunt ; 
quia  constitutas  habent  eleemosynas  vel  liberationes,  et  terras 
datas  ;  et  ad  custodes  earum  terrarum  propriae  summonitiones 
de  debitis  regis  diriguntur.  De  his  autem  compoti  fiunt  post 
consummatum  omnino  compotum  de  comitatibus  in  quibus  sunt. 
Qualia  sunt  Lincolnia,  AVintonia,  Mienes,  Berchamstede,  Cole- 
cestria,  pleraque  alia. 

D.  AEiror  dixisse  te  quosdam  reditus  constitutes  dici  firnias, 
quosdam  vero  census. 

M.  Firmae  maneriorum  sunt,  census  autem  nemorum  tantum. 
Quae  euim  ex  maneriis  proveniunt,  quia  per  agriculturam  quo- 


IV.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  187 

libet  anno  renovantur  et  redeunt,  et  praeter  haec  in  ipsis  certi 
sunt  constituti  redditus  consuetudinum  jure  perpetuo,  merito 
firma  et  immutabilia  nominantur.  Quae  vero  ex  nemoribus, 
quae  quotidie  succiduntur  et  pereunt,  amraa  lege  debentur, — 
quorum  non  est  tarn  firmus  vel  immobilis  quaestus,  sed  est  in 
eis  ascensus  et  descensus,  licet  non  annuus,  frequens  tamen, — 
census  dicuntur :  et  sic  per  aphaeresim  redditus  hos  censeri 
dicunt.  Sunt  tamen  qui  credunt,  censum  dici  quae  a  singulis 
hominibus  solvuntur ;  firma  vero  quae  ex  his  surgit ;  ut  sit 
firma  nomen  collectivum,  sicut"  turba :  ob  hoc  igitur  sicut 
creditur,  sic  censetur,  ut  annuum  indicet,  et  firmum  non  esse 
designet.  Post  haec  constituta,  facto  iterum  intervallo,  fit  com- 
potus  de  debitis,  super  quibus  summonitus  est  vicecomes  ;  prae- 
titulatis  tamen  nominibus  illorum  judicum  quorum  haec  sunt. 
Ultimo  vero  de  catallis  fugitivorum,  vel  mutilatorum  pro  exces- 
sibus  suis.  Et  his  expletis,  compotus  illius  viceeomitatus 
terminatur.  Cavendum  autem  est  scriptoi'i,  ne  aliquid  motu 
animi  sui  scribat  in  rotulo,  nisi  quod  thesaurario  dictante 
didicerit.  Quod  si  forte  per  negligentiam  vel  alium  quemlibet 
casum,  contigerit  eum  errare  in  scriptura  rotuli,  vel  in  nomine, 
vel  in  numero,  vel  in  causa,  in  quibus  vis  major  scripturae 
consistit ;  non  praesumat  abradere,  sed  linea  subtili  subducta 
cancellet,  et  scribat  in  serie  quod  oportet  :  habet  enim  rotuli 
sci'iptura  hoc  commune  cum  cartis  et  aliis  scriptis  pateritibus, 
quod  abradi  non  debet :  et  ob  hoc  cautum  est  ut  de  pellibus 
ovinis  fiant ;  quia  non  facile  nisi  manifesto  vitio  rasurae  cedunt. 
1).  Scriptor  iste  de  proprio  an  de  fisco  rotulos  invenit  1 
M,  In  termino  iste  Sancti  Michaelis  v.  solidos  de  fisco  recipit, 
et  scriptor  cancellariae  alios  nihilominus  v. ;  ex  quibus  ad 
utrumque  rotulum,  et  ad  summonitiones  et  receptas  inferioris 
scaccarii  membranas  inveniunt. 

Quid  ad  Scriptorem  Cancellariae. 

Cura,  labor,  studium,  reliqui  scriptoris  ad  ejus  latus  residentis  / 
in  his  maxime  consistit,  ut  scilicet  excipiat  de  rotulo  alteroj 
verbum  e  verbo,  eodem  ut  praediximus  ordine  servato.  |  Item 
ad  hunc  pertinet  brevia  regis  de  exitu  thesauri  scribere,  de  his 
tantum  rebus  quae  consideratione  baronum,  consedente  scaccario, 
a  thesaurario  et  camerariis  liberari  debent :  nihilominus  hie 
brevia  regis  scribit  de  computandis  vel  perdonandis  his,  quae 
barones  ad  scaccariurn  computanda  vel  perdonanda  decreverint. 
Ad  hunc  etiam  spectat,  ut  peractis  compotis  vicecomitum,  et 
taxatis  debitis  regis  de  quibus  summonitiones  fiunt,  easdem  per 
totum  regnum  dirigendas  diligenti  simul  et  laboriosa  discretioue 


1 88  Henry  II.  [PART 

conscribat :  ex  quibus,  et  in  quorum  gratia,  sequentis  termini 
scaccarium  convocatur. 

VI.  Quis  sit  tenor  Brevium  Regis  factorum  ad  Scaccarium,  sive 
de  exitu  Thesauri,  sive  de  computandis,  sive  de  perdonandis. 

D.  Brevia  regis  de  exitu  thesauri  sub  quo  tenore  verborum 
fiunt  ? 

M.  Thesaurarius  et  camerarii  nisi  regis  expresso  mandate  vel 
praesidentis  justiciarii,  susceptam  pecuniam  non  expendunt : 
oportet  enim  ut  habeant  auctoritatem  rescripti  regis  de  distri- 
buta  pecunia,  cum  ab  eis  compotus  generalis  exigetur ;  est 
autem  hie  tenor ;  '  H.  rex  etc.  N.  thesaurario  et  illi  et  illi 
canierariis  salutem.  Liberate  de  thesauro  meo  illi  vel  illi,  hanc 
vel  hanc  summam.  Testibus  his  apud  N.  ad  scaccarium.' 
Additur  autem  '  ad  scaccarium,'  ut  sic  fiat  discretio  brevium  quae 
in  curia  regis  fiunt.  Oportet  etiam  ut  facto  brevi  de  exitu 
thesauri,  ut  diximus,  faciat  idem  scriptor  rescriptum  ejus,  quod 
vulgo  dicitur  contrabreve ;  et  illud  penes  se  reservabit  clericus 
cancellarii  in  testimonium  liberatae  factae  per  breve  regis  origi- 
nale,  quod  thesaurarius  et  camerarii  habent.  Brevia  quoque  de 
computandis  vel  perdonandis  his,  quae  barones  decreverint  com- 
putanda  vel  perdonanda,  praecognita  domini  regis  voluntate,  sub 
hoc  tenore  verborum  fiunt ;  '  H.  Dei  gratia  etc.,  baronibus  de 
scaccario  salutem.  Computate  illi  vel  illi  hanc  vel  hanc  sum- 
mam,  quam  liberavit  ad  hoc  vel  ad  illud  negotium  meum. 
Testibus  hiis  ibi  ad  scaccarium.'  Item  ;  '  Rex  baronibus  de  scac- 
cario salutem.  Perdono  illi,  vel  clamo  quietum  hunc  vel  ilium 
de  hoc  vel  de  illo.  Testibus  hiis  ibi  ad  scaccarium.'  Horum 
autem  omnium  brevium  rescripta  penes  jamdictum  clericum 
residebunt,  in  testimonium  factorum  brevium.  Originalia  enim 
computatorum  vel  perdonatorum  brevia  forulis  marescalli,  factis 
vicecomitum  compotis,  includuntur  ;  de  cetero,  nisi  contentio 
de  eis  oriatur,  non  exponenda.  Quod  autem  de  brevibus  regis 
dicimus,  intelligeudum  est  similiter  de  brevibus  praesidentis 
justiciarii,  tantum  cum  rex  absens  est,  et  cum  sigilli  ejus 
impressione  jura  regni  statuuntur,  et  causae  citantur,  ut  con- 
demnentur  vel  absolvantur  qui  vocantur  ad  curiam.  Ceterum 
dum  rex  in  regno  Angliae  fuerit,  brevia  scaccarii  nomine  regio 
fient,  sub  ejusdem  praesidentis  et  alicujus  allerius  magni  testi- 
monio.  Quis  autem  sit  tenor  brevium  illorum  quae  summo- 
nitiones  dicuntur,  plenius  infra  dicetur  in  titulo  de  summoni- 
tionibus. 


IV.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccarlo.   I.  189 

Quid  ad  Clericum  Cancellarii. 

Clericus  cancellarii  qui  huic  proximus  est,  licet  non  proprio 
sed  alieno  nomine  militet,  magnis  tamen  occupatur,  et  in  multa 
distrahitur  :  adeo  ut  ab  ipso  initio  compotorum  usque  ad  finem 
inde  avelli  non  possit ;  nisi  forte  dum  sibi  propitius  est ;  substi- 
tute sibi  interim  discrete  vicario.  Huic  enim  prima  cura  est 
post  thesaurarium  in  hiis  omnibus  quae  illic  geruntur ;  maxime 
tamen  circa  rotulorum  ac  brevium  scripturam  ;  in  hiis  enim 
praecipue  versatur ;  nam  ne  forte  sui  calamus  scriptoris  aberret 
prospicit  hie,  alium  sequitur  dum  passibus  aequis.  Item  hie 
intuetur  diligenter  alterius  anni  rotulum  sibi  propositum,  donee 
a  vicecomite  satisfactum  fuerit  de  debitis  hiis  quae  illic  anno- 
tantur,  et  de  quibus  summonetur.  Item  residente  vicecomite 
ad  compotum,  computatis  et  scripto  deputatis  his  quae  con- 
Btituta  sunt  in  comitatu,  breve  summonitionis,  cui  regis  sigillum 
appensum  est,  suscipit  a  vicecomite,  et  de  his  debitis  quae  illic 
scripta  sunt  urget  vicecomitem,  pronuncians  in  publicum  et 
dicens,  'redde  de  hoc  tantum,  et  de  illo  tantum.'  Debita  vero 
quae  solvuntur  in  integrum,  et  de  quibus  satisfit,  cancel!  et  idem 
clericus  linea  ducta  per  medium ;  ut  sit  distinctio  per  hoc  etiam 
inter  soluta  et  solvenda.  Hie  etiam  custodit  contrabrevia  fac- 
torum  ad  scaccarium.  Hie  etiam  summonitiones  factas,  ut  prae- 
dictum  est,  corrigit  et  sigillat;  et  est  ei  labor  iufinitus,  atque 
post  thesaurarium  maximus. 

D.  Utilis  hie  esset  magis  Argus,  quam  Polyphemus. 

Quid  ad  Clericum  Constabulariae. 

M.  Clericus  constabulariae  magnus  et  officiosus  in  regis  curia, 
ad  scaccarium  etiam  ad  majora  quaeque  cum  magnis  ascitur,  et 
assensu  ejus  regia  fiunt  negotia.  Destinatur  autem  a  rege  ad 
scaccarium  cum  contrabrevibus  ad  terminos  scaccarii,  de  hifs 
tantum  quae  ad  curiam  fiunt.  Hie  etiam  cum  constabulario 
liberationibus  militum  vel  quorumlibet  eorum  intendit,  ut  prae- 
dictum  est ;  et  est  interdum  laboriosum  satis  officium  ejus,  licet 
paucis  exprimatur.  Explet  tamen  illud  frequentius  per  suppo- 
sitam  personam,  sicut  cancellarius ;  quapropter  majores  lion 
facile  possunt  a  regis  praesentia  longius  ire.  Sic  habes  disposi- 
torum  in  secundo  sedili  ad  dextram  praesidentis  utcunque 
distributa  officia. 

Quid  ad  Brunum. 

Porro  in  capite  quart!  sedilis  quod  opponitur  justiciariis, 
residet  Magister  Thomas  cognomeuto  Brunus.  Hujus  ad  scac- 


190  Henry  II.  [PART 

1  carium  non  vills  est   auctoritas.     Magnum   enim   et  validum ! 
fidei  ejus  et  discretionis  est  argumentum,  quod  a  tarn  excellentis 
ingenii  principe  electus  est,  ut  praeter  antiquam  consuetudinem  ' 
tertium  habeat  rotulum,  in  quo  regni  jura  regisque  secreta  con- 
scritiat,  el  eunHemTpenes"^e  reservans  quocunque  voluerit  deferat.  : 
Habet  etiam  clericum   suum   in  inferiore  scaccario,  qui  juxta 
clericum  thesaurarii  residens,  liberam  habet  facultatem  scribendi 
quae  recipiuntur  et  expenduntur  in  thesauro. 

D.  Nunquid  principi  cognita  est  eo  usque  fides  ejus  atque 
discretio,  quod  ad  hoc  opus  merito  non  aestimetur  alius  ad 
ilium  » 

M.  Magnus  hie  erat  in  magni  regis  Siculi  curia,  consiliis  pro- 
vidus,  et  in  regis  secretis  pene  praecipuus.  Surrexit  interea  rex 
novus  qui  ignorabat  ilium,  qui  prava  habens  latera  patrem  per- 
sequebatur  in  suis.  Compulsus  est  igitur  vir  iste,  mutatis 
rebus  prosperis,  vitae  suae  consulere,  et  licet  pateret  ei  cum 
summo  honore  accessus  ad  regna  plurima,  tamen  frequenter 
vocatus  ab  illustii  rege  Anglorum  Henrico,  cui  fama  veritate 
ipsa  minor  est,  praeelegit  ad  natale  solum  et  successorium  ac 
singularem  dominum  suum  accedere.  Susceptus  igitur  ab  ipso 
sicut  utrumque  decuit,  quia  apud  Siculum  magnis  intenderat, 
hie  etiam  ad  magna  deputatur  negotia  scaccarii.  Sic  igitur  et 
locum  et  dignitatis  officium  adeptus  est ;  ad  quaelibet  etiam 
scaccarii  magna  negotia  cum  magnis  assumitur.  Sic  habes 
omnium  qui  ad  majus  scaccarium  ex  officio  resident  jura  dis- 
tincta.  Consequens  autem  est,  ni  fallor,  ut  quae  sint  eorum  , 
dignitates  ratione  sessionis  ad  scaccarium  prosequamur. 

D.  Immo,  si  placet,  de  officio  militis  quern  argentarium  dicis, 
nee  non  de  fusoiis  officio  dicendum  est ;  quia  cum  sibi  videantur 
annexa,  et  ad  rnajus  scaccarium  pertinentia,  hucusque  dilata 
Bunt. 

M.  Cerno  quod  te  promissorum  memoria  nou  praeterit,  ex 
quo  spes  certa  concipitur,  quod  te  jam  dictis  non  fraudabit 
oblivio.  Credebam  sane  de  officiis  tibi  fuisse  satisfactum,  quia 
de  residentibus  ad  scaccarium  neminem  praetermiseram.  Sed 
hii  de  quibus  commemoras  certas  non  habent  sibi  deputatas 
sedes,  immo  pro  imperio  praesidentis  vel  thesaurarii  suum 
explent  officium. 

Quid  ad  Militem  Argentarium. 

Porro  miles  argentarius  ab  inferior!  scaccario  ad  superius 
defert  loculum  examinandi  argenti,  cujus  supra  meminimus ; 
quern  cum  intulerit  signatum  sigillo  vicecomitis,  sub  omnium 
oculis  effundit  in  scaccario  quadraginta  quatuor  solidos,  quos  de 


IV.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  j^l 

acervo  sumptos  prius  signaverat,  factaque  commixtione  eorunclem, 
ut  ponderi  respondeant,  mittit  in  unum  vasculum  trutinae  libram 
ponderis,  in  alterum  vero  de  denariis  quod  oportuerit,  quo 
fucto  numerat  eosdem,  ut  ex  numero  constare  possit,  si  legitimi 
ponderis  sint;  cujuscunque  vero  ponderis  inveuti  fuerint,  seorsum 
mittit  in  ciffum  libram  unam,  hoc  est  xx.  solidos  ex  quibus  examen 
fiat ;  reliquos  vero  xxiiii.  solidos  mittit  in  loculum.  Item  duo 
denarii  praeter  libram  examinandam  dantur  fusori,  non  de  fisco 
seel  de  parte  vicecomitis,  quasi  in  praernium  sui  laboris.  Tune 
eliguntur  a  praesidente,  vel  a  thesaurario  si  ille  absens  fuerit, 
alii  duo  vicecomites,  ut  simul  cum  argentario  nee  non  et  vice- 
comite  cujus  examen  faciendum  est,  procedant  ad  ignem ;  ubi 
fusor  ante  praemonitus  praeparatis  necessariis  eorum  praesto- 
latur  adventum :  ibi  iterum  praesente  fusore  et  hiis  qui  a 
baronibus  missi  suut,  diligenter  computantur,  et  fusori  tra- 
duntur. 

Quid  ad  Fusorem. 

Quos  ille  suscipiens  manu  propria  numerat,  et  sic  disponit * 
eos  in  vasculum  ignitorum  cinerum  quod  in  fornace  est.  Tune 
igitur  artis  fusoriae  lege  servata  redigit  eos  in  massam,  conflans 
et  emundans  argentum.  Ceterum  cavendum  est  ei,  ne  citra 
perfectum  subsistat,  vel  importunis  aestuationibus  vexet  illud 
atque  consumat ;  illud  propter  regis,  hoc  propter  vicecomitis 
jacturam ;  sed  modis  omnibus  provideat  et  procuret  quanta  j 
poterit  industria,  ut  non  vexetur,  sed  ad  purum  tantum  exco- 
quatur:  hoc  autem  ipsum  providere  debent  hii,  qui  ad  idem  J 
missi  sunt  a  majoribus.  Facto  igitur  examine,  defert  illud 
argentarius  ad  barones,  comitantibus  illis,  et  tune  in  omnium 
oculis  ponderat  illud  cum  libra  praedicta  ponderis :  supplet 
autem  mox,  quod  ignis  consumpsit,  appositis  denariis  ejusdem 
loculi,  donee  aequilibriter  se  habeat  examen  cum  pondere ;  tune 
inscribitur  idem  examen  desuper  ducta  creta  his  verbis,  '  Ever- 
wicscira.  Libra  arsit  tot,  vel  tot  denariis  ;'  et  tune  illud  essaium 
dicitur;  non  enim  inscribitur  nisi  praeconcesso  quod  sic  stare 
debeat.  Quod  si  vicecomes  cujus  est,  calumpniatus  fuerit  illud 
quasi  plus  justo  consumptum  fuerit,  ignis  scilicet  exaestuatione, 
vel  plumbi  infusione ;  vel  etiam  fusor  ipse  qualibet  occasione 
defecisse  fateatur  examen,  iterum  numerentur  viginti  solidi,  qui 
residui  sunt  in  loculo  praedicto,  coram  barouibus,  sicut  dictum 
est,  ut  eadem  ratione  servata  fiat  examen.  Hinc  tibi  constare 
potest,  qua  consideratione  de  acervo  magno  praepositae  pecuniae 
quadraginta  quatuor  solidi  seorsum  ab  initio  mittantur  in  locu- 
lum apposito  vicecomitis  sigillo.  Notandum  vero  est,  quod 


193  Henry  II.  [PART 

fusor  duos  percipit  denarios  pro  examine,  sicut  diximus.  Quod 
si  quovis  casu  aliud  faceret,  etiam  si  tertio  examinaverit,  non 
percipiet  quicquam,  sed  contentus  erit  serael  susceptis  duobus. 

D.  Miror  a  tantis  tantam  adhiberi  diligentiam  in  unius  librae 
examinatione,  cum  nee  magnus  ex  eo  quaestus  nee  multa  jactura 
perveniat. 

M.  Non  propter  hanc  tantum  fiunt  haec,  sed  propter  omnes 
illas  quae  ab  eodem  vicecomite  sub  eodem  nomine  firmae  simul 
cum  hac  persolvuntur.  Quantum  enim  ab  hac  libra  per  ignem 
purgatorium  decidit,  tantundem  ex  singulis  aliis  libris  noverit 
vicecomes  de  summa  sua  subtrahendum  :  ut  si  centum  libras 
numeratas  solverit,  et  libra  examinis  xii.  denar.  exciderit,  non 
computentur  ei  nisi  nonaginta  quinque. 

D.  Nunc  videre  videor  quaestum  ex  hiis  provenire  posse  non 
modicum,  sed  cui  cedere  debeat  ignoro. 

M.  Semel  dictum  est  et  semper  intelligatur,  soli  regiae  utili- 
tati  in  his  omnibus  serviri.  Licet  autem  a  talea  vicecomitis 
combustio  detrahatur,  mittitur  tamen  seorsum  in  taleam  alteram 
breviorem,  ut  de  summa  ejus  thesaurarius  et  camerarii  respon- 
deant.  Sciendum  vero  quod  per  hanc  taleam  combustionis 
dealbatur  firma  vicecomitis ;  unde  in  testimonium  hujus  rei 
semper  majori  taleae  appensa  cohaeret. 

D.  Pulsat  adhuc  me  quaestio  non  dissimilis  illi,  quam  in 
agendis  inferioris  scaccarii  proposuisse  me  memini ;  quare  vide- 
licet libra  una  plus  altera  decidat,  cum  par  debeat  esse  conditio 
omnium  operantium  in  moneta. 

M.  Ad  hanc  sicut  ad  illam  quaestionem  sufficit  respondere, 
fieri  posse  hoc  per  falsarios  et  nummorum  detonsores.  Fuerunt 
autem,  qui  crederent,  quibus  nee  ego  dissentio,  non  esse  legiti- 
mam  hujus  regni  monetam,  si  examinata  libra  decidat  plusquam 
vi.  den.  a  pondere,  cui  numerata  respondet ;  et  etiam  delatam  ad 
scaccarium  hujusmodi  pecuniam  fisco  debere  cedere,  nisi  forte 
novi  sint  et  non  usuales  denarii,  quorum  etiam  superscriptio 
suum  prodat  auctorem  ;  tune  enim  idem  monetarius  super  opere 
suo  districte  convenietur,  et  legibus  constitutis  sine  jactura  vice- 
comitis comdemnabitur  vel  absolvetur.  Quod  si  per  examina- 
tionem  probatis  et  reprobatis  denariis  monetarius  condemnatus 
et  punitus  fuerit,  denarii  a  fusore  scaccarii,  praesentibus  aliis 
hujus  artis  peritis,  redigentur  in  massam,  et  pondus  ejus  vice- 
comiti  computabitur.  Verum  totum  hoc  pene  nunc  abolitum 
est  et  multum  relinquitur,  quoniam  in  moneta  generaliter  pec- 
catur  ab  omnibus.  Cum  autem  ad  debitum  et  lege  determina- 
tum  modum  moneta  pervenerit,  primitivae  constitutionis  legem 
observarii  necesse  erit.  Contra,  si  quis  vicecomes  nummos  attu- 


iv.]  Dialogue  de  Scaccario.   I.  193 

lisset,  quorum  libra  combusta  a  v.  vel  iiii.  vel  infra  se  cohiberet, 
et  viderentur  de  novo  facti,  non  usuales  vel  cursorii,  simili  modo 
uon  legitimi  dicebantur,  quasi  excedentes  legem  communem; 
unde  et  infiscari  poterant  sicut  et  alii.  Item  sunt  ad  scaccarium 
liberationes  constitutae  quae  statutis  terminis  sine  brevi  regis 
solvuntur:  qualis  est  liberatio  naucleri,  custodis  scilicet  navis 
regiae  quam  esneccam  dicimus,  qui  xii.  den.  percipit  quaque  die  ; 
de  qua  et  consimilibus  taleae  fiunt  a  camerariis,  quia  de  hiis  brevia 
non  habent.  Miles  autem  argentarius  horum  recauta  habet, 
L  e.  contrataleas.  Hie  simul  et  fusor  rogati  a  camerariis,  cum 
necesse  fuerit  et  plurima  delata  pecunia  opprimit  computatores, 
juvant  eos  computatione  :  voluntarium  tamen  est  eis,  non  neces- 
sarium.  Sic  babes  militis  argentarii  et  fusoris  officia. 
D.  Quae  sunt  signa  facti  vel  infecti  examinis  1 
M.  Non  satis  novi  ;  quia  nee  sollicitus  super  hiis  fui.  Verum 
quamdiu  super  jam  liquidum  argentum  nigra  quaedam  nubecula 
circumferri  conspicitur,  infectum  dicitur.  At  cum  quaedam 
quasi  grana  minuta  ab  imo  deducuntur  ad  summum,  et  illic  dis- 
solvuntur,  signum  est  examiuati. 

VH.  A  quibus  vel  ad  quid  instituta  fuerit  argenti  examinalio. 

D.  A  quibus  vel  ob  quam  rem  instituta  fuifc  examinatio  haec 
vel  combustio  ? 

M.  Ut  de  his  tibi  constare  possit,  paulo  altius  oriendum  est. 
Sicut  traditum  habemus  a  patribus,  in  primitive  regni  statu  post 
conquisitionem,  regibus  de  fundis  suis  non  auri  vel  argenti  pon- 
dera  sed  sola  victualia  solvebantur ;  ex  quibus  in  usus  quotidi- 
anos  domus  regiae  necessaria  ministrabantur.     Et  noverant,  qui 
ad  haec  deputati  fuerant,  qnantam  de  singulis  fundis  prove- 
niebat.     Ceterum    ad    stipendia   vel   donativa  militum  et  alia 
necessaria,  de  placitis  regui  vel  conventionibus,  et  ex  civitatibus  ( 
vel   castellis    a    quibus    agricultura   non   exercebatur,    pecunia 
numerata  succrescebat.     Toto  igitur  regis  Willelmi  primi  tern- 
pore  perseveravit  haec  institutio,  usque  tempora  regis  Henrici" 
filii   ejus ;    adeo  ut  viderim  ego  ipse   quosdam,  qui   victualia 
statutis  temporibus  de  fundis  regiis  ad  curiam  deterri  viderint : 
certumque  habebant  officiates  domus  regiae  a  quibus  comitatibus 
triticum,  a  quibus  diversae  species  caniium  vel  equorum  pabula, 
vel  quae  necessaria,  debebantur.     Hiis  vero  solutis  secuudum  . 
constitutum  modum  cujusque  rei,  regii  officiales  computabant- 
vicecomiti  redigentes  in   summam  denariorum :    pro  mensura 
scilicet  tritici  ad  panem  c.  hominura,  solidum  unum  :  pro  cor-  I  " 
pore  bovis  pascualis,  solidum  unum ;  pro  ariete  vel  ove,  iiii.  d. ; 

o 


f 

H 


194  Henry  II.  [PAET 

pro  praebenda  xx.  equorum,  similiter  iiii.  d.  Succedente  vero 
tempore,  cum  idem  rex  in  transmarinis  et  remotis  partibus 
sedandis  tumultibus  bellicis  operam  daret,  contigit  ut  fieret  sibi 
summa  necessavia  ad  haec  explenda  numerata  pecunia.  Con- 
fluebat  interea  ad  regis  curiam  querula  multitude  colonorum, 
vel,  quod  gravius  sibi  videbatur,  praetereunti  frequenter  occur- 
sabat,  oblatis  vomeribus  in  signum  deficientis  agriculturae ; 
innumeris  enim  molestiis  premebantur  occasione  victualium, 
quae  per  plurimas  regni  partes  a  sedibus  propriis  deferebant. 
Horum  igitur  querelis  inclinatus  rex,  diffinito  magnorum  consilio, 
destinavit  per  regnum  quos  ad  id  prudentiores  et  discretiores 
cognoverat,  qui  circueuntes  et  oculata  fido  fundos  singulos  per- 
lustrantes,  habita  aestimatione  victualium,  quae  de  hiis  solve- 
bantur,  redegerunt  in  summam  denariorum.  De  summa  vero 
summarum  quae  ex  omnibus  fundis  surgebat  in  uno  comitatu, 
constituerunt  vicecomitem  illius  comitatus  ad  scaccarium  teneri ; 
addentes,  ut  ad  scalam  solveret,  hoc  est  propter  quamlibet 
numeratam  libram  vi.  d.  Rati  sunt  enim  tractu  temporis  de 
facili  posse  fieri,  ut  moneta  tune  fortis  a  suo  statu  decideret. 
Nee  eos  fefellit  opinio;  unde  coacti  sunt  constituere  ut  firma 
maneriorum  non  solum  ad  scalam,  sed  ad  pensum  solveretur; 
quod  perfici  non  poterat  nisi  longe  pluribus  appositis.  Serva- 
batur  per  plures  annos  ad  scaccarium  lex  bujus  solutionis  :  unde 
frequenter  in  veteribus  annalibus  rotulis  regis  illius  invenies 
scriptum,  in  thesauro  c.  libras  ad  scalam  ;  vel,  in  thesauro 
c.  libras  ad  pensum.  Surrexit  interea  vir  prudens,  consiliis 
providus,  sermone  discretus,  et  ad  maxima  quaeque  negotia  per 
Dei  gratiam  repente  praecipuus  ;  diceres  in  eo  completum  quod 
scriptum  est, '  nescit  tarda  molimina  Spiritus  Sancti  gratia.'  Hie 
ab  eodem  rege  ad  curiam  vocatus,  licet  ignotus  non  tamen  igno- 
bilis  suo  perdocuit  exemplo 

Paupertas  tenuis  quam  sit  foecunda  virorum ! 

Hie  igitur,  succrescenti  in  eum  principis  ac  cleri  populique 
favore,  Sarisberiensis  episcopus  factus,  maximis  in  regno  fun- 
gebatur  bonoribus,  et  de  scaccario  plurimam  habuit  scientiam ; 
adeo  ut  non  sit  ambiguum  sed  ex  ipsis  rotulis  manifestum, 
plurimum  sub  eo  floruisse;  de  cujus  stillicidiis  nos  quoque 
modicum  id  quod  habemus  per  traditionem  accepimus.  Super 
hoc  ad  praesens  multa  loqui  supersedeo ;  quia  pro  qualitate  sui 
status  nobilissimae  mentis  indicem  superstitem  sibi  memoriam 
dereliquit.  Hie  postmodum  ex  rnandato  principis  accessit  ad 
scaccarium ;  ubi  cum  per  aliquot  annos  persedisset,  comperit 
hoc  solutionis  genere  non  plene  fisco  satisfieri:  licet  enim  in 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  105 

numero  et  pondere  videretur  satisfactum,  non  tamen  in  materia : 
consequens  enim  non  erat,  ut  si  pro  libra  una  numerates 
xx.  solidos  etiam  librae  ponderis  respondentes  solvisset,  conse- 
quenter  libram  solvisset  argenteam :  poterat  enim  cupro  vel 
quovis  aere  mixtam  solvisse,  cum  non  fieret  examinatio.  Ut 
igitur  regiae  simul  et  publicae  provideretur  utilitati,  habito 
super  hoc  ipso  regis  consilio,  constitutum  est  ut  fieret  ordine 
praedicto  firmae  combustio  vel  examinatio. 

I).  Quomodo  publice  ? 

M.  Sentiens  enim  vicecomes  se  praegravari  per  combus- 
tionem  deterioris  monetae,  cum  firmam  est  soluturus,  sollicitam 
adhibet  diligentiam  ut  monetarii  sub  eo  constituti  legis  con- 
stitutae  fines  non  excedant ;  quos  cum  deprehenderit,  sic  puni- 
untur,  ut  eorum  exemplo  ceteri  terreantur. 

D.  Nunquid  de  omnibus  comitatibus  firma  blanca  solvi  debet, 
vel  ex  omnibus  comitatibus  examinatio  fieri? 

M.  Non ;  sed  qui  de  antiquo  jure  coronae  regiae  annomi- 
nantur  sic  solvunt.  Qui  vero  per  incidentes  aliquos  casus  infis- 
cantur,  solo  numero  satisfaciunt ;  quales  sunt  Salopscir,  Sudsex, 
Northumberland  et  Cumberland.  Liberum  est  etiam  viceco- 
miti  ut  pro  firma  blanca  solvat  examinati  argenti  pondera ;  et 
sic  effugiat  jacturam  combustionis ;  sic  tamen  ut  fusor  regis 
eadem  suscipienda  discernat.  Habes  igitur  quod  petisti,  a 
quibus  scilicet  et  ob  quam  causam  instituta  fuerit  examinatio. 

D.  Video  per  hanc  ad  litteram  impletum  quod  scriptum  est : 
'quale  fuerit  cujusque  opus  ignis  probabit.'  Sed  jam  nunc 
placeat  coeptis  insistere. 

M .  Fiat.  Consequens  est,  ut  credo,  secundum  dispositae  rati- 
onis  ordinem,  ut  quae  sunt  dignitates  residentium  ad  scaccarium 
ex  officio,  vel  ex  regis  mandato,  prosequamur. 

D.  Miror  satis  qua  consideratione  cum  de  officiis  ageretur,  de 
ostiario  majoris  scaccarii  et  ejus  officio  vel  ex  industria  suppres- 
sisti,  vel  oblivionis  injuria  resistente  praeteriisti. 

M.  Gratulor  te  memorem  praedictorum  ;  in  proficiente  quippe 
discipulo  gloria  doctoris  est.  Nosti  jam  dictum  ostiarium 
liberationem  percipere  cum  aliis  officialibus,  et  ideo  merito 
requiris,  quid  sit  ejus  officium.  Est  autem  hujusmodi ; 

Quid  ad  Ostiarium  Superioris  Scaccarii. 

Ostium  domus  illius  in  qua  scaccarium  residet,  ostiarius  ille 
solus  sine  consorte  custodit ;  nisi  cum  de  domo  propria  servi- 
entes  assumit  in  onus  officii  sui.  Nihilominus  custodit  idem 
ostium  thalami  secretorum,  qui  collocatus  est  juxta  domum  ubi 
sqaccarium  est.  Ad  huuc  accedunt  barones,  cum  proponitur  eis 

0  2 


196  Henry  II.  [PART 

verbum  ambiguum  ad  scaccarium,  de  quo  malunt  seorsum  trac- 
tare  quam  in  auribus  omnium ;  maxime  autem  propter  hoc  in 
partem  secedunt,  ne  compoti  qui  ad  scaccarium  fiunt  impedi- 
antur ;  quibus  moram  facientibus  in  consiliis,  consuetus  cursus 
compotorum  agitur.  .Si  quid  vero  natum  fuerit  quaestionis, 
referetur  ad  eos.  Liberum  etiam  est  ostiario,  ut  quibuslihet 
niagnae  auctoritatis  viris  ad  hoc  opus  non  necessariis  impune 
praecludat  aditum  cum  voluerit.  Solis  vero  hiis  qui  ad  scac- 
carium ex  officio  vel  ex  regis  mandato  resident,  voluntarius 
patet  ingressus  in  utrumque  thalamum.  Quod  si  auctenticae 
sint  personae,  quos  singulariter  incedere  non  est  idoneum,  unum 
vel  duos  introducere  poterunt  in  exteriorem  domum  scaccarii, 
sed  in  thalamum  secretorum  soli  majores  introeunt,  ceteris 
exclusis  ;  nisi  cum  ad  quaelibet  regia  negotia  expleuda  a  domiiiia 
suis  vocantur.  Item  ostiarius  factas  summon  itiones  et  signatas 
a  marescallo  suscipit ;  soluto  scaccario  illius  termini,  in  propria 
persona  vel  per  fidelem  nuncium  per  Angliam,  sicut  supra 
dictum  est,  easdem  defert.  Hie  etiam  ex  mandato  praesidentis 
convocat  in  praesentiam  ejus  vicecomites  qui  extra  domum 
ubicunque  dispersi  sunt,  cum  indiguerit  illis.  Item  ad  huno 
pertinet,  ut  sollicitus  sit  circa  minuta  quaelibet  necessaria  quae 
in  domo  scaccarii  sunt,  velut  ad  sternenda  et  praeparanda 
sedilia  circa  scaccarium,  et  hujusmodi.  Ex  praedictis,  ut  cre- 
dimus,  de  officiis  omnium  qui  ad  scaccarium  resident  tibi  con- 
stare  potest.  Nunc  quae  sunt  eorum  jura  vel  dignitates  rations 
sessionis  ad  scaccarium  ostendemus. 

VIII.  Quae  sunt  jura  et  dignitates  residentium  ad  Scaccarium 
ratione  sessionis. 

Oportet  autem  de  cetero  nobis  amplius  parcat  lingua  detrac- 
toris,  et  dens  aemulus  ne  laniet  insultando  ;  vix  enirn  ad  notitiam 
tuam  aliquid  horum  pertingeret,  si  non  usitatis  rerum  vocabulis, 
sed  exquisito  verborum  schemate  vel  confectis  nominibus  duxe- 
rimus  insistendum. 

D.  Solam  verborum  novitatem  a  principio  vitare  praemonui, 
et  circa  communia  communibus  et  usitatis  uti  verbis  obtinui,  ne 
disciplinalia  rudimenta  novitas  insueta  turbaret.  Sic  igitur,  ut' 
coepisti,  coeptum  libeat  iterurn  explere.  Quod  si  te  sic  gradi- 
entem  detractoris  aemula  mens  vel  lingua  repererit,  illud  obtineas 
ab  eo,  ut  qui  'in  scriptis  suis  sine  peccato  est,  primus  in  te 
lapidem  mittat. 

M.  Sponte  pareo,  dummodo  lex  ista  servetur.  Dignitas  resi- 
dentium ad  scaccarium  in  pluribus  consistit.  Sive  enim  de  clero 
sint  sive  de  regis  curia  qui  assident  ex  mandato,  ab  ea  die  qua 


iv.]  Dialogue  de  Scaccario.   7.  197 

convenient  usque  ad  generalem  sessionem,  ad  alias  quasi  ibet 
causas  sub  quibuscunque  judicibus  non  evocantur ;  et  si  forte 
vocati  fuerint,  ratione  publicae  potestatis  excusantur.  Quod  si 
sint  actores  et  non  rei  qui  assident,  et  alias  habent  lites,  in 
eorum  erit  arbitrio  vel  experiri  per  procuratorem,  vel  absque 
omni  detrimento  sui  juris  diem  prorogare.  Si  vero  judex  sub 
quo  litigant,  sive  sit  ecclesiasticus  sive  forensis,  legis  hujus 
ignarus,  ab  jam  dicta  die  convocationis  ad  scaccarium  citaverit 
quemlibet  eorum,  et  absentem  forte  per  sententiam  possessione 
sua  vel  quovis  jure  spoliaverit,  auctoritate  principis  et  ratione 
sessionis  revocabitur  in  eum  statum  causa  ipsius,  in  quo  erat 
ante  citationem  :  •  sed  judex  propter  hoc  puniri  non  meruit ; 
quod  enim  sui  officii  est,  est  exequutus ;  licet  pro  publica  potes- 
tate  non  consequatur  effectum.  Quod  si  sic  citatus  fuerit,  ut 
fatalis  dies  lege  determinatus  sibi  constitutus  diem  convocationis 
ad  scaccarium  praeveniat,  non  poterit  se  per  illud  excusare,  vel 
judicis  sententiam  declinare,  vel  in  se  latam  irritam  facere, 
etiamsi  alter  alteri  sic  proximus  sit,  ut  iter  cogatur  arripere. 
Procuret  itaque  sibi  procuratorem  vel  responsalem,  et  ipse  regiis 
addictus  negotiis  ad  curiam  sine  simulatione  festinet.  Praeterea 
barones  qui  ad  scaccarium  resident,  de  victualibus  suae  domus 
in  urbibus  et  castellis  et  maritimis  emptis,  nomine  consuetudinis 
nihil  solvunt.  Quod  si  minister  vectigalium  de  hiis  quicquam 
solvere  compulerit,  dummodo  praesens  sit  serviens  ejus  qui 
suis  usibus  empta  fuisse  oblata  fide  probare  voluerit,  baroni 
quidem  exacta  pecunia  restituetur  in  integrum,  et  improbus 
exactor  pro  qualitate  person  ae  pecuniariam  poenam  luet.  Item 
si  quilibet  etiam  magnus  in  regno  inconsulto  calore  auimi  quem- 
libet ad  scaccarium  residentem  probris  vel  conviciis  lacessierit, 
si  praesidens  ille  praesens  est,  excessus  hujusmodi  ultricem 
poenam  pecuniariam  statim  excipiet.  Absente  vero  praesidente, 
illatam  injuriam  si  constanter  ille  negaverit,  et  acclamaverint 
consedentes  dixisse  eum  quod  sibi  objicitur,  nihilominus  regi  cui 
militatur  in  pecuniam  reus  statim  judicabitur,  nisi  festinaverit 
postulando  misericordiam  praevenire  judicium.  Quod  si  se 
invicem  hii  qui  ad  scaccarium  resident,  contumeliosa  qualibet 
objectione  molestaverint,  mediantibus  aliis  sui  ordinis  ministris 
in  pacem  redeant ;  ut  eatisfiat  ab  ipso  qui  innocentem  laesit  ad 
eorum  aestimationem.  Si  vero  acquiescere  noluerit,  sed  magis 
in  sua  temeritate  perseveraverit  proponatur  verbum  praesidenti, 
et  ab  eo  postmodum  quod  justum  fuerit  uterque  suscipiat. 
Ceterum  si  per  incentorem  malorum  diabolum,  qui  fraternae 
pacis  jocundam  laetitiam  non  aequis  aspicit  oculis,  fieri  conti- 
gerit,  ut  inter  ipsos  majores  disseusiouis  oriatur  occasio,  deinde 


198  Henry  II.  [PART 

quod  absit  suecrescant  conviciorum  jurgia,  et  addente  stimulos 
Sathana,  per  alios  collegas  operis  ejus  pax  reformari  non  possit ; 
horum  omnium  cognitio  ipsi  principi  reservabitur ;  qui  secundum 
quod  cordi  suo  Deus,  in  Cujus  manu  ipsum  est,  inspiraverit,  ex- 
cessum  puniet;  ne  qui  praesunt  aliis  ferre  videantur  impune 
quod  decernunt  iu  aliis  puniendum. 

D.  Ex  his  manifestum  est,  quod  Salomon  ait,  'mors  et  vita  in 
manibus  linguae ;'  et  item  Jacobus ;  '  lingua  modicum  membrum 
est,  et  magna  exaltat.' 

M,  Sic  est ;  sed  prosequamur  de  dignitatibus.  Fiunt  inter- 
dum  per  comitatus  communes  assisae,  a  justitiis  itinerantibus 
quos  nos  deambulatorios  vel  perlustrantes  judices  nominamus ; 
quae  ideo  dicuntur  communes,  quia  cognita  summa  quae  de 
comitatu  requiritur  communiter  ab  bis  qui  in  comitatu  fundos 
habent,  per  hydas  distribuitur,  ut  nihil  desit  de  ilia  cum  ventum 
fuerit  ad  scaccarium  solutionis.  Ab  hiis  omnibus  omnes  hii  qui 
ad  scaccarium  ex  principis  mandate  resident  liberrimi  sunt ; 
adeo  utjion  solum  a  dominiis  sed  etiam  ad  omnibus  feodis  suis 
nihil  horum  exigatur.  Si  vero  qui  residet  ibi  fundum  habeat 
vel  ad  firmam,  vel  in  custodiam,  vel  etiam  in  pignus  pro  pecunia, 
liber  non  erit,  sed  magis  de  hiis  legibus  publicis  obnoxius  fiet. 
Amplius  autem  praeter  has  liber  erit  ad  scaccarium  a  murdris, 
a  scutagiis,  et  a  Danegeldis.  Quod  autem  ad  ipsum  pertinet  a 
summa  constituta  decidet,  et  vicecomiti  computabitur  per  haec 
verba;  'in  perdonis  per  breve  regis,  illi  vel  illi  hoc  vel  illud;' 
cum  tamen  nullum  super  hoc  breve  regis  habuerit.  Caveat 
autem  cui  dimittitur  aliquid  a  principe,  ne  postea  sibi  dimissum 
requirat  a  subditis,  sed  magis  memor  sit  verbi  illius,  '  dimittite 
et  dimittemini ; '  quia  cum  hoc  fuerit  deprehensum,  princeps 
evangelicae  aemulator  doctrinae  nee  diniittet  eum  nee  debitum 
dimittet  ei,  sed  forsitan  in  centuplum  puniet ;  quia  impensa  sibi 
gratia  videtur  abuti,  cum  ab  aliis  irreverenter  exigit  quod  gratis 
sibi  dimissum  est. 

D.  Dictum  est,  si  bene  memini,  quod  quicunque  regis  prae- 
cepto  residet  ad  scaccarium  quibusdam  a  lege  determinatis 
ratione  sessionis  liber  est.  Addittim  est  etiam,  si  bene  recolo, 
considere  scaccarium  in  termino  Paschae,  non  tamen  quae  illic 
fiunt  omnino  terminari,  sed  eorum  consummationem  termino 
Sancti  Michaelis  reservari.  Cum  igitur  possibile  sit,  immo  et 
frequenter  contingat,  aliquem  ex  regis  mandate  in  termino 
Paschae  ad  hoc  assumi,  qui  in  termino  Sancti  Michaelis  vel  fati 
debita  solvit,  vel  ad  alia  regni  negotia  mandato  regis  transfertur, 
vel  quod  fortius  quibusdam  visum  est,  medio  tempore  principi 
factus  exosus,  tarn  excellentibus  negotiis  indiguus  judicatur : 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  199 

quaero  si  qui  termino  Pascliae  quietus  est  quo  pauca  termi- 
nantur,  sed  omnia  per  iteratam  summonitionem  innovantur, 
hie  talis  in  termino  Sancti  Michaelis  absolvi  mereatur,  cum 
etiam  et  scaccarii  sessionem  et  ipsam  principis  gratiam  de- 
meruerit. 

M.  Ad  hujus  quaestionis  partem  utramque  construendam 
copiosa  forsitan  est  rationum  inventio,  sed  noveris  regiae  muni- 
ficentiae  libertatem,  post  semel  indultam  absolutionis  gratiam, 
etiam  cum  peeuniae  dispendio,  in  partem  meliorem  semper  esse 
proniorem  :  quippe  similis  est  donorum  et  perdonorum  regis 
ratio,  ut  sicut  dona  ejus  revocari  vel  repeti  non  debent,  sic  nee 
regis  dimissa  quae  vulgo  perdonata  dicuntur,  nequeunt  in  irri- 
tum  devocari.  Liber  igitur  et  absolutus  est  in  termino  consum- 
mationis,  qui  quocunque  modo  in  praecedenti  meruit  absolvi. 

D.  Movent  me  quaedam,  quae  praedicta  sunt.  Primo  quod 
dicis  aliquid  alicui  dimitti  sub  hoc  tenore  verborum,  'in  per- 
donis  per  breve  regis,  illi  vel  illi  hoc  vel  illud,'  cum  tamen 
nullum  breve  regis  dimissionis  obtinuerit.  Quomodo  eaim  fieri 
potest,  ut  sic  falsa  non  deprehendatur  scriptura  rotuli,  non 
video. 

M.  Movet  te  nee  immerito ;  quod  me  diu  movit ;  atque 
(ut  credo)  nondum  patuit  omnibus  haec  scripturae  ratio :  unde 
licet  non  sit  magnum  quod  petis,  attamen  est  insolituni,  et 
videtur  absurdum,  ut  per  breve  regis  dicatur  dimissum  quod 
sine  brevi  semper  est  dimittendum.  Ea  propter  de  hac  ipsa 
sollicitus  fui  circa  dominum  Eliensem,  virum  utique  hujus  officii 
peritissimum,  cujus  memoria  in  benedictione  sit  in  aeternum. 
Hie  illustris  illius  Anglorum  regis  Henrici  primi  thesaurarius, 
et  nepos  Sarisberiensis  cujus  supra  meminimus,  incomparabilem 
suis  temporibus  habuit  scaccarii  scientiam :  maximus  etiam 
existens  in  hiis  quae  ad  sui  status  dignitatem  pertinebant, 
celebrem  sui  nominis  famam  fecit,  adeo  ut  pene  solus  in  regno 
sic  vixerit  et  sic  decesserit  ut  gloriam  ejus  invida  lingua  deni- 
grare  non  audeat.  Hie  etiam  ab  illustri  rege  Henrico  secunclo 
frequenter  rogatus,  scaccarii  scientiam  continuata  per  multos 
annos  bellica  tempestate  pene  prorsus  abolitam  reformavit,  et 
totius  descriptionis  ejus  formam,  velut  alter  Esclras  bibliothecae 
sedulus  reparator,  renovavit.  Credidit  sane  vir  prudens  satius 
esse,  constitutas  ab  antiquis  leges  posteris  innotescere,  quam 
sua  taciturnitate  ut  novae  conderentur  efficere ;  vix  enim 
modernitas  in  quaestu  peeuniae  mitiora  prioribus  jura  dictavit. 
Ab  hoc  igitur  super  hoc  hujusmodi  responsum  accepi ;  '  frater, 
qui  aures  audiendi  avidas  habet,  facile  detractoris  linguam 
invenit;  etiam  is  qui  non  habet  non  facile  eandem  effugiet. 


2oo  Henry  IL  [PART 

Accessit  itaque  ad  regem  Henricum  primnm  vir  aliquis  habens 
sibila  serpentis,  dicens  ei ;  "  barones  vestri  qui  ad  scaccarium 
resident  ut  quid  quae  de  terris  eorum  exsurgunt  non  solvunt  ? 
Cum  quidam  constitutas  habeant  ad  scaccarium  liberationes  pro 
sessione  sua ;  quidam  etiam  pro  officio  suo  fundos  habent 
et  fructus  eorum ;  hinc  ergo  gravis  jactura  fisco  provenit." 
Cum  igitur  ille  principis  emolumentum  allegans  frequenter 
instaret,  mentem  ejus  vix  tandem  verbum  istud  eo  usque 
possedit,  ut  omnia  constituta  ab  omnibus  solvi  praeciperet,  nee 
aliquid  alicui  dimitti,  nisi  quis  super  hoc  expressum  ejus  obti- 
nuisset  mandatum:  factumque  est  ita.  Succedente  vero  tem- 
pore,  cum  recordaretur  princeps  consilii  Achitophel,  poenituit 
eum  acquievisse.  Decrevit  autem  omnibus  illic  ministrantibus 
omnia  praedicta  computari,  nihil  ducens  jactxiram  modici  aeris 
respectu  magni  honoris.  Destinavit  itaque  breve  suum  ad 
scaccarium,  ut  assidentes  illic  ab  his  liberi  essent  jure  perpetuo. 
Ab  hoc  igitur  brevi  ex  tune  et  modo  dicitur,  "  in  perdonis  per 
breve  regis;"  sicque  factum  est,  ut  quod  indultum  est  patribus 
etiam  nunc  perseveret  in  posteris.'  Simile  autem  huic  aliquid 
temporibus  modernis  nos  vidisse  meminimus,  quod  tractu  tem- 
poris  sub  consimili  verborum  tenore  hiis  qui  absolvi  meruerint 
computabitur.  Praecepit  namque  dominus  rex  Henricus  se- 
cundus  in  termino  Sancti  Michaelis  xxiiii.  anno  regni  sui,  ut 
milites  Templi,  et  fratres  Hospitalis,  et  monachi  Cisterciensis 
ordinis,  quibus  per  cartae  suae  libertatem  longe  ante  quietan- 
tiam  indulserat  omnium  quae  ad  denarios  pertinent,  excepta 
justitia  mortis  et  membrorum,  amodo  quieti  essent  de  hiis 
omnibus  quae  ad  denarios  per  singulos  comitatus  pertinerent, 
adeo  ut  de  cetero  cartas  suas  ad  scaccarium  deferre  non 
cogerentur.  Hoc  enim  regiae  pietatis  decrevit  auctoritas,  ut  sic 
semel  baronum  consideratione  de  hiis  omnibus  expedirentur ;  ne 
qui  ad  frugem  vitae  melioris  transierunt,  et  orationibus  potius 
vacare  tenentur,  ad  scaccarium  propter  hoc  cum  cartis  suis 
inutilem  et  taediosam  moram  facere  compellantur.  Consilio 
igitur  et  consideratione  baronum  qui  interfuerunt  factum  est 
breve  dornini  regis  sub  hoc  tenore ;  '  Clamo  quietos  milites 
Templi  de  quinque  marcis,  quae  exiguntur  ab  hominibus  eorum 
pro  defectu  ;  et  prohibeo  ne  amodo  ab  ipsis  vel  hominibus  eorum 
vel  terns  aliquid  exigatur  vel  capiatur,  quod  ad  denarios 
pertineat.  Testibus  his  ibi.'  Sic  et  fratribus  Hospitalis,  et 
monachis  praedictis.  Hujus  autem  auctoritate  mandati,  amodo 
per  singulos  comitatus  de  omnibus  quae  ad  denarios  pertinent 
quieti  erunt :  sic  ut  dicatur  in  annali,  '  in  perdonis  per  breve 
regis,'  illud  scilicet  cujus  supra  meminimus. 


rv.]  Dialogue  de  Scaccario.  I.  2OI 

D.  Satis  intellexi  quod  dictum  est.  Nunc  si  placet,  quid  sit 
scutagium,  murdrum,  vel  Danegeldum,  aperire  non  differas. 
Barbara  quidem  esse  videntur  ;  sed  eo  magis  me  sollicitant, 
quod  ab  hiis  dicis  liberos  esse  scaccarii  ministros. 

IX.  Quid  Scutagium,  et  quare  sic  dictum  est. 

M.  Fit  interdum,  ut  imminente  vel  insurgente  in  regnutn 
liostium  machinatione  decernat  rex  de  singulis  feodis  milituin 
surnmam  aliquam  solvi,  marcam  scilicet  vel  libram  unam ;  unde 
militibus  stipendia  vel  donativa  succedant.  Mavult  enim 
princeps  stipendiaries,  quam  domesticos  bellicis  opponere  casi- 
|  bus.  Haec  itaque  summa,  quia  nomine  scutorum  solvitur, 
scutagium  nuncupatur.  Ab  hoc  autem  quieti  sunt  ad  scac- 
carium  residentes. 

2L  Quid  Murdrum,  et  quare  sic  dictum. 

Porro  murdrum  proprie  dicitur  mors  alicujus  occulta,  cujus 
interfector  ignoratur.  Murdrum  enim  idem  est  quod  abscondi- 
tum  vel  occultum.  In  primitivo  itaque  regni  statu  post  con- 
quisitionem,  qui  relicti  fuerant  de  Anglicis  subjectis  in  suspectam 
et  exosam  sibi  Normannorum  gentem  latenter  ponebant  insidias, 
et  passim  ipsos  in  nemoribus  et  locis  remotis,  nacta  opportuni- 
tate,  clanculo  jugulabant :  in  quorum  ultione  cum  reges  et  eorum 
ministri  per  aliquot  annos  exquisitis  tormentorum  generibus  in 
Anglicos  desaevirent,  nee  tamen  sic  omnino  desisterent,  in  hoc 
tandem  devolutum  est  consilium,  ut  centuriata,  quam  hundre- 
dum  dicunt,  in  qua  sic  interfectus  Normannus  inveniebatur, 
quia  mortis  ejus  minister  non  exstabat,  nee  per  fugam  quis  esset 
patebat,  in  summam  grandem  argenti  examinati  fisco  condem- 
naretur,  quaedain  scilicet  in  xxxvi.,  quaedam  in  xliiii.  libris, 
secundum  locorum  diversitatem  et  interfectionis  frequentiam ; 
quod  ideo  factum  dicunt,  ut  scilicet  poena  generaliter  inflicta 
praetereuntium  indemnitatem  procuraret,  et  festinaret  quisque 
tantum  punire  delictum,  vel  oflerre  judicio  per  quern  tarn 
enormis  jactura  totam  laeclebat  viciniam.  Ab  horum,  ut  prae- 
diximus,  solutione  sedentes  ad  tabulam  liberos  noveras. 

D.  Nunquid  pro  murdro  debet  imputari  clandestina  mors 
Anglici  sicut  Normanni  1 

M.  A  prima  institutione  non  debet,  sicut  audisti :  sed  jam 
cohabitantibus  Anglicis  et  Normannis,  et  alterutrum  uxores 
ducentibus  vel  nubentibus,  sic  permixtae  sunt  nationes,  ut  vix 
discerni  possit  liodie,  de  liberis  loquor,  quis  Anglicus  quis  Nor- 


2O2  Henry  II.  [PART 

mannus  sit  genere ;  exccptis  duntnxat  ascriptitiis  qui  villani 
dicuntur,  quibus  non  est  liberum  obstantibus  dominis  suis  a  sui 
status  conclitione  discedere.  Ea  propter  pene  quicunque  sic 
hodie  occisus  reperitur,  ut  murdrum  punitur,  exceptis  his  quibus 
certa  sunt  ut  diximus  servilis  conditionis  indicia. 

D.  Miror  singularis  excellentiae  principem  et  acerrimae  vir- 
tutis  hominem,  in  subactam  et  sibi  suspectam  Anglorum  gentem 
hac  usum  misericordia,  ut  non  solum  colonos  per  quos  agricul- 
tura  posset  exerceri  indempnes  servaret ;  verum  ipsis  regni 
majoribus  fundos  suos  et  amplas  possessiones  relinqueret. 

M.  licet  haec  ad  suscepta  negotia  quibus  debitor  factus  sum 
non  attinent,  tamen  quae  super  hiis  ab  ipsis  indigenis  accepi, 
gratis  exponam.  Post  regni  conquisitionem,  post  justarn  re- 
bellium  subversionem,  cum  rex  ipse  regisque  proceres  loca  nova 
perlustrarent,  facta  est  inquisitio  diligens,  qui  fuerint  qui  contra 
regem  in  bello  dimicantes  per  fugam  se  salvaverint.  His  omnibus 
et  item  haeredibus  eorum  qui  in  bello  occubuerunt,  spes  omnis 
terrarum  et  fundorum  atque  redituum  quos  ante  possederant, 
praeclusa  est :  magnum  namque  reputabant  frui  vitae  beneficio 
sub  inimicis.  Verum  qui  vocati  ad  bellum  nee  dum  convenerant, 
vel  familiaribus  vel  quibuslibet  necessariis  occupati  negotiis  non 
interfuerant,  cum  tractu  temporis  devotis  obsequiis  gratiam 
dominorum  possedissent,  sine  spe  successionis  sibi  tantum  pro 
voluptate  tamen  dominorum  possidere  coeperunt.  Succedente 
vero  tempore  cum  dominis  suis  odiosi  passim  a  possessionibus 
pellerentur,  nee  esset  qui  ablata  restitueret,  communis  indige- 
narum  ad  regem  pervenit  querimonia,  quasi  sic  omnibus  exosi 
et  rebus  spoliati  ad  alienigenas  transire  cogerentur.  Communi- 
cate tandem  super  his  consilio,  decretum  est,  ut  quod  a  dominis 
suis  exigentibus  meritis  interveniente  pactione  legitima  poterant 
obtinere,  illis  inviolabili  jure  concederentur :  ceterum  autem 
nomine  successionis  a  temporibus  subactae  gentis  nihil  sibi  ven- 
dicarent.  Quod  quidem  quam  discreta  consideratione  cautum 
sit,  manifestum  est,  praesertim  cum  sic  modis  omnibus  ut  sibi 
consulerent,  de  cetero  studere  tenerentur  devotis  obsequiis 
dominorum  suorum  gratiam  emercari.  Sic  igitur  quisquis  de 
gente  subacta  fundos  vel  aliquid  hujusmodi  possidet,  non  quod 
ratione  successionis  deberi  sibi  videbatur,  acleptus  est ;  sed  quod 
solummodo  meritis  suis  exigentibus,  vel  aliqua  pactione  inter- 
veniente, obtinuit. 

D.  Quid  sit  centuriata  vel  hundredum  non  satis  novi. 

M.  Sustine  modicum  :  scies  postea  loco  suo,  hoc  est  in  titulo 
de  libro  judiciario.  Nunc  prosequamur  de  Danegeldo  et  ut 
ratio  nominis  tibi  constet,  paulisper  adverte. 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I. 


203 


XI.    Quid  Danegeldum,  et  quare  sic  dictum. 

Insula  nostra  suis  contenta  bonis  peregrinis 
Non  eget.     Hanc  igitur  merito  dixere  priores, 
Divitiisque  sinum  delieiisque  larem. 

Propter  haec  innumeras  ab  exteris  injurias  passa  est;  quia 
Ecriptum  est :  '  furem  preciosa  signata  sollicitant.'  Circum- 
jacentium  enim  insularum  praedones  irruptione  facta  maritima 
depoptdantes,  aurum,  argentum,  et  quaeque  pretiosa  tollebant. 
Verum  cum  rex  et  indigenae  bellicis  apparatibus  instructi  in  suae 
gentis  defensionem  instarent,  ilLi  fugas  aggrediebantur  aequo- 
reas.  Inter  hos  itaque  pene  praecipua  et  semper  pronior  ad 
nocendum  erat  bellicosa  ilia  et  populosa  gens  Dacorum;  qui 
praeter  communem  raptorum  avaritiam  acrius  instabant,  quia 
aliquid  de  antique  jure  in  ejusdem  regni  dominatione  vendi- 
cabant,  sicut  Britonum  plenius  narrat  liistoria.  Ad  hos  igitur 
arcendos  a  regibus  Anglicis  statutum  est,  ut  de  singulis  hidis 
regni  jure  quodam  perpetuo  duo  solid!  argent!  solverentur  in 
usus  virorum  fortium,  qui  perlustrantes  et  jugiter  excubantes 
maritima  impetum  hostium  reprimerent.  Quia  igitur  princi- 
paliter  pro  Dacis  institutus  est  hie  redditus,  Danegeldum  vel 
Danegeldus  dicitur.  Hie  igitur  annua  lege,  sicut  dictum  est, 
sub  indigenis  regibus  solvebatur,  usque  ad  tempora  regis 
Willelmi  primi  de  gente  et  genere  Normannorum.  Ipso  nam- 
que  regnante,  tarn  Daci  quam  ceteri  terrae  marisque  praedones 
hostiles  cohibebant  incursus  ;  scientes  verum  esse  quod  scriptum 
est ;  '  cum  fortis  armatus  custodit  atrium  suum,  in  pace  sunt  ea 
quae  possidet.'  Noverant  autem  etiam  quod  acerrimae  virtutis 
homines  impunitas  non  ferunt  injurias.  Cum  ergo  diu  siluisset 
terra  sub  ejusdem  regis  imperio,  noluit  hoc  ut  annuum  solvi, 
quod  fuerat  urgente  necessitate  bellicae  tempestatis  exactum, 
nee  tamen  omnino  propter  inopinatos  casus  dimitti.  Earo 
igitur  temporibus  illius  vel  successorum  ipsius  solutus  est :  hoc 
est  cum  ab  exteris  gentibus  bella  vel  opiniones  bellorum  insur- 
gebant.  Verum  quocunque  tempore  solvatur,  ab  ipso  liberi  sunt 
qui  assident  acl  scaccariuru,  sicut  dictum  est.  Vicecomites 
que,  licet  inter  barones  scaccarii  non  computantur,  ab  hoc 

at  de  dominiis  suis,  propter  laboriosam  ejusdem  census 
lectam.     Noveris   autem   dominica   cujuslibet  haec    dici,    quae| 
propriis  sumptibus  vel  laboribus  excoluntur;  et  item  quae  ab| 
ascriptitiis  suis  suo  nomine  possidentur.     Quia  enim  ascriptitii 
de  regni  jure  non  solum  ab  hiis  quae  modo  possident  ad  alia 
loca  a  dominis  suis  transferri  possunt :  verum  etiam  ipsi  quoque 


111     1UOLLL~ 

beri  sunt         .     N 
ites  quo-    ~ 

oc  i"16*1  vA 

isus  col-  ^jDXj' 

«-i_     rniiW        *     -    V 


204  Henry  IL  [PAIIT 

licite  venduntur  vel  quomodo  libet  distrahuntur ;  merito  tara 
ipsi  quam  terrae,  quas  excolunt  ut  dominis  suis  serviant, 
dominia  reputantur.  Item  fertur  ab  his  quibus  antiqua  scac- 
carii  dignitas  oculata  fide  pernotuit,  quod  barones  ejus  ab 
essartis  forestarum  liberi  sunt  de  dominiis  suis.  Quibus  et  nos 
consentire  videmur ;  adjecta  determinatione,  ut  de  hiis  essartis 
dicantur  quieti,  quae  fuerant  ante  diem  qua  rex  illustris  Henricus 
primus  rebus  humanis  exemptus  est.  Si  enim  de  omnibus  quo* 
cunque  tempore  factis  vel  faciendis  quieti  essent,  liberum  vide- 
retur  baronibus  propter  impunitatem  nemora  sua  in  quibus  regia 
foresta  consistit,  pro  sui  arbitrii  voluntate  succidere  ;  quod 
nequaquam  impune  possunt,  nisi  praecedente  regis  consensu  vel 
principalis  forestarii.  Porro  in  necessarios  etiam  usus  suae 
dornus  de  propriis  nemoribus  non  assumunt  hii,  qui  in  foresta 
sua  habent  domicilia,  nisi  per  visum  eorum  qui  ad  forestae  cus- 
todiam  deputantur.  Verum  sunt  plures  qui  suis  velint  argu- 
meutis  astruere,  quod  de  essartis  hiis  nullus  liber  sit  rations 
sessionis  ad  scaccarium.  Si  quis  omnium  illic  residentium  erga 
principem  quovis  delinqueret  infortunio,  unde  pecuniariter 
puniri  mereretur,  a  poena  ilia  liber  non  esset  nisi  speciali  prin- 
cipis  mandate.  Cum  ergo  essartum  facturrx  excessus  sit  in 
forestam  regis,  non  debet,  ut  dicunt,  is  qui  sic  delinquit  et 
propter  hoc  punitur,  nisi  regis  expresso  mandate,  liberari.  Haec 
itaque  ratio  licet  subtilis  sit,  et  videatur  aliquibus  pene  sufficiens, 
obviat  tamen  illi  quod  poena  pro  essartis  constituta  sit  et  corn- 
munis  in  illos,  qui  sic  delinquunt ;  ut  scilicet  pro  essarto  jugeris 
unius  triticei  solidus  unus  solvatur ;  pro  jugere  vero  quo  seritur 
avena,  vi.  denarii  jure  perpetuo.  Ex  hiis  autem  particulis  co- 
acta  summa  quaedam  exsurget,  de  qua  vicecomes  ad  scaccarium 
respondere  tenetur ;  sicut  ex  constitutis  duobus  solidis  vel  uno 
per  singulas  hidas  comitatus  summa  una,  quae  communis  assisa 
nuncupatur,  excrescit.  Quia  igitur  in  hiis  expressam  habet 
similitudinem  essartum  cum  assisa  communi,  sicut  dictum  est, 
videri  potuit  non  immerito  similiter  quietos  habendos  illos  ab 
essartis  ut  ab  aliis  conimunibus  assisis.  Item  obviat  eis  consue- 
tudinis  ususque  longaevi  non  vilis  auctoritas.  Sic  enim  re- 
troactis  temporibus  fuisse  commemorant  quibus  cana  memoria 
est.  Vidi  ego  ipse  qui  loquor  tecum  temporibus  modernis 
Legrecestriae  comitem  Kobertum,  virum  discretum,  litteris  erudi- 
tum  et  in  negotiis  forensibus  exercitatum.  Hie  ingeuitam  habens 
animi  virtutem,  paternae  quoque  prudentiae  aemulator  effectus 
est :  cujus  industria  pluribus  examinata  est  penes  principem 
nostrum  Henricum  secundum,  quern  nee  palliata  prudentia  nee 
dissimulata  fallit  ineptia ;  ut  ex  mandate  ipsius  non  solum  ad 


iv.J  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   I.  205 

scaccarium,  verum  etiam  per  universum  reguum  praesidentis 
dignitatem  obtinuerit.  Hie  semel  imminente  visitatione  nemo- 
rum  quam  reguardam  vulgo  dicunt,  quae  tertio  anno  fit,  breve 
regis  obtinuit,  ut  quietus  esset  ab  hiis  quae  de  terra  ipsius  pro 
essartis  exigebantur,  apposite  numero  qui  de  his  exsurgebat :  quo 
delato  et  lecto  ad  scaccarium  in  publico  stupebant  omnes  et 
mirabantur,  dicentes  ;  '  Nonne  comes  iste  libertatem  nostram  iu- 
firmat  1 '  Contuentibus  igitur  se  invicem  qui  assidebant,  exorsus 
est  felicis  memoriae  Nigellus  tune  Eliensis  episcopus,  sic  in- 
quiens  cum  modestia  :  '  Domine  comes,  irritam  fecisse  videris  per 
hoc  breve  scaccarii  dignitatem,  qui  mandatum  regis  de  hiis  rebus 
impetrasti,  a  quibus  liber  es  per  sessionem  scaccarii :  ac,  si  con- 
sequenter  amodo  per  locum  a  majori  debeat  inferri,  qui  de 
essartis  breve  regis  non  obtinet,  solution!  mox  obnoxius  fiat ; 
sed  salva  reverentia,  perniciosus  est  propter  exemplum  hie 
absolutionis  modus.'  Cum  igitur,  ut  fit  in  dubiis,  quidam  sic 
quidam  aliter  sentirent,  allatus  est  in  hujus  rei  validum  argu- 
mentum,  rotulus  annalis  de  tempore  regis  illius  magni  cujus 
supra  meminimus,  sub  quo  plurimum  floruisse  dicitur  dignitas 
et  scientia  scaccarii ;  et  inventum  est  aliquid,  quod  episcopo  de 
dignitate  residentium  alleganti  consonum  videbatur:  quibus 
auditis.  paulisper  deliberans  secum  comes,  sic  ait;  Tateor  me 
super  hiis  rebus  breve  regis  impetrasse,  non  ut  jus  vestrum  infir- 
marem  sed  ut  sic  sine  molestia  declinarem  importunam  nimis,  regi 
tamen  incognitam,  alaniorum  exactionem.'  Abdicans  ergo  breve 
suum,  per  libertatem  sessionis  praeelegit  absolvi.  Succedente 
tempore  cum  praedictus  episcopus  infinnitate  detentus  adesse  non 
posset,  me  ipso  supplente  ad  scaccarium  vices  ipsius  in  quibus  po- 
teram,  contigit  essarta  solvi ;  cum  ergo  de  dominio  ejus  exacta 
solverentur,  questus  sum  in  publicum  allegans  jus  absolutionis. 
De  communi  ergo  omnium  consilio  et  consideratione,  quae  jam 
soluta  fuerat  mihi  restituta  est  summa  ;  reservans  autem  quae 
de  dominio  suo  provenerant,  ascriptitiis  ejus  quod  de  quolibet 
exactum  fuerat  cum  integritate  restitui,  ut  hujus  rei  testis  esset 
superstes  memoria. 

D.  Salva  reverentia,  non  exemplis  sed  rationibus  in  hiis 
utendum  est. 

M.  Ita  est ;  sed  fit  interdum,  ut  causae  rerum  dictorumque 
rationes  occultae  sint,  et  tune  suflBcit  de  his  exempla  subjicere, 
praesertim  de  viris  prudentibus  sumpta,  quorum  opera  circum- 
specta  sunt  et  sine  ratione  non  fiunt.  Verum  quicquid  super 
his  dixerimus  allegantes  pro  hac  libertate  vel  contra  earn,  cer- 
tum  habeas  quod  nihil  in  hac  parte  certum  clicimus,  nisi  quod 
principis  auctoritas  decreverit  observandum.  Sane  forestarunx 


206  Henry  II. 

ratio,  poena  quoque  vel  absolutio  delinquentium  in  eas,  sive 
pecuniaria  fuerit  sive  corporalis,  seorsum  ab  aliis  regni  judiciis 
secernitur,  et  solius  regis  arbitrio  vel  cujuslibet  familiaris  ad 
hoc  specialiter  deputati  subjicitur.  Legibus  quidem  propriis 
substitit ;  quas  non  communi  regni  jure,  sed  voluntaria  princi- 
pum  institutione  subnixas  dicunt ;  adeo  ut  quod  per  legem  ejus 
factum  fuerit,  non  justum  absolute,  sed  justum  secundum  legem 
forestae  dicatur.  In  forestis  etiam  penetralia  regum^sunj^^j 
eorum  maximae  deliciae  ;  ad  has  enim  venandi  causa  curis 
quandoque  depositis  accedunt,  ut  modica  quiete  recreentur. 
Illic  seriis  simul,  et  innatis  curiae  tumultibus  omissis,  in  natu- 
ralis  libertatis  gratiam  paulisper  respirant ;  unde  fit,  ut  delin- 
quentes  in  earn  soli  regiae  subjaceant  animadversioui. 

D.  Ab  ungue  primo  didici,  quod  prave  prudentis  est  igno- 
rantiam  pati  malle,  quam  dictorum  causas  inquirere ;  ut  ergo 
de  praedictis  plenius  constet,  aperire  non  differas  quid  foresta 
sit,  et  quid  essartura. 

XII.  Quid  Regis  Foresta,  et  quae  ratio  hv.jus  nominis. 

M.  Foresta  regis  est  tuta  ferarum  mansio  ;  non  quarumlibet 
sed  sylvestrium ;  non  quibuslibet  in  locis  sed  certis  et  ad  hoc 
idoneis ;  unde  foresta  dicitur,  e  mutata  in  o,  quasi  feresta,  hoc 
est  ferarum  statio. 

D.  Nunquid  in  singulis  comitatibus  foresta  regis  est  ? 

M.  Non ;  sed  in  nemorosis,  ubi  et  ferarum  latibula  sint  et 
uberrima  pascua  :  nee  interest  cujus  sint  nemora,  sive  sint  regis, 
sive  regni  procerurn,  liberos  tamen  et  indempnes  habent  ferae 
circumquaque  discursus. 

XIII.  Quid  Essartum,  et  quare  sic  dictum. 

Essarta  vero  vulgo  dicuntur,  quae  apud  Isidorum  occationes 
nominantur ;  quando  scilicet  forestae  nemora  vel  dumeta  quae- 
libet  pascuis  et  latibulis  opportuna  succiduntur ;  quibus  succisis 
et  radicitus  avulsis,  terra  subvertitur  et  excolitur.  Quod  si 
nemora  sic  excisa  sint,  ut  subsistens  quis  innixus  exstanti  suc- 
cisae  quercus  vel  alterius  arboris  stipiti,  circumspiciens  v.  suc- 
cisas  viderit,  vastum  reputant,  hoc  est,  vastatum  per  syncopen 
sic  dictum.  Excessus  autem  talis  etiam  in  propriis  cujusque 
nemoribus  factus,  adeo  gravis  dicitur,  ut  nunquam  inde  per 
sessionem  scaccarii  liberari  debeat ;  sed  magis  juxta  sui  status 
possibilitatem  pecuniariter  puniri.  Hactenus  de  dignitatibus 
residentium  ad  scaccarium,  quod  brevitas  succincta  permisit,  et 
menti  meae  repeute  se  obtulit,  utcunque  figuraliter  exposui. 


IV.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.  7.  207 

Ceterum  regum  munificentiae  terminum  in  His  quern  non 
Iransgrediantur  non  constitui  ;  proni  etiam  sunt  omnes  propter 
gratiam  sibi  creditam  in  suae  dignitatis  gloriam  promovendam, 
hii  praesertim  qui  recte  sapiunt :  at  ille  maxime  mundanorum 
principum  maximus  illustris  Anglorum  rex  Henricus  secundus 
in  augeudis  dignitatibus  sibi  militantium  semper  aspirat ;  sciens 
pro  certo,  quod  indulta  suis  beneficia  nominis  sui  gloriam  im- 
mortalis  famae  titulis  emercantur.  Nunc  igitur  ad  alia  curren- 
tem  calamum  convertamus. 

D.  Consequens  est,  ni  fallor,  sicut  ex  praedictis  videor  com- 
perisse,  ut  de  regis  sigillo,  et  libro  judiciario  prosequaris,  quo- 
rum prinium  si  bene  memini  in  thesauro  servatur  et  inde  non 
recedit. 

M.  Immo  et  utrumque,  sed  et  pleraque  alia. 

XIV.  Quod  Thesaurus  interdum  dicitur  ipsa  pecunia,  interdum 
locus  in  quo  servatur. 

Noveris  autem  thesaurum  quandoque  dici  pecuniam  ipsam 
numeratam,  vasa  diversi  generis  aurea  vel  argentea,  ac  ves- 
timentorum  mutatoria.  Secundum  hanc  acceptionem  dicitur, 
'  ubi  est  thesaurus  tuus,  ibi  est  cor  tuum.'  Dicitur  enim 
thesaurus  locus  in  quo  reponitur,  unde  thesaurus  auri  thesis,  id 
est  positio,  nominator;  ut  non  incongrue  respondeatur  quae- 
renti  de  quolibet  ubi  sit,  in  thesauro  est,  hoc  est,  ubi  thesaurus 
reponitur.  Numerata  quidem  pecunia  vel  alia  praedicta  semel 
in  tuto  loco  reposita  non  efieruntur,  nisi  cum  ex  regis  mandate 
in  necessaries  usus  distribuenda  sibi  mittantur.  Verum  plura 
sunt  in  repositoriis  archis  thesauri,  quae  circumferuntur,  et 
includuntur  et  custodiuntur  a  thesaurario  et  camerariis,  sicut 
supra  plenius  ostensum  est :  qualia  sunt  sigillum  regis  de  quo 
quaeris,  liber  judiciarius,  rotulus  qui  exactorius  dicitur,  quern 
quidem  nominant  breve  de  firmis.  Item  magni  annales,  com- 
potorum  rotuli,  privilegiorum  numerosa  multitude,  receptarum 
recauta  ac  rotuli  receptarum,  ac  brevia  regis  de  exitu  thesauri, 
et  pleraque  alia  quae,  consedente  scaccario,  quotidianis  usibus 
necessaria  sunt. 

XV.  Qui  sit  usus  Sigttti  Regii  quod  est  in  Thesauro. 

Usus  sigilli  regii  qualis  esse  debeat  ex  praemissis  constare 
potest :  hoc  enim  factae  summonitiones  et  alia  pertinentia  dun- 
taxat  ad  scaccarium  regis  mandata  signantur ;  nee  effertur  alias ; 
sed  sicut  supra  dictum  est,  a  cancellario  custoditur  per  vicarium. 
Expressam  autem  habet  imagiueru  et  inscriptionem  cum  deani- 


208  Henry  II.  [PART 

bulatorio  curiae  sigillo,  ut  par  cognoscatur  utrobique  jubentis 
auctoritas,  et  reus  similiter  judicetur  pro  hoc  et  pro  illo,  qui 
secus  egerit.  Porro  liber  ille  de  quo  quaeris  sigilli  regii  comes 
est  individuus  in  tbesauro.  Hujus  institutions  causam  ab  Hen- 
rico  quondam  Wintoniensi  episcopo  sic  accepi. 

XVI.  Quid  Liber  Judicianus,  et  ad  quid  compositus. 

Cum  insignis  ille  subactor  Angliae  rex  Willelmus,  ejusclem 
pontificis  sanguine  propinquus,  ulteriores  insulae  fines  suo  sub- 
jugasset  imperio,  et  rebellium  mentes  terribilium  perdomuisset 
exemplis ;  ne  libera  de  cetero  daretur  erroris  facultas,  decrevit 
subjectum  sibi  populum  juri  scripto  legibusque  subjicere.  Pro- 
positis  igitur  legibus  Anglicanis  secundum  tripartitam  earum 
distinctionem,  hoc  est  Merchenelage,  Denelage,  Westsaxenelage, 
quasdam  reprobavit,  quasdam  autem  approbans,  illis  transma- 
rinas  Neustriae  leges,  quae  ad  regni  pacem  tuendam  efficacis- 
simae  videbantur,  adjecit.  Demum  ne  quid  deesse  videretur  ad 
omnem  totius  providentiae  summam,  communicate  consilio,  dis- 
cretissimos  a  latere  suo  destinavit  viros  per  regnum  in  circuitu. 
Ab  hiis  itaque  totius  terrae  descriptio  diligens  facta  est,  tarn  in 
nemoribus,  quam  in  pascuis  et  pratis,  nee  non  in  agriculturis,  et 
verbis  communibus  aniiutata  in  libi  am  redacta  est ;  ut  videlicet 
quilibet  jure  suo  contentus,  alienum  non  usurpet  iuipune.  Fit 
autem  descriptio  per  comitatus,  per  centuriatas,  et  per  hidas, 
praenotato  in  ipso  capite  regis  nomine,  ac  deinde  seriatim  alio- 
rum  procerum  nominibus  appositis  secundum  status  sui  digni- 
tatem, qui  videlicet  de  rege  tenent  in  capite.  Apponuntur 
autem  singulis  numeri  secundum  ordinem  sic  dispositis,  per 
quos  inferius  in  ipsa  libri  serie,  quae  ad  eos  pertinent,  facilius 
occurrunt.  Hie  liber  ab  indigenis  Domesdei  nuncupatur,  id  est, 
dies  judicii  per  metaphoram ;  sicut  euim  districti  et  tenibilis 
examinis  illius  novissimi  sententia  nulla  tergiversationis  arte 
valet  eludi  :  sic  cum  orta  fuerit  in  regno  contentio  de  his  rebus 
quae  illic  annotantur ;  cum  ventum  fuerit  ad  librum,  sententia 
ejus  infatuari  non  potest  vel  impune  decliiiari.  Ob  hoc  nos 
eundem  librum  judiciarium  nominavimus ;  non  quod  in  eo  de 
propositis  aliquibus  dubiis  feratur  sententia ;  sed  quod  ab  eo 
sicut  a  praedicto  judicio  non  licet  ulla  ratione  discedere. 

D.  Quid  comitatus,  quid  centuriata,  vel  quid  sit  hida,  si 
placet  edissere ;  alioquip  plana  non  erunt  quae  praemissa  sunt. 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.  I.  309 

XVII.  Quid  Hida,  quid  Centuriata,  quid  Comitatus,  secundum 
vulgarem  opinionem. 

/  M.  Kuricolae  melius  hoc  norunt;  verum  sicut  ab  ipsis  ac- 
/  cepimus,  hida  a  primitiva  institutione  ex  centum  acris  constat :  ^  **— 5> 
hundredus  vero  ex  hidarum  aliquot  centenariis,  sed  non^deter- 
minatis ;  quidam  enim  ex  pluribus,  quidam  ex  paucioribus  hidis 
constat.  Hinc._bn  nrl  redurn  in  veteribus  regum  Anglorum  pri- 
vilegiis  centuriatam  nominari  frequenter  inveuies.  Comitatus 
antem  eadem  lege  ex  hundredis  constant,  hoc  est  quidam  ex  plu- 
ribus quidam  ex  paucioribus,  secundum  quod  divisa  est  terra 
per  viros  discretos.  Comitatus  igitur  a  comite  dicitur,  vel  comes 
ajjomitatu.  C.oines  autem  est  qui  tertiam  portiouem  eorum  quae 
de  placitis  proveniunt  in  quolibet  comitatu  percipit.  Summa 
namque  ilia  quae  nomine  firmae  requiritur  a  vicecomite,  tota  non 
exsurgit  ex  fundorum  redditibus,  sed  ex  magna  parte  de  placitis 
provenit ;  et  horum  tertiam  partem  comes  percipit ;  qui  ideo 
sic  dici  dicitur,  quia  fisco  socius  est  et  comes  in  percipiendis. 
Porro  vicecomes  dicitur,  quia  vicem  comitis  suppleat  in  placitis 
illis,  quibus  conies  ex  suae  dignitatis  ratione  participat. 

D.  Nunquid  ex  siugulis  comitatibus  comites  ista  percipiunt  ? 

M.  Nequaquam :  sed  hii  tantum  ista  percipiunt,  quibus  re- 
gum  munificentia,  obsequii  praestiti  vel  eximiae  probitatis  in- 
tuitu,  comites  sibi  creat,  et  ratione  diguitatis  illius  haec 
conferenda  deceruit,  quibusdam  haereditarie,  quibusdam  per- 
sonaliter.  * 

XVIIL    Quid  Rotulus  Exactorius. 

Hotulus  exactorius  ille  est,  in  quo  distincte  satis  et  diligenter  \ 
annotantur  firmae  regis,  quae  ex  singulis  comitatibus  exsurgunt, 
cujus  summa  minui  quidem  non  potest,  sed  per  operosam  justi- 
ciarii  diligentiam  frequenter  augetur.     Reliquorum  ratio,  scilicet 
annalium  rotulorum,  et  aliorum  quorum  supra  meminimus,  quae 
in  thesauro  sunt  et  inde  non  recedunt,  ex  praedictis  satis  liquet. 
Restat  igitur  ut  ad  majores  et  magis  necessarias  institutiones 
i      scaccarii  couvertamur,  in  quibus  ut  praeclictum  est  excellentior 
^   ebt  et  utilior  et  a  pluribus  remotior  scaccarii  scientia. 


LIBEB  SECUXDUS. 

Audi,  mi  frater,  et  auribus  audiendi  percipe  quae  loquor  tibi. 
Non  poenitebit  te  modicum  tempus  ereptum  otiis  impendere 
velle  negotiis.  Sunt  enim  nonnulli,  qui  non  erubescunt  dkere 

£ 


2io  Henry  II.  [PART 

in  cordibus  suis,  '  qui  apponit  scientiam,  apponit  et  dolorem  :' 
hiis  onerosa  est  doctrina  et  jocundum  desipere.  Propter  hoc  ab 
hiis  longe  facta  est  veritas,  qui  metuentes  jocundum  disciplinae 
laborem  incidunt  in  errorem.  Fiunt  igitur  caeci  corde,  viarumque 
pericula  non  videntes  pronis  gressibus  in  praecipitium  ruunt. 
Verum  te,  frater,  nullus  dies  otiosum  inveniat ;  ne  te  forte  va- 
cantem  pessimis  quibusque  subjiciat  pronior  in  malum  infirmi- 
tatis  humanae  conditio.  Quod  si  forte  tibi  nulla  sunt,  honesta 
tamen  finge  negotia ;  ut  semper  exercitatus  animus  expeditior  sit 
ad  doctrinam.  His  igitur  negotiis  in  quae  nos  impegisti  paulis- 
per  attende ;  non  ut  ex  eis  magnos  laboris  metas  fructus,  sed 
tantum  ne  sis  otiosus. 

D.  Vereor  ne  instantis  noctis  crepusculum  praecipitem  im- 
ponat  finem  negotiis,  et  omissis  pluribus  necessariis  acceleres,  ut 
careas  importunitate  quaerentis. 

M.  Immo  ego  magis  veritus  sum,  ne  te  post  longa  silentia, 
propter  agrestem  stilum,  diu  suppressus  cacbinnus  succuteret, 
vel  forte  tacitus  tecum  pertractasses,  qualiter  sine  nostra  mo- 
lestia  ab  bis  avelli  posses,  ad  quae  nos  coegisti.  Ob  hoc  fateor 
me  finem  intempestivum  pene  posuisse  dicendis  :  sed  tamen  cum 
docilis  sis  et  in  te  nondum  tepuerit  attentionis  industria,  coepto 
ferar  itinere.  Ut  igitur  dispositae  rationis  ordini  satisfiat,  de 
summonitionibus  primo  loco  dicendum  est :  ex  quibus  scilicet  et 
qualiter,  et  ad  quid  fiant.  Atque  ut  de  his  tibi  plenius  constet, 
sit  trium  praemonstrandorum  prinio  prius  ultimum,  hoc  est,  ad 
quid  fiant.  % 

I.  Fiunt  autem  summonitiones,  ut  Scaccarium  fiat. 

Praecedente  namque  brevi  summonitionis,  quod  regiae  aucto- 
ritatis  signatur  imagine,  convocantur  ad  locum  nominatum  qui 
necessarii  sunt ',  nee  enim  necesse  habent  accedere,  nisi  sum- 
monitione  praemissa.  Accedunt  autem  quidam  ut  sedeant  efc 
judicent,  quidam  ut  solvant  et  judicentur.  Sedent  et  judicant 
ex  officio  vel  ex  principis  mandate  barones  quorum  supra 
meminimus.  Solvunt  autem  et  judicantur  vicecomites  et  alii 
plures  in  regno,  quorum  quidam  voluntariis  oblationibus, 
quidam  necessariis  solutionibus,  obuoxii  sunt,  de  quibus  infra 
plenius  dicemus  in  agendis  vicecomitis.  Horum  itaque  cum  per 
omnes  comitatus  numerosa  sit  multitude,  oportet  in  ipsa  cita- 
tione  emissa  de  singulis  seriatim  exprimi,  quantum  in  instanti 
termino  solvi  debeat,  adjecta  etiam  causa ;  ut  si  dicatur,  de  illo 
habeas  hanc  vel  illam  summam,  propter  hanc  vel  hanc  causam. 
Quod  si  autem,  residente  ad  compotum  vicecomite,  requiratur 
aliquid  de  quovis  debitore  qui  sit  in  comitatu  suo,  de  quo  tauien 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  2H 

in  summonitione  nulla  fuit  mentio,  non  tenebitur  respondere ; 
sed  magis  excusabitur ;  quia  non  praecessit  hujus  rei  sum- 
monitio.  Ad  hoc  ergo  summonitiones  fiunt,  ut  firmae  regis 
et  debita  multiplici  ratione  requirenda  fisco  proveniant.  Verum 
sunt  aliqua,  quae  per  manum  vicecomitis  provenire  necesse  est, 
etiamsi  nulla  de  his  sumnionitio  fiat ;  sed  haec  magis  casualia 
sunt  quam  constituta  vel  ceila,  sicut  ex  consequentibus  liquebit. 

Qualiter  Summonitiones  fiant. 

Qualiter  autem  vel  quo  ordine  fiant,  primo  dicendum  est,  ac 
demum  ex  quibus.  Noveris  autem  quod,  soluto  scaccario  ter- 
mini illius  quo  fiunt  summonitiones,  excipiuntur  a  clericis 
thesaurarii  debita  regis  per  singulos  comitatus  a  magno  rotulo 
illius  anni,  et  in  brevioribus  annotantur,  simul  cum  causis ;  quo 
facto  secedunt  hii  in  partem  quos  majores  diximus,  proposito 
comitatu  quolibet,  et  de  singulis  debitoribus  illius  decernunt 
quantum  summoneri  debeat,  habita  consideratione  secundum 
qualitatem  personae,  et  secundum  qualitatem  negotii  et  causae 
pro  qua  regi  tenetur.  Authenticus  etiam  annalis  rotulus  a  quo 
debita  excepta  sunt,  tenetur  a  thesaurario  vel  ejus  clerico,  ne 
forte  fuerit  in  excipiendo  quomodolibet  erratum.  Est  etiam 
alius  clericus,  qui  quod  illi  taxaverint  in  exceptis  annotat  stu- 
diose  ;  de  quibus  summonitio  fit  per  haec  verba ;  '  H.  rex  Anglo- 
rum,  illi  vel  illi  vicecomiti,  salutem.  Vide  sicut  teipsum  et 
oinnia  tua  diligis,  quod  sis  ad  scaccarium  ibi  vel  ibi,  in  crastino 
Sancti  Michaelis,  vel  in  crastirfo  clausi  Paschae,  et  habeas  ibi 
tecum  quicquid  debes  de  veteri  firma  vel  nova,  et  nominatim 
haec  debita  subscripta  ;  de  illo  x.  marcas  pro  hac  causa,  et  sic 
deinceps.'  Annotatis  autem  omnibus  debitis  illic  seriatim  cum 
causis,  quae  in  majori  annali  rotulo  continentur,  proferuntur 
minores  quique  perambulantium  judicum  rotuli,  ex  quibus  ex- 
cipiuntur quae  in  singulis  comitatibus  domino  regi  debentur, 
labore  et  industria  ipsorum  ;  et  hiis  taxatis  a  majoribus,  in  sum- 
monitionibus  annotantur ;  quibus  ordine  digestis,  terminatur 
summonitio  per  haec  verba :  '  Et  haec  omnia  tecum  habeas  in 
deuariis  ;  taleis,  et  brevibus  et  quietantiis,  vel  capientur  de  firma 
tua;  teste  illo  vel  illo,  ibi  ad  scaccarium.'  Fuerunt  tanien  qui 
crederent  dicenrlum  in  denariis  vel  taleis  vel  brevibus  vel 
quietantiis ;  non  intelligentes  vel  quandoque  subdisjunctive 
poni  Superflua  tamen  est  hujusmodi  de  verbis  contentio,  cum 
de  eorum  intellectu  constiterit :  sive  enim  dixeris  '  in  denariis 
vel  brevibus  vel  quietantiis,'  vel  'in  denariis  et  brevibus  et 
quietantiis,'  idem  est  intellectus ;  ut  scilicet  in  hiis  omnibus 
vel  eorum  aliquibus,  satisfiat  de  his  quae  in  summouitione 

P  2 


213  Henry  II.  [PAIIT 

continentur.  Praeterea,  quia  novis  morbis  per  nova  remedia 
decet  subveniri,  additum  fuit  in  summonitionibus  hoc  subscrip- 
tum,  ex  novella  constitutione,  boc  est  post  tempora  regis  Henrici 
primi :  quod  '  si  forte  de  alicujus  debito  suinmonitus  es,  qui 
terram  vel  catalla  non  habet  in  baillia  tua,  et  noveris  in  cujus 
baillia  vel  comitatu  habuei'it ;  tu  ipse  vicecomiti  illi  vel  ballivo 
per  breve  tuum  hoc  ipsuin  significes,  deferente  illud  aliquo  a  te 
misso,  qui  ei  breve  tuum  in  comitatu,  si  potest,  vel  coram 
pluribus  liberet.'  Haec  quae  praediximus  apponere  ridiculosa, 
satis  et  dispendiosa  quorundam  subterfugia  compulerunt.  Cog- 
nito  enim  quibus  determinatis  summonitiones  emittebantur, 
antequam  pervenisset  ad  comitatum  summonitio  de  debito 
suo,  vacuatis  borreis  et  pecuniis  suis  quocunque  sibi  distractis 
vel  ad  loca  tuta  translatis,  vacuus  in  domo  sua  residens,  vice- 
comitis  et  ceterorum  officialium  securus  exspectabat  adventum ; 
et  hac  arte  plurimis  annis  regiae  summouitionis  auctoritas  non 
sine  dispendio  videbatur  eludi.  Ille  enim,  ad  quern  cum  facul- 
tatibus  suis  metus  hujus  causa  transierat,  cum  inde  mandatuii) 
non  haberet,  in  res  suas  manum  mittere  non  praesumebat.  Hac 
ergo  consideratione  per  aliquot  annos  in  summonitionibus  appo- 
situm  fuit  verbum  quod  praemissum  est  j  nee  postea  aiicui 
patuit  locus  subterfugii,  quin  satisfaciat  omnis  debitor  per 
omnem  modum,  nisi  quern  sola  suprema  excusat  inopia.  Cum 
autem  jam  omnibus  vicecomitibus  et  debitoribus  constitissefc 
quia  sic  sophisticae  poterant  importunitates  determinari,  non 
oportuit  amplius  illud  verbum  apponi,  nee  apponitur :  modus 
tamen  ille  qui  dictus  est  coercionis  debitorum  quacumque  se 
transtulerint,  perseverat  apud  vicecomites,  et  quasi  quodam  jure 
perpetuo  constitutus  servatur. 

D.  Audivi  jamdudum  referentibus  multis,  quod  bis  in  anno 
scaccarium  convocetur,  hoc  est  in  termino  Paschae  et  in  termino 
Sancti  Michaelis.  Dixisti  etiam,  si  bene  memini,  nisi  praemissis 
summonitionibus  scaccarium  non  tenevi.  Cum  ergo  summoni- 
tiones ad  utrumque  terminum  fiant,  rogo  te,  si  placet,  aperias, 
si  in  utrisque  summonitionibus  lex  una  servetur,  vel,  si  in  verbo- 
rum  tenore  dissonantia  est,  quae  sit,  et  quare  sic. 

II.    Quae  sit  differentia  summonitionum  utriusque  termini. 

M.  Magnum  tuae  provectionis  est  argumentum  quod  super 
hiis  jam  nosti  dubitare.  Porro  certo  certius  est,  quod  bis  scac- 
carium in  anno  convocatur  et  tenetur  ;  praecedentibus  tamen, 
ut  praedictum  est,  summonitionibus.  Terminorum  utriusque 
sessionis  satis  bene  meministi.  Sed  attende,  quod  in  termino 
Paschae  a  vicecomitibus  non  compoti  sed  quidarn  visus  com- 


IV.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  213 

potorum  fiunt ;  uncle  pene  nihil  eorum  quae  illic  tune  geruntur 
scripturae  commendatur ;  sed  totum  reservatur  alii  termino ; 
et  tune  diligenter  in  magno  annali  rotulo  singula  per  ordinem 
annotantur  ;  tamen  quaedam  memoranda  quae  frequenter  inci- 
dunt  a  clerico  thesaurarii  seorsum  conscribuntur ;  ut  soluto 
scaccario  illius  termini  de  hiis  discernant  majores  ;  quae  quidem 
non  facile  propter  numerosam  sui  multitudinem,  nisi  scripto 
commendarentur,  occurrerent.  Insuper  quid  vicecomes  in  the- 
sauro  solvent  de  firma ;  ac  deinde  si  satisfacit,  in  eadem  linea 
scribitur,  '  et  quietus  est :'  si  non,  debitum  ejus  in  inferiori  linea 
distincte  ponitur,  "ut  sciatur,  quantum  de  summa  illius  termini 
desit ;  et  statim  satisfaciat  ad  arbiti  ium  praesidentium.  Qui- 
libet  enim  vicecomes  medietatem  firmae  illius  quae  de  suo 
comitatu  per  annum  exsurgit,  in  termino  illo  soluturus  est. 
Noveris  autem,  quod  in  hiis  summonitionibus  tenor  verborum 
non  mutatur  nisi  quod  ad  terminum  pertiuet  vel  locum  ;  si 
scilicet  decreverint  majores  alias  tenendum  Bcaccarium  Paschae, 
et  alias  scaccarium  Sancti  Micbaelis ;  sed  eadem  virtute  verbo- 
rum in  utrisque  summonitionibus  servata,  dissimilis  est  debi- 
torum  exceptorum  annotatio.  In  summonitione  namque  contra 
terminum  Paschae  facta,  quod  tune  annus  ille  dicitur  initiari, 
pimpliciter  dicetur  de  illo,  '  habeas  x.  libras ;'  et  de  hac  summoni- 
tione non  nisi  solvendo  tune  vel  satisfaciendo  de  x.  libris 
absolvetur.  At  cum  facienda  est  summonitio  de  termino  Sancti 
Michaelis  in  quo  clauditur  et  terminatur  idem  annus,  et  fit 
annalis  rotulus,  addetur  praedictis  x.  li.  aliae  x.  li.,  vel  plura, 
sicut  praesidentibus  visum  fuerit,  et  dicetur,  '  de  illo  habeas  xx. 
li.'  qui  tamen  termino  Paschae  de  hac  ipsa  summa  x.  solverat, 
sed  solvens  x.  li.  in  denariis  nunc,  et  proferens  taleam  de  x. 
jamdudum  solutis,  absolvi  merebitur  a  summonitione :  dictum 
est  enim  in  summonitione,  '  haec  omnia  habeas  in  denariis  et 
brevibus  et  taleis.'  Noveris  praeterea,  quod  facta  summonitione, 
si  dum  corrigitur  inventus  fuerit  error,  non  debet  subducta 
linea  cancellari,  sed  nee  abradi,  quia  patens  scriptura  est :  immo 
potius,  in  quo  erratum  fuerit,  debet  penitus  oblitterari,  ut  quod 
ecriptum  fuerat  nulli  pateat ;  cujus  rei  causa,  si  tecum  super  hiis 
actitaveris,  facile  tibi  valet  occurrere. 

D.  Cum,  sicut  commemoras,  patens  sit  illud  scriptum,  et 
sic  vicecomiti  destinetur,  et  per  longa  tempora  penes  ipsum 
suosque  resideat,  soli  fidei  ejus  summonitionis  indemnitas  com- 
mittitur.  Posset  enim,  quod  vellet  impune  delere,  mutare, 
vel  minuere,  cum  non  exstet  aliquod  penes  barones  ejus  re- 
scriptum. 

M.   Posset  fortasse,  si  vellet;    sed   foret  hoc  insani  capitis 


214  Henry  IL  [PART 

arguraentum,  si  tantis  se  periculis  sponte  opponeret;  prae- 
sertim  cum  non  auferre  sic  regis  debita  posset,  seel  vix  differre. 
Omnia  namque  debita  de  quibus  summonitiones  fiunt,  alias  dili- 
genter  annotata  servantur ;  unde  non  posset  quis  a  debito  suo, 
etiam  procurante  vicecomite,  hac  arte  liberari.  Verum  ad 
majorem  hujus  rei  cautelam  vidimus  a  Pictavensi  arcbidiacono 
nunc  Wintoniensi  episcopo  omnium  summonitionum  rescripta 
fieri,  nee  aliquatenus  originales  emitti,  nisi  factis  et  diligenter 
correctis  earum  rescriptis.  Cum  autem,  sedente  vicecomite  ad 
compotum,  legeretur  summonitio  a  elerico  cancellarii,  inspiciens 
clericus  arcbidiaconi  rescriptum,  observabat  eum  ne  exorbitaret. 
Procedente  vero  tempore,  cum  numerus  debitorum  cresceret  in 
immensum,  adeo  ut  uni  summonitioni  unius  membranae  longi- 
tudo  non  sufficeret,  cessum  est  multitudini  et  laborioso  operi,  et 
sola  origiuali  summonitione,  sicut  antiquitus,  contenti  sunt.  Sic 
habes,  ut  credo,  quantum  brevitas  permisit,  qualiter  et  ad  quid 
summonitiones  fiant.  Nunc  ex  quibus  fieri  debeant  libet  intueri; 
licet  ex  praernissis  hoc  ipsum  magna  pro  parte  jam  constet. 

Ex  quibus  Summonitiones  fiant. 

Illustris  Anglorum  rex  Henricus  hoc  nomine  participantium 
regum  secundus  dictus  est,  sed  nulli  modernorum  fuisse  creditur 
in  rebus  componendis  animi  virtute  secundus  :  ab  ipso  enim 
suae  dominationis  exordio  totum  in  hoc  direxit  animum,  ut  paci 
rebellantes  et  dyscolos  multiplici  subversione  contereret,  et  pacis 
ac  fidei  bonum  in  cordibus  hominum  modis  omnibus  consig- 
naret.  Hujus  igitur  insignia  cum  jam  in  omnes  gentes  cele- 
berrima  fama  vulgaverit,  adeo  ut  his  exponendis  insistere  super- 
vacuum  videatur  :  unum  tamen  est,  quod  cum  silentio  praeterire 
non  valeo,  ex  quo  solo  singularis  ejus  probitas  et  pietas  inaudita 
firmatur. 

Non  tamen  hoc  hominis  fuit,  immo  Dei  miserentis, 
Quod  sibi,  quod  toti  cum  p.iucis  restitit  orbi. 

D.  Qualiter  sibi  resistere  dici  possit  opus  iusigne,  nisi  planum 
feceris,  non  video. 

M.  Licet  haec  ad  opus  coeptum  vel  propositum  non  adper- 
tineant,  memor  tarnen  regis  illius  magnanimi,  cum  pace  meae 
mentis  hiis  supersedere  non  valui  Videas  ergo  quam  miracu- 
lose  vir  ille  sibi  restitit,  in  suos  filios  quidem  suae  carnis,  immo 
et  anirnae  suae  spem  post  Deum  unicam  et  gloriam  singularem ; 
dum  parvuli  essent,  et  ratione  aetatis  cerei  supra  modum  et  in 
omnem  animi  motum  proni,  vulpeculae  pertinaces  consiliis 
pravis  demolitae  sunt,  et  tandem  iu  patrem  tanquam  in  hostem 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  215 

sua  viscera  converterunt ;  '  facti  sunt  etiam  inimici  homines 
domestici  ejus,  et  qui  custodiebant  latus  ejus,  consilium  inierunt 
ad  versus  eum  ;  dicentes'  filiis  et  hostibus  '  persequimini  et  com- 
prehendite  eum,  quia  non  est  qui  eripiat ;'  diceres  in  hiis  verbum 
completum  prophetae  ;  '  filios  enutrivi  et  ecce  ipsi  spreverunt  me.' 
Cum  igitur  uxor  in  virum,  filii  in  patrem  suum,  domestici  sine 
causa  desaevirent  in  dominum  ;  nonne  satis  optime  sibi  rebellan- 
tem  virum  diceres  ?  Verum  contra  numerosam  hostium  multi- 
tudinem  solius  Divinae  gratiae  magnitude  subvenit,  et  quasi 
pugnante  pro  se  Domino,  sic  in  brevi  pene  rebelles  omnes  ob- 
tinuit,  ut  longe  fortius  quaru  prius,  ex  eo  quo  iunrmari  debuit, 
confirmaretur  in  regno. 

Norunt  enim  per  hoc  potissimum,  qui  conspiraverant  adversus 
eum  in  omni  virtute  sua,  clavam  a  manu  Herculis  nisi  vix  extor- 
queri  non  posse.  Comprehensis  insuper  hostibus  tarn  enormis 
sceleris  incentoribus  inaudita  pepercit  misericordia ;  ut  eorum 
pauci  rerum  suarum,  nulli  vero  status  sui  vel  corporum  dis- 
pendia  sustinerent.  Si  legeres  ultionem  quam  exercuit  David 
in  subversores  Absalonis  filii  sui,  diceres  hunc  illo  longe  miti- 
orem  exstitisse  :  cum  tamen  de  illo  scriptum  sit ;  '  inveni  virum 
secundum  cor  Meum.'  Licet  autem  rex  insignis  pluribus  abun- 
daret  exempli  s,  et  posset  in  eos  vel  vilissimam  exercere  vin- 
dictam;  maluit  tamen  expugnatis  parcere  quam  eos  punire, 
ut  ejus  regnum  crescere  videant  vel  inviti.  Vivat  igitur  in 
longo  tempore  rex  ille  gloriosus  et  felix,  et  pro  inpensa  gratia 
gratiam  mereatur  ab  alto.  Vivat  et  proles  ejus  ingenua,  patri 
suo  subjecta  nee  ei  dissimilis  :  et  quia  nati  sunt  populis  impe- 
rare,  paterno  simul  et  proprio  discant  exemplo,  quam  gloriosum 
sit  '  parcere  subjectis  et  debellare  rebelles.'  Nos  autem  suscepta 
negotia  prosequamur.  Quod  si  de  hiis  et  aliis  strenuis  ejus 
actibus  libet  plenius  instrui,  libellum  cujus  supra  meminimus,  si 
placet,  inspicito.  Igitur  post  naufragum  regni  statum  pace 
reformats,  studuit  iterum  rex  avita  tempora  renovare ;  et  eligens 
discretes  viros  secuit  regnum  in  sex  partes,  ut  eas  electi  judices 
quos  errantes  vocamus  perlustrarent,  et  jura  destituta  resti- 
tuerent.  Facientes  ergo  sui  copiam  in  singulis  comitatibus, 
et  hiis  qui  se  laesos  putabant  justitiae  plenitudinem  exhibentes, 
pauperum  laboribus  et  sumptibus  pepercerunt.  Contigit  autem 
in  hiis  excessus  varios  plerumquc  variis  modis  pro  negotiorum 
qualitate  puniri,  ut  quidam  corporalem,  quidam  pecuniariam 
poenam  luant.  Porro  pecuniariae  dclinquentium  poenae  in 
rotulis  errantmm  diligenter  annotantur ;  et  consedente  scaccario 
coram  omnibus  thesauro  traduntur.  Caveant  autem  judices,  ut 
correctos  et  per  ordinem  dispositos  rotulos  thesaurario  liberent ; 


216  Henry  II.  [PART 

non  enim  fas  erit  ipsis  etiam  judicibus,  facta  traditione,  iota 
unum  mutare  etiam  in  quod  omnes  judices  consenserint. 

D.  In  hoc  mirabile  est,  quod  cum  scriptorum  suorum  auctores 
sint,  et  non  nisi  de  ipsorum  industria  vel  labore  proveniat,  etiam 
in  unum  aliquid  consentientes  scriptum  proprium  mutare  non 
possuut. 

M.  Cum  indulta  sint  correctionis  tempora,  et  legem  noverint 
constitutarn,  sibi  imputent ;  oblatorum  enim  summa  vel  ab  ipsis 
debitoribus,  si  in  hauc  condemnati  sunt,  vel  ab  ipsis  judicibus 
requiretur.  Tit  si  in  rotulo  condemnatum  aliquem  in  solu- 
tione  xx.  descripserint,  et,  tradita  jam  cautione  thesaurario, 
recordati  fuerint  quod  non  teneatur  ille  nisi  in  x. ;  ipsi  judices 
de  residuo  satisfacient ;  quia  scriptum  suum  cum  deliberatione 
factum  et  correctum  post  traditionem  revocare  non  possunt. 
Susceptorum  vero  rotulorum  debita  thesaurarius  in  magno  annali 
rotulo  diligenter  et  distincte  per  singulos  comitatus  annotari 
facit,  simul  cum  causis  :  praenotatis,  ut  jam  dictum  est,  nomini- 
bus  judicum ;  ut  per  hoc  exactorum  fiat  discretio.  Ex  his  igitur 
summouitiones  fiant  sic ;  '  de  placitis  illorum  N.  de  illo  illud ;' 
secundum  quod  praesidentes  prius  debita  taxaverint.  Habes  ex 
praedictis,  ut  credimus,  quantum  necesse  est,  ex  quibus  et 
qualiter  et  ad  quid  summonitiones  fiant :  nunc  ad  agenda  vice- 
comitis  transeamus.  Decet  autem  te  dicendis  sollicitam  adhibere 
diligentiam,  quia  in  hiis  excellentior  scaccarii  scientia  consistit, 
sicut  dictum  est  ab  initio. 

III.  De  agendis  Vicecomitum  multipliciter. 

I  Omnes  igitur  vicecomites  et  ballivi,  ad  quos  summonitiones 
diriguntur,  eadem  necessitate  legis  constringuntur ;  hoc  est, 
auctoritate  regii  mandati ;  ut  scilicet  die  nominate  designatoque 
loco  conveniant,  et  de  debitis  satisfaciant ;  quod  ut  manifestius 
fiat  ipsius  summonitionis  tenorem  diligentius  intuere  ;  ait  enim  : 
'  Vide  sicut  teipsum  et  omnia  tua  diligis,  ut  sis  ad  scaccarium  ibi 
tune ;  et  habeas  tecum  quicquid  debes  de  veteri  firma  et  nova, 
et  haec  debita  subscripta.'  Attende  igitur,  quia  duo  dicuntur, 
quae  duobus  sequentibus  coaptantur :  hoc  enim, '  vide  sicut  teip- 
pum  diligis,'  refertur  ad  '  sis  ibi  tune ;'  illud  vero,  '  et  sicut  omnia 
tua  diligis,'  referri  videtur  ad  hoc,  '  et  habeas  tecum  haec  debita 
subscripta :'  ac  si  aperte  dicatur ;  '  absentia  tua,  tu  quicunque 
suscipis  summonitionem,  nisi  necessariis  et  lege  definitis  causis 
possit  excusari,  in  capitis  tui  periculum  redundabit ;  videris 
enim  sic  regium  sprevisse  mandatum,  et  in  contemptum  regiae 
majestatis  irreverenter  egisse,  si  citatus  super  regis  quibus 


IV.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  217 

addictus  es  negotiis  nee  venerig,  nee  excusatorem  miseris. 
Yerum  si  per  te  steterit,  quo  minus  debita  subscripta  solvantur, 
tune  de  firma  quam  soluturus  es,  aliena  debita  de  quibus  sum- 
nionitus  es  capientur;  firma  vero  de  catallis  et  fundonim  tuorura 
redditibus  perficietur ;  te  interim,  si  barones  decreverint,  in 
loco  tuto  sub  libera  custodia  collocato.'  Cum  ergo  praemissa 
fuerit  a  vicecomite  suscepta  summonitio,  ipsa  die  nominata 
veniat  et  ostendat  se  praesidenti,  si  adesse  eum  contigerit,  vel 
tbesaurario,  si  praesidens  ille  praesens  non  fuerit  Deinde 
salutatis  majoribus,  ipsa  die  sibi  vacet,  et  in  crastino  et  deinceps 
die  qualibet  ad  scaccarium  rediturus.  Quod  si  forte  nee  venerit ' 
nee  justam  praemiserit  excusationem,  prima  die  regi  condem- 
nabitur  in  c.  solidis  argenti  de  quolibet  comitatu ;  sequenti  vero 
in  x.  libris  argenti ;  similiter  in  tertia,  sicut  ab  his  accepimus, 
qui  nos  praecesserunt,  in  beneplacito  regis  erunt  quaecunque 
inobilia  possidet;  quarto  vero  quia  jam  ex  hoc  contemptus 
regiae  majestatis  convincitur,  non  solum  in  rebus  suis,  sed  in 
propria  persona  soli  regiae  misericordiae  subjacebit.  Sunt 
tameu  qui  credant  ad  omnem  summam  solam  poenam  pecuni- 
ariain  sufficere ;  ut  scilicet  prima  die  in  c.  solidis ;  secunda 
timiliter  in  c.  solidis ;  et  ita  deinceps  per  singulos  dies  in  singulis 
centenis  puniantur  absentes.  His  ego  non  dissentio ;  si  tamen 
is  cui  delinquitur  in  hoc  ipsum  consenserit;  hunc  autem 
poenae  modum  velle  regem  admittere  satis  probabile  est,  cum 
ejus  gratia  singularis  ad  poenam  pigra  sit,  et  haec  ad  praemia 
velox.  ( 

D.  Imprudentis  pariter  et  impudentis  est  auditoris  currentem 
calamum  ante  provisum  dicendorum  finem  praeoccupare ;  ideo- 
que  sustinui  volvens  in  animo  quod  ex  parte  me  turbat :  dixisti 
enim,  si  per  vicecomitem  steterit  quo  minus  debita  subscripta 
Bolvantur,  tune  de  firma  quam  soluturus  est  capientur.  Si  ergo 
vicecomes  per  brevia  regis  vel  in  operationes  vel  alias  universa 
distribuerit,  quae  hie  fuerat  soluturus  ;  quid  fiet  1 

M.  Cum  ex  regis  mandate  vel  in  camera  curiae,  vel  in  opera- 
tionibus,  vel  in  quibuslibet  aliis,  firinam  comitatus  expenderit, 
si  in  debitis  solvendis  minus  egisse  deprehenditur,  per  fidem 
suam  ubi  majores  decreverint  detinebitur,  donee  de  hiis  satis- 
faciat  sicut  de  firma  satisfacturus  fuerat. 

D.  Cum  citatum  vicecomitem  et  non  venientem  vel  excu- 
santem,  turn  rerum  mobilium  turn  immobilium  turn  et  proprii 
corporis  gravis  jactura  sequatur,  nisi  suam  non  voluntariam  sed 
necessariam  absentiam  excusaverit  ;  rogo  te,  si  placet,  ut  quas 
citatus  praetendere  possit  absentiae  suae  sufficientes  causaa 
aperire  non  difieras. 


2i8  Henry  II.  [PART 

IV.  Quibus  de  causis  absentia  Vicecomltum  servatur  indemnis. 

M.  Plures  sunt  excusationum  modi,  quibus  vicecomitis  ab- 
sentia servatur  indemnis,  sic  tamen  ut,  occasione  vel  excusatione 
postposita,  die  nominata  per  legitimos  viros  pecuniam  regis  ante 
collectam  praemittat ;  qui  porrigentes  praesidenti  litteras  excu- 
satiouis,  et  absentiae  domini  sui  causas  necessarias  allegantes, 
etiam  sacramento  corporaliter  praestito,  si  praesidenti  placuerit, 
easdem  confirment.  Quod  si  vicecomes,  vel  alius  serviens  cita- 
tus,  infirmitate  detentus  adesse  non  poterit ;  addat  in  litteris 
excusationis,  quae  ad  scaccarium  diriguntur :  '  et,  quia  venire 
non  possum,  mitto  vobis  hos  servientes  meos  N.  et  N.,  ut  loco 
meo  sint,  et  quod  ad  me  pertinet  faciant,  ratum  habiturus  quod 
ipsi  fecerint.' 

Provideat  autem  qui  excusat,  ut  alter  vel  uterque  missorum 
miles  sit,  vel  laicus  alius  ratione  sanguinis  vel  aliter  sibi  con- 
junctus,  hoc  est  cujus  fidei  vel  discretion!  se  et  sua  committere 
non  diffidat  :  solos  enim  clericos  ad  hoc  suscipi  non  oportet ; 
quia,  si  secus  egerint,  non  decet  eos  pro  pecunia  vel  ratiociniis 
comprehend!.  Si  vero  citatum  vicecomitem  abesse  contigerit, 
non  infirmitate  quidem  sed  qualibet  alia  causa  praepeditum,  sic 
forsitan  a  poena  constituta  poterit  liberari :  verum  ad  explen- 
dum  compotum  suum  nullus  pro  eo  suscipietur,  nisi  primo- 
genitus  films;  nee  generalis  ejus  procurator,  etiamsi  breve  suum 
direxerit  se  ratum  habiturum  quod  ille  vel  ille  pro  se  fecerit ; 
solius  vero  mandati  regii  vel  etiam  praesidentis  auctoritate,  si 
rex  absens  fuerit,  ad  compotum  suum  explendum  alium  poterit 
substituere  :  si  tamen  aliud  a  domino  rege  negotium  sibi  gerat 
assignatum,  ipse  ad  scaccarium  in  propria  persona  praesentem 
nominet,  qui,  juxta  quod  supra  dictum  est,  possit  et  debeat  vice- 
comitis absentis  negotia  procurare.  Illud  autem  breve  regis 
vel  praesidentis,  vel  vicecomitis  excusantis,  in  forulo  marescalli, 
cujus  supra  meminimus,  in  testimonium  hujus  rei  reservabitur. 
Quod  si  vicecomes  alias  regi  necessarius  ab  ipso  vocatus  fuerit 
extra  regnum,  vel  accepta  licentia  pro  familiaribus  negotiis  exire 
clisposuerit,  prius  praesidentem  adeat,  et  viva  voce  vices  suas  ad 
scaccarium  deleget  cui  voluerit  viro  legitimo ;  quo  facto,  cum 
absens  fuerit,  nee  breve  mittere,  nee  absentiam  suam  excusare 
cogetur.  Excusante  vero  se  vicecomite  causa  infirmitatis,  cum 
ventum  fuerit  ad  scribendum  ejus  compotum  in  annali  rotulo, 
dicetur,  '  "Willelmus  vicecomes  de  Luridoniis,  Robertus  filius, 
ejus  pro  eo,  reddit  compotum  de  firma  de  Lundoniis.'  At  si 
per  regis  mandatum  alius  sibi  substituitur,  vel  ipse  viva  voce, 
sicut  praedictum  est,  aliquem  pro  se  designaverit  praesidenti, 


IV.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  2io 

sic  per  omnia  dicendum  est  ac  si  ipse  in  propria  persona  ad 
compotum  resideret. 

D.  Nunquid  infirmitas  sola  sufficiens  est  excusatio,  per  quam 
citatus  absens  servetur  indemnis  1 

M.  Absit :  sunt  enim  plures  ad  scaccarium ;  sed  haec  tarn 
in  litibus  quam  in  aliis  negotiis  ecclesiasticis  et  forensibus  est 
usitatior.  Porro  decet  te  memorem  esse  praedictorum,  ut  in- 
telligas  nullam  excusationem  hoc  efficere,  ut  regis  pecunia  de 
comitatu  collecta  penes  eum  detineatur  impuue,  vel  ad  scac- 
carium die  nomiuata  non  mittatur.  Praemissa  ergo  pecunia, 
poterit  excusari  per  infirmitatem,  sicut  dictum  est.  Item  si 
filius  ejus  primogenitus,  quern  declaravit  haeredem  post  se 
futurum,  morti  proximus  adjudicetur,  excusabitur.  Item  si 
uxor  ejus  dolore  partus  periclitari  coeperit,  vel  quavis  alia  de 
causa  morti  proxima  decubuerit,  quia  portio  suae  carnis  est, 
excusari  poterit.  Item  si  dominus  ejus,  qui  vulgo  ligius  dicitur, 
hoc  est,  cui  soli  ratione  dominii  sic  tenetur  ut  contra  ipsum 
nihil  alii  debeat,  rege  duntaxat  excepto,  vocaverit  ipsum,  ut 
adsit  sibi  tracto  in  jus  de  toto  feudo  suo  vel  ejus  maxima  parte, 
vel  super  alia  causa  quae  in  status  vel  corporis  sui  detrimentum 
redundare  videatur,  excusari  poterit ;  sic  tamen  si  dominus  ille 
nee  amplius  excusare  nee  aliter  litem  declinare  valuerit.  Quod 
si  idem  dominus  alium  super  hujusmodi  sollicitaverit,  et  liberum 
sit  ei  absque  enonni  damno  diem  prorogare,  si  vocaverit  domini 
regis  vicecomitem  hominem  quidem  suum,  venire  non  tenebitur; 
quia  nee  sic  ad  scaccarium  posset  excusari.  Item  si  idem 
dominus  infirmitatis  pondere  pressus,  testamentum  coram  suis 
condere  voluerit,  et  ad  hoc  cum  aliis  fidelibus  suis  ipsum  evo- 
caverit,  excusabitur.  Item  si  dominus  ejus,  vel  uxor,  vel  filius 
debita  carnis  solverit,  et  hie  debita  funeris  obsequia  procuraverit, 
excusari  merebitur.  Sunt  et  aliae  plures  excusationes  absentiae 
vicecomitis,  necessariae  quidem  et  legibus  determinatae,  quas  non 
abdicamus  vel  excludimus,  immo,  cum  sufficientes  visae  fuerint  a 
majoribus,  libenter  suscepimus ;  sed  has  quae  menti  meae  se  ad 
praesens  obtulerunt,  quasi  frequentiores,  exemplicausa  subjecimus. 

D.  Videor  ex  praedictis  perpendere,  quod  miles,  vel  quilibct 
alius  discretus  possit  a  rege  vicecomes  vel  alius  ballivus  creari, 
etiamsi  nil  ab  ipso  possideat,  sed  solum  ab  aliis. 

M.  Debetur  haec  praerogativa  dignitatis  publicae  potestati, 
ut  cujuscunque  sit,  cuicunque  vir  aliquis  in  regno  militet^vel 
ministret,  si  regi  necessarius  visus  fuerit,  libere  possit  assunu,  et 
regiis  obsequiis  deputari. 

D.  Ex  hoc  etiaru  cerno  verum  esse  quod  dicitur, 
'  An  uescis  longas  regibus  esse  manus  ? 


22o  Henry  II.  [PART 

Sed  jam  nunc,  si  placet,  ad  agenda  vicecomitis  manum  mittere 
noti  differas;  ad  haec  enim,  te  monente,  totam  attentionis  indus- 
triam  jam  collegi ;  sciens  ex  his  excellentem  scaccarii  scientiam, 
sicut  praedictum  est,  debere  requiri. 

M.  Gratulor  te  memorem  praemissorum  ;  unde  fateor  lan- 
guenti  pene  calamo  te  stimulos  addidisse.  Noveris  autem  quod 
vicecomes,  nisi  facto  prius  examine  debitisque  de  quibus  sum- 
monitus  est  solutis,  residere  non  debet  ad  compotum  :  cum  au- 
tem accesserit  et  jam  resederit,  alii  vicecomites  excludantur ;  et 
resideat  solus  cum  suis,  ad  interrogata  responsurus.  Provideat 
autem  ut,  ipsa  die  vel  praecedente,  debitoribus  sui  comitatus 
innotuerit  qua  die  sit  ad  compotum  sessurus ;  vel  etiam  circa 
domum  scaccarii,  vel  vicum,  vel  villam,  voce  praeconia  ipsis  de- 
nunciet  se  tune  vel  tune  sessurum.  Tune  sedentibus  et  audien- 
tibus  omnibus,  thesaurarius,  qui  sicut  dictum  est,  ratione  officii 
eui  sibi  videtur  adversari,  quaerat,  si  paratus  est  reddere  com- 
potum ;  quo  respondente  '  praesto  sum/  inferat  thesaurarius, 
'  die  igitur  imprimis  si  eleemosynae,  si  decimae,  si  liberationes 
constitutae,  si  terrae  datae  sic  se  habent  hoc  anno  sicut  in  prae- 
terito.'  Quod  si  similiter  se  habere  responderet ;  tune  scriptor 
thesaurarii  praeteritum  annalem  rotulum  diligenter  in  hiis 
constitutis  scribendis  sequatur,  contuente  simul  thcsaurario,  ne 
forte  manus  scriptoris  aberret.  Et  quia  satis  in  titulo  de  officio 
scriptoris  thesaurarii  de  ordine  scripturae  dixisse  me  memini 
hiis  ad  praesens  supersedeo. 

D.  Die  ergo,  si  placet,  de  hiis  quae  jamdudum  usque  ad 
agenda  vicecomitum  distulisti,  quid  scilicet  sit,  quasdam  terras 
a  rege  dari  blancas,  quasdam  numero ;  hoc  enim  me  sollicitavit 
ab  initio. 

M.  Satis,  ut  credo,  tibi  constat  ex  praedictis,  quid  sit  quas- 
dam  firmas  solvi  blancas  quasdam  numero.  I'irma  quidem 
blanca  solvitur,  cum  ipsa  facto  examine  dealbatur. 

V.  Quid  sit  quosdam  fundos  dari  blancos,  quosdam  numero. 

Quis  insuper  fuerit  hujus  institutionis  auctor,  et  quae  insti- 
tuendi  ratio,  satis  innotuit.  Porro  firmam  numero  solvi  diximus, 
cum  tantum  numerando  non  examinando  de  ipsa  satisfit.  Cum 
ergo  rex  fundum  aliquem  alicui  contulerit  simul  cum  hundredo 
vel  placitis  quae  ex  hoc  proveniunt,  dicunt  fundum  ilium  illi 
blancum  collatum :  ac  cum  retento  sibi  hundredo  per  quod  firma 
dealbari  dicitur,  simpliciter  fundum  dederit,  non  determinans 
cum  hundredo  vel  blancum,  numero  datus  dicitur.  Oportet 
autem  ut  de  fundo  collate  breve  regis,  vel  cartam  ejus,  in  termino 
Sancti  Michaelis  cui  collatus  est  ad  scaccarium  deferat  ut  viceco- 


iv.]  Lialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  22  j 

miti  computetur;  alioquin  in  magno  annali  rotulo  non  ecrlbetur, 
nee  vicecomiti  computabitur  ;  scribetur  autem  sic  :  post  elemo- 
sinas  et  decimas  et  liberationes  utriusque  generis  constitutas, 
in  capite  lineae,  '  in  terris  datis  illi  N.  xx.  1.  bl.  ibi,  et  illi  N. 
xx.  1.  numero  ibi.'  Adverte  etiam  quod,  si  forte  inter  terras 
datas  iuveneris, '  illi  vel  illi  x.  1.  bl.'  vel  '  numero  ibi  de  praestito 
regis  ;'  cum  is  qui  commodati  vel  praestiti  beneficio  gavisus  est 
fati  debita  solverit,  nisi  per  gratiam  regis,  non  uxori,  non  liberis, 
non  alicui  nomine  ejus,  propter  praestitum  reclamandi  locus 
relinquitur ;  similiter  si  dictum  fuerit,  '  illi  x.  quamdiu  regi 
placuerit.' 

VI.  Quae  sint  cnnstituta  Vicecomiti  computanda,  eleemosi/nae 
scilicet  et  decimae,  liberationes  utriusque  generis,  et  terras,  datae. 

D.  Quid  est,  quod  dixisti  liberationes  utriusque  generis  ? 

M.  Liberationum  quaedam  sunt  indigentium ;  cum  ex  solo 
caritatis  intuitu  ad  victum  et  vestitum  alicui  a  rege  denarius 
diurnus  vel  duo  vel  plures  constituuntur.  Quaedam  vero  sunt 
servientium,  ut  has  pro  stipendiis  suscipiant ;  quales  sunt  cus- 
todes  domorum,  aeditui  regii,  tibicines,  luporum  comprehen- 
sores.  et  hujusmodi.  Heae  sunt  igitur  diversi  generis  libe- 
rationes quae  diversis  ex  causis  solvuntur,  inter  constituta 
tamen  computantur.  Et  nota  quod  licet  liberum  sit  regi  quibus- 
libet  indigentibus  has  liberationes  conferre ;  ex  antiqua  tamen 
institutione  solent  his  assignari,  qui  in  curia  ministrantes,  cum 
redditus  non  habeant,  in  corporum  suorum  invaletudinem  deci- 
dunt,  et  laboribus  inutiles  fiunt.  His  omnibus  per  ordinem 
annotatis,  quaerit  thesaurarius  a  vicecomite,  si  quid  expenderit 
de  firma  comitatus  per  brevia  regis  praeter  constituta  ;  tune 
seriatim  missa  sibi  regis  brevia  tradit  clerico  cancellarii,  qui 
lecta  in  publicum  eadem  liberat  thesaurario,  ut  ipse  secundum 
formam  in  brevibus  conceptam  in  scripturam  rotuli  sui  oppor- 
tuna  verba  ministret :  ipse  namque  sicut  dictum  est  praescribit, 
et  alii  conscribentes  ab  eodem  accipiunt.  Hoc  facto,  ostendifc 
vicecomes  si  quid  expenderit,  non  per  brevia,  sed  per  constitutam 
scaccarii  legem,  sibi  computaudum  ;  qualia  sunt  liberationes 
probatorum  regis,  et  item  ea  quae  mittuntur  in  justitiia  et  ju- 
diciis  explendis. 

VII.   Quae  sint  per  solam  consuetudinem  scaccarii  computanda, 
Iioc  est,  sine  brevi. 

Adverte  autem,  justitias  hie  usualiter  nuncupari  prolati  in 
aliipos  viros  juris  executiones  :  judicia  vero,  leges  caudentis 


222  Henry  II.  [PART 

ferri  vel  aquae.      Liberationes  igitur  probatorum  hac  ratione 

fiunt.     Propter  innumeras  regni  hujus  divitias,  et  item  propter 

innatam  indigenis  crapulam,  quam  semper  comes  libido  sequitui*, 

contingit  in  ipso  frequenter  furta  fieri  manifesta  vel  occulta,  nee 

non  et  homicidia  et  diversorum  generum  scelera,  addentibus 

stimulos  moechis,  ut  nib.il  non  audeant  vel  non  atteutent  qui 

suis  se  consiliis  subjecerunt.       Cum  autem  a  regiis  ministris 

regni  pacem  excubantibus,  reus  horum  famosus  aliquis  compre- 

henditur,   propter  numerosam   sceleratorum   multitudinem,   ut 

vel  sic  perversis  terra  purgetur,  consentiunt  et  in  hoc  interdum 

judices,  quod  si  quis  hujusmodi  de  se  crimen  confitens,  sceleris 

ejusdem  consortes  provocare  voluerit,  et  objectum  alii  vel  aliis 

crimen  commisso  duello  probare  valuerit,  mortem  quam  meruit 

effugiat,  et  cum  impunitate    sui  corporis,  exiens  tamen  totius 

regni  fines,  demereatur  et  abjuret  ingressum.     Quidam  autem 

conventione  cum  judicibus  prius  facta,  licet  objecta  probaverint, 

non  tamen  immunes  abscedunt,  sed  effugientes  suspendium  vel 

aliud  turpe  genus  mortis  quam  de  se  confessi  meruerint,  muti- 

latione  tamen  membrorum  puniti,  miserabile  spectaculum  fiunt 

in  populo,  et  temerarios   ausus  consimilium  terribilibus   com- 

pescunt   exemplis.      Quia   igitur   objecto   et   probato    ejusdem 

criminis  reatu  vitam  sibi  salvare  potest,  et  item  quia  ad  regis 

utilitatem   proculdubio    sit   quicquid    ad   regni  pacem  videtur 

accedere,  regis  probator  dicitur.    A  die  vero  qua  ad  probationem 

suscipitur,  usque  ad  expletum  promissum,  vel  usque  quo  defe- 

cerit,  ad  victualia  de  fisco  percipit  quaque  die  denarium  unum, 

qui  vicecomiti  per  solam  consuetudiuem  scaccarii  computatur. 

Quod  si  probator  ille  jussus  fuerit  ad  alia  loca  transt'erri,  ut 

convenientibus  illic  judicibus  opportunius  promissum  expleat, 

vel  forte  deticiens  scelerum  suorum  poenam  condignam  excipiat, 

solum  id  quod  in  vehiculis  illuc  conducendis  et  victualibus  illi 

ministrandis   invenit,  vicecomiti  computabitur  per  consuetudi- 

nem  ;  cetera  vero  non  nisi  per  breve  regis.     Sunt  praeterea  in 

quibusdam  comitatibus  plures,  qui  ratione  fundorum  suorum  in 

condemnatos  ultrices  manus  mittunt';  ut  alios  suspendio,  alios 

membrorum  detruncatione,  vel  aliis  modis  juxta  quantitatem 

perpetrati   sceleris   puniant.       Sunt   et   quidam   comitatus,   in 

quibus  sic  condemnandi,  non  nisi  numerata  de  fisco  pecunia, 

puniuntur.     Quicquid  igitur  ad  haec  judicia  vel  justitias  effectui 

mancipandas  detestabilis  avaritiae  hominibus,  qui  haec  pro  san- 

guinis  effusione  suscipiunt,  a  vicecomite  numeratur,  per  consue- 

tudinem  scaccarii  sibi  computatur ;  hoc  est,  non  per  breve  regis. 

Est  et  aliud  quod  per  consuetudinem  solum  vicecomiti  debeat 

computari :  cum  regis  thesaurus  de  loco  in  locum  majorum  con- 


IV.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  223 

sideratione  deferendus,  vehiculis  et  hujusmodi  minoribus  indi- 
guerit  :  praecipiente  thesaurario  vel  camerariis,  vel  servientibus 
eorum  ad  haec  missis,  vicecomes  de  firma  sua  quod  oportuerit 
invenit,  et  hoc  ipsum  vicecomiti  sine  brevi  computatur ;  per- 
hibente  tamen  super  hoc  testimonium  coram  majoribus  ipso 
thesaurario  vel  quolibet  praedictorum  qui  haec  fieri  mandaverit; 
et  tune  dicetur  in  rotulo,  '  in  hiis  vel  illis  necessariis  thesauri, 
hoc  vel  illud,  per  hunc  vel  ilium.'  Item  si  piscis  regius,  nimbus 
vel  cetus  vel  alius  hujusmodi,  comprehenditur,  quod  in  his  sali- 
endis  et  aliis  necessariis  ministrandis  a  vicecomite  mittitur,  sine 
brevi  computatur.  Item  quod  in  excolendis  dominicis  vineis 
regis,  et  hiis  vindemiandis,  vel  vasis  et  aliis  necessariis  minis- 
trandis expenditur,  sine  brevi  per  fidem  vicecomitis  computatur ; 
de  qua  fide,  si  semel  aut  saepius,  qualiter  fiat,  infra  dicetur. 
Haec  sunt  igitur  quae  ad  praesens  nobis  occurrunt,  vicecomiti 
per  solam  consuetudinem  computanda.  Nunc  de  ceteris  quae  ad 
compotum  de  corpore  comitatus  pertinent  prosequamur. 

VIII.  Quo  ordine  computanda  sunt  Vicecomiti  quae  in  operibus 
missa  sunt  per  breve  regis  numero  non  determinans. 

Fit  interdum  ut  praecipiat  rex  vicecomiti  per  breve  suum, 
quod  in  castris  firmandis  vel  in  aedificiis  et  hujusmodi  in- 
struendis  de  firma  sua  necessaria  ministret,  per  visum  duorum 
vel  trium  virorum  quorum  uomina  in  ipso  brevi  exprimuntur ; 
et  addat  in  fine  verbum  breve  sed  computantibus  necessarium ; 
.  'et  computabitur  tibi  ad  scaccarium.'  Cum  igitur  ventum  fuerit 
ad  compotum  vicecomitis,  veniunt  simul  qui  electi  sunt  custodes 
operum,  et  fide  in  publica  ab  ipsis  praestita,  quod  secundum 
conscientiam  suam  ad  regis  utilitatem  in  ipso  opere  nominata 
summa  provenerit,  fiat  inde  breve  regis  ad  scaccarium  sub 
testimonio  praesideutis  et  alterius  quem  praeceperit,  in  quo 
Eumma  ilia  de  qua  testati  sunt,  et  item  nomina  custodum  ex- 
primantur ;  et  tune  demum  vicecomiti  computabitur.  Quod  si 
per  haec  missa  consummatum  regis  opus  fuerit,  piimum  illud 
breve  de  necessariis  ministrandis  quod  vicecomiti  directum  est, 
et  hoc  ultimum  quod  ad  scaccarium  fit,  in  forulo  marescalli  de 
compotis  factis  recluduntur.  Si  quid  autem  restat  de  ipso  opere 
faciendum,  vicecomes  quod  sibi  directum  est  breve  usque  ad 
idem  opus  completum  penes  se  reservabit ;  ut  hinc  sit  ei  auctp- 
ritas  operi  perficiendo  necessaria  ministrare ;  reliquum  vero  in 
forulo  de  quo  dictum  est  recludetur.  Cum  enim  scribatur  in 
annali :  '  in  operatione  ilia  centum  libras  ;'  oportet  consequenter 
apponi  '  per  breve  regis,  et  per  visum  horum  N. ;'  quod  si  non 
exfctaret  breve  regis,  uumerum  insum  et  noniiua  custodum  con- 


224  Henry  II.  [PART 

tinens,  falsa  videri  posset  scriptura  rotuli  dicentis  'per  breve 
regis.' 

D.  In  hoc  verbo  sic  mihi  satisfactum  est,  ut  hiis  ad  quae 
requirenda  jam  ora  laxaveram,  sponte  supersedeam.  Cum  enim 
vicecomiti  delatum  sit  breve  regis  de  necessariis  ad  hoc  vel  illud 
opus  inveniendis,  et  sit  adjectum  ;  '  et  computabitur  tibi  ad 
scaccarium  ;'  vel  hoc,  '  inveni  de  firma  tua,'  quod  ejusdem  pene 
est  auctoritatis,  superfluum  videbatur,  ut  super  alio  brevi  solli- 
citus  esset ;  nee  enim  intelligebam,  quod  in  ipso  brevi  numerus 
esset  exprimendus,  ut  sic  eodem  verborum  tenore  authentico 
respondeat  annali. 

IX.  Quod  non  absolvitur  quis  a  debito  per  breve  Regis  numerum 
non  exprimens,  etiamsi  causam  determinet. 

M.  Intellige  similiter  quod  in  scaccarii  negotiis  seeus  est 
quam  in  aliis  :  dicitur  enim  in  plerisque,  quod  expressa  nocent, 
non  expressa  non  nocent :  verum  hie  expressa  juvant  et  non 
expressa  fatigant :  verbi  gratia ;  si  tenetur  quis  regi  in  centum 
libris,  et  breve  ejus  deferat  ad  scaccarium,  ut  quietus  sit  de  de- 
bito quod  ei  debet,  addat  etiam  '  toto,'  et  causam  simul  exprimat 
sed  non  numerum ;  non  propter  hoc  absolvetur,  sed  magis  per 
hoc  dilationem  usque  ad  aliam  summonitionem  promerebitur. 
Oporteret  enim  scribi  in  rotulo,  '  in  perdonis  per  breve  regis  illi 
N.  centum  libras  ;'  sed  quia  non  videtur  omnino  dimissum  quod 
nondum  est  in  brevi  expressum,  cogetur  is  multo  labore  quaerere 
per  quod  mereatur  absolvi  :  ergo  in  hiis  non  expressa  fatigant. 

D.  Salva  sit  reverentia  praesidentis  et  assidentium,  hie  non 
videtur  per  omnia  regis  mandate  satisfactum ;  nee  enim  quietus 
est  quern  quietum  esse  mandavit,  addens  etiam  causam  pro  qua 
sibi  tenebatur. 

J/.  immo  salva  sit  in  hiis  scrupulosae  mentis  tuae  subtilitas. 
Nosse  quidem  debueras,  quod  ei  qui  lege  plurimum  indiget,  ejus 
ignorantia  non  subvenit.  Is  ergo  qui  regi  tenetur,  qualiter  ab 
hoc  absolvi  plene  possit,  hoc  est,  secundum  legem  de  hiis  con- 
stitutam,  diligenter  inquirat ;  quod  si  non  fecerit,  non  praesi- 
denti  sed  sibi  imputet ;  nee  enim  licet  praesidenti  ab  eo  quod 
detulit  in  brevi  iota  mutare :  cum  ergo  per  hoc  quietus  non  sit, 
festinet  quod  expedit  impetrare. 

D.  Cerno  quod  haec  maxime  propter  hoc  observantur,  ut 
scripturae  rotuli  non  obloquantur.  Sed  jam  mine  prosequere  de 
ceteris. 

M.  Cum  igitur  omnia  fuerint  annotata,  quae  vel  constituta 
sunt,  vel  per  brevia  regis,  vel  per  consuetudinem  scaccarii  com- 
putauda,  sic  compotus  vclut  infcctus  relinquitur,  et  ad  alia 


iv .]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  225 

convertuntur ;  nee  enim  'et  quietus  est'  vel  'et  debet'  in  annali 
ecribetur,  per  quae  scilicet  compotus  consummatus  dicitur, 
donee  de  omnibus  quae  in  summonitione  continentur  satis- 
fecerit ;  cujus  rei  causa  satis  ex  consequentibus  liquere  poterit. 
Post  compotum  de  corpore  comitatus,  hoc  est,  de  principal!  firma, 
qui  sicut  praedictum  est  usque  in  finem  infectus  relinquitur, 
post  modicum  interstitium  ponitur  compotus  de  veteri  firma 
comitatus,  hoc  est  quae  casu  aliquo  de  anno  praeterito  re- 
manserat ;  ita  tamen,  si  vicecomes  qui  tune  ministravit  mutatus 
fuerit ;  quod  si  idem  perseverat  etiam  hoc  anno,  de  veteri  firma 
ante  inchoatum  compotum  de  nova  satisfaciet ;  et  diligenter  et 
distincte  scribetur  de  veteri  in  principio,  et  consequenter  de 
nova.  Ad  haec  noveris  mutatum  vicecomitem  de  firma  veteri 
summonendum,  sicut  quemlibet  aliorum  debitorum ;  non  de 
parte  ejus  sed  de  universe  ;  quia  firma  est  cujus  •  solutio  dif- 
ferri  non  debet ;  sed  debitum  firmae  veteris,  quo  tenetur  is 
qui  adhuc  ministrat,  sufficit  sub  hoc  praetextu  verborum  sum- 
monuisse,  '  quicquid  debes  de  veteri  firma  et  nova.'  De  quo 
satis  supra  dictum  est  in  titulo  de  summonitionibus. 

X.  De  excidentibus  et  occupatis,  quae  usitatius  dicimus  de 
purpresturis  et  escaetis. 

Post  haec  autem,  facto  intervallo  quasi  sex  linearum,  sequitur 
compotus  de  excidentibus  et  occupatis,  quae  nos  usitatius  dicimus 
'de  purpresturis  et  escaetis.'  In  medio  quidem  lineae  fit  prae- 
notatio  litteris  capitalibus,  'de  purpresturis  et  escaetis ;'  in  capita 
vero  inferioris  sic  scribitur ;  '  idem  vicecomes  reddit  compotum 
de  firma  purpresturarum  et  escaetarum,  scilicet  de  x.  1.  de  hoc 
et  de  xx.  1.  de  illo,'  et  ita  deinceps,  sicut  ex  rotulo  perlustrantium 
judicum  ante  conceptum  est  in  annali,  '  summa  c.  1.'  Dehinc  in 
fine  ejusdem  lineae  ubi  summa  est,  scribitur,  'in  thesauro  xx.  1. 
in  tot  taleis,  et  debet  quater  xx.  1.;'  vel,  '  in  thesauro  liberavit, 
et  quietus  est.'  Horum  autem  scribendorum  ordinem  magis 
oculata  fide  quam  verborum  quautalibet  argumentosa  descrip- 
tione  cognosces. 

D.  Quae  sint  haec  excidentia,  vel  occupata,  et  qua  ratione 
fisco  proveniunt,  nisi  plenius  aperueris,  non  video. 

Af.  Fit  interdum  per  negligentiam  vicecomitis  vel  ejus  ministro- 
rum,  vel  etiam  per  continuatam  in  longa  tempora  bellicam  tem- 
pestatem,  ut  habitantes  prope  fundos  qui  coronae  annominantur, 
aliquum  eorum  portionem  sibi  usurpent  et  suis  possessionibus 
ascribant.  Cum  autem  perlustrantes  judices  per  sacramentum 
legitimorum  virorum  haec  deprehenderint,  seorsum  a  firma 
comitatus  appretiantur  et  vicecomitibus  traduntur  ut  de  eisdem 

Q 


226  Henry  II.  [PAST 

seorsum  respondeant ;  et  haec  dicimus  purpresturas  vel  occu- 
pata ;  quae  quidern  cum  deprehenduntur,  a  possessoribus  sicut 
praedictum  est  tolluntur  et  abhinc  fisco  cedunt.  Verum  si  is  a 
quo  tollitur  occupatum  auctor  est  facti,  simul  etiam  nisi  rex  ei 
pepercerit,  pecuniariter  gravissime  puuietur ;  quod  si  non  auctor 
sed  haeres  auctoris  fuerit,  ad  poenam  suflficit  fundi  ejusdem  sola 
revocatio.  Ex  quo  sane,  sicut  ex  aliis  pluribus,  regis  miseri- 
cordia  comprobatur ;  dum  patris  tarn  enormis  excessus  non 
punitur  in  filio,  qui  usque  ad  factam  inquisitionem  publicae 
potestatis  jactura  ditabatur.  Porro  escaetae  vulgo  dicuntur  quae 
decedentibus  his  qui  de  rege  tenent  in  capite,  cum  non  exstet 
ratione  sanguinis  haeres,  ad  fiscum  relabuntur.  De  his  autem 
simul  cum  purpresturis  compoti  fiunt  sub  una  scripturae  serie  ; 
sic  tamen  ut  singulorum  nomina  per  ordinem  exprimantur.  At 
cum  paterfamilias  miles  vel  serviens,  de  rege  tenehs  in  capite, 
fati  debita  solverit,  relictis  tamen  liberis,  quorum  primogenitus 
minor  est  annis,  redditus  quidem  ejus  ad  fiscum  redeunt ;  sed 
hujusmodi  non  simpliciter  escaeta  dicitur,  sed  escaeta  cum 
haerede ;  unde  nee  haeres  ab  haereditate,  nee  ab  ipso  haereditas 
tollitur;  sed  simul  cum  haereditate  sub  regis  custodia  consti- 
tutus  tempore  pupillaris  aetatis  de  ipsa  haereditate,  per  regis 
officiales,  tarn  ipse  quam  ceteri  liberi  necessaria  percipiunt. 
Cetera  vero,  quae  de  ipsa  proveniunt,  regiis  usibus  cedunt. 
De  his  autem  seorsum  compoti  fiunt;  quia  non  perpetuo,  sed 
quodam  temporali  jure  fisco  debentur.  Cum  enim  haeres,  nunc 
minor,  legitimae  aetatis  adeptus  beneficia,  sibi  suisque  disponere 
noverit,  quod  jure  sibi  paterno  debetur  a  regia  munificentia 
suscipiet,  quidam  gratis,  per  solam  scilicet  gratiam  principis, 
quidam  promissa  summa  aliqua ;  de  qua  cum  compotus  fiet, 
dicetur  in  annali ;  '  ille  vel  ille  reddit  compotum  de  centum  libris 
de  relevio  terrae  patris  sui ;  in  thesauro  hoc,  et  debet  hoc  :'  de  hoc 
autem  ultra  in  annali  compotus  non  fiet ;  cum  ad  fiscum  post  hoc 
non  redeat.  Verum  dum  in  manu  regis  est,  de  hoc  sic  scribetur  in 
annali ;  '  ille  vicecomes  reddit  compotum  de  firma  illius  honoris,' 
si  baronia  est ;  '  in  thesauro  hoc ;  et  in  procuratione  liberorum 
illius  hoc,  per  breve  regis ;'  quod  ibi  ad  scaccarium  per  consue- 
tudinem  fiet ;  '  et  debet  hoc,'  vel '  et  quietus  est.'  Quod  si  minor  / 
est  possessio  haec,  ut  sit  fuudus  unus  vel  duo  vel  tres,  sic/ 
dicetur ;  '  ille  vicecomes'  vel  '  ille  N.'  cui  forte  rex  ejusdem  rei 
custodiam  deputavit  '  reddit  compotum  de  firma  terrae  illius  N. 
quae  fuit  illius  N.,  quam  rex  habet  in  manu  sua,'  vel '  quae  est  in 
manu  regis  cum  haerede ;  in  thesauro  hoc ;  et  debet  hoc ;'  vel '  et 
quietus  est.'  Attende  praeterea,  quod  honor  ille  vel  fundus  dum 
in  manu  regis  cum  haerede  fuerit,  oinnes  eleeinosynae  et  libera- 


IV.]  Dialogue  de  Scaccario.   II. 


227 


tiones  indigentium.  a  prioribus  dominis  solo  caritatis  Intuitu 
constitutae,  his  quibus  debentur  cum  integritate  solvuntur,  et 
ad  scaccarium  custodi  computantur  :  liberationes  vero  servi- 
entum,  qui  domiuis  suis  ad  explenda  quaelibet  obsequia  neces- 
Earii  visi  sint,  et  ob  hoc  constituuntur,  dum  rex  possidet,  volun- 
tariam  liabent  solutionem.  Cum  autem  in  manu  haeredis 
devoluta  fuerit  haereditas,  oportet  eum  patris  inliaerere  vesti- 
giis ;  ut  scilicet  quoad  usque  vixerint  hii  quibus  haec  a  patre 
suo  constituta  sunt  vita  comite  percipienda,  illis  satisfaciat,  et 
post  haec  si  voluerit,  eorum  utatur  vel  non  utatur  obsequiis. 

I).  Dixisti,  si  bene  memini,  quod  si  quilibet  de  rege  tenens  in 
capite  decedens  miuorem  annis  haeredem  reliquerit ;  tandem 
idem  relictus  post  legitimae  aetatis  tempora,  quidam  gratis, 
quidam  promissa  pecunia,  quod  sibi  debetur  a  rege  suscipit. 
Quod  autem  sic  solvitur,  relevium  dicis.  Die  ergo  si  cujuslibet 
fundi  qui  de  rege  est  in  capite,  relevium  sub  consimili  sumrna 
debeat  exigi ;  vel  si  sub  dissimili,  quare  sic  ? 

M.  In  propriam  te  videor  armasse  perniciem.  Ex  praedictis 
enim  alia  conjiciens  armatis  me  vexas  quaestionibus.  Noveris 
autem  quod  releviorum  quae  regi  debentur,  secundum  dissimiles 
possidentium  status  dissimilis  summa  consurgit :  quidam  enim 
de  rege  tenent  in  capite  quae  ad  coronam  pertinent,  baronias 
scilicet  majores  seu  minores ;  si  ergo  pater  possessor  hujusmodi 
mortuus  fuerit,  relicto  haerede,  qui  jam  adultus  sit,  non  secun- 
dum constitutam  de  his  summam  regi  satisfaciet,  sed  secundum 
quod  a  rege  poterit  obtinere.  Quod  si  minor  aetate  fuerit 
haeres,  in  custodia  constitutus  legitimam  aetatem  praesto- 
labitur ;  tune  autem,  vel  gratis  sicut  dictum  est,  vel  secundum 
beneplacitum  regis  sicut  adultus,  haereditatem  paternam  nan- 
ciscetur  :  si  vero  decesserit  quis  tenens  tune  de  rege  feodum 
militip,  non  quidem  ratione  coronae  regiae,  sed  potius  ratione 
baroniae  cujuslibet  quae  quovis  casu  in  manum  regis  delapsa  est ; 
eicut  est  episcopatus  vacante  sede  ;  haeres  jam  defuncti  si  adultus 
est  pro  feodo  rnilitis  c.  solidos  numerabit,  pro  duobus  x.  libras, 
et  ita  deinceps  juxta  numerum  militum  quos  domino  debuerat 
antequam  ad  fiscum  devoluta  foret  haereditas.  Qucd  si  minor 
annis  haeres  relictus  fuerit,  quae  de  haereditate  ejus  perveniunt 
ratione  custodiae  tempore  pupillaris  aetatis  fisco  provenient,  sicut 
dictum  est :  relictus  a  patre  jam  adultus  pro  sin«j;ulis  feodis  mili- 
tum c.  solidos  solvet,  vel  etiain  infra,  hoc  est  1.  solidos  si  dimidium 
militis  feodum  possederit,  et  sic  deinceps.  Nee  te  lateat  quod 
ejus  quern  in  custodia  per  aliquot  annos  habueris  et  possessions 
ejus  fructum,  cum  ad  aetatem  legitimam  perveuerit,  relevium 
repetere  non  valobis. 


228  Henry  II.  [PART 

D.  In  hac  parte  pro  pupillis  lex  judicat,  quod  piis  mentibus 
bene  sedet,  decernit. 

M.  Sic  est ;  sed  de  propositis  prosequamur.  Item  est  et  * 
tertium  genus  excidentium  vel  escaetarum,  quod  fisco  provenit 
jure  perpetuo.  Cum  aliquis  de  rege  tenens  in  capite  perpetrati 
sceleris  sibi  conscius,  sive  sit  ei  objectum,  sive  non,  relictis  tamen 
omnibus  per  fugam  vitae  consulit :  vel  si  super  eodem  objecto 
convictus  vel  confessus,  terra  simul  et  vita  judicatur  indignus  ; 
omnia  quae  sui  juris  fuerant  mox  infiscantur,  et  redditus  omnes 
annuo,  immo  et  perpetuo,  jure  ad  scaccarium  a  vicecomite  per- 
solvuntur,  et  quod  ex  mobilibus  eorum  venditis  provenit,  regi 
cedit.  .Similiter  si  cujuscunque  conditionis  vir  vel  cujuscunque 
domini  servus  aut  liber,  metu  arctioris  assisae  quam  rex  propter 
sceleratos  constituit,  a  sede  sua  fugerit,  et  per  constitutes  ac 
lege  definitos  termiuos  juri  se  non  obtulerit  vel  excusaverit,  vel 
etiam  si  acclamante  in  ipsum  vicinia  suspectus  et  postmodum 
comprehensus,  per  legem  assisae  constitutam  reus  sceleris  con- 
victus fuerit;  omnia  ejus  mobilia  fisco  cedunt,  immobilia  vero 
dominis  suis.  Mobilium  vero  pretia  per  manum  vicecomitis  ad 
scaccarium  defer untur,  et  in  annali  sic  annotantur ;  '  idem  vice- 
comes  reddit  compotum  de  catallis  fugitivorum  vel  mutilatorum 
per  assisam  de  loco  illo ;  scilicet  de  hoc  v.,  de  illo  x.,'  et  sic 
deinceps  per  singula  capita,  expressis  eorum  nominibus  et 
summis  quae  de  catallis  singulorum  exsurgunt;  fiet  autem  in 
fine  summa  omnium;  et  circa  finem  ejusdem  lineae  in  qua 
summa  est,  scribetur,  'in  thesauro  xl.  1.  in  tot  vel  tot  taleis,  et 
debet  x.  1.,'  vel '  et  quietus  est.'  Haec  sunt,  frater,  quorum  supra 
meminimus,  quae  ad  scaccarium  a  vicecomite  deferenda  sunt, 
etiamsi  summonitio  nulla  praecesserit.  Sic  et  thesaurus  effossa 
tellure  vel  aliter  inventus.  Item  cum  quis  laicum  fundum 
habens,  vel  civis  etiam,  publicis  inservit  usuris ;  si  hie  intestatus 
decesserit,  vel  etiam  his  quos  defraudavit  non  satisfaciens,  testa- 
mentum  de  prave  acquisitis  visus  est  condidisse,  sed  eadem  non 
distribuit,  immo  penes  se  reservavit ;  quia  sic  perquisitis  incum- 
bens  animum  possidendi  deseruisse  non  creditur,  pecunia  ejus  et 
omnia  mobilia  mox  infiscantur ;  et  non  summonita  per  officiales 
ad  scaccarium  deferuntur ;  haeres  autem  jam  defuncti  fundo 
paterno  et  ejus  immobilibus  sibi  vix  relictis  gaudeat. 

D.  Ex  praemissis,  quae  de  foeneratoribus  dicta  sunt  quaestio 
gravis  animuru  pulsat,  quam  vellem,  si  placet,  plenius  expediri ; 
dixisti  enim,  '  cum  quis  laicum  fundum  habens,  vel  etiam  civis 
publicis  inservit  usuris  etc. ;'  ex  quibus  verbis  personarum 
quaedam  distinctio  inter  sic  delinquentes  fieri  posse  videtur ; 
et  alia  sit  clericorum,  alia  laicorum  conditio,  cum  pares  sint  in 


IV."]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  229 

delicto.  Item  ex  eo  quod  additur,  'publicis  inservit  usuris,'  credi 
potest  esse  quasdam  non  publicas,  quibus  si  quis  adhaeserit,  an 
legi  publicarum  subjaceat  prorsus  ignore. 

J/.  Frustra  credidi  brevibus  et  communibus  tibi  satisfacien- 
dum;  cum  ex  hujusmodi  quaestionem  elicias  cujus  absolutio 
peritorum  quosdam  bucusque  latuit.  Verum  quod  dicis,  'ex 
verbis  tuis,  clericorum  et  laicorum  sic  delinquentium  videtur 
esse  dispar  conditio,  cum  pares  sint  in  delicto,'  non  approbo  : 
sicut  enim  in  gradibus  sic  et  in  culpis  dissident ;  juxta  verbum 
illud ;  '  quanto  gradus  altior,  tanto  casus  gravior ;'  in  bonis  etiam 
et  meritoriis  operibus,  ut  quibusdam  visum  est,  dispares  sunt : 
laici  enim,  qui  voti  necessitati  minus  tenentur,  ampliorem 
gratiam  promereri  videntur ;  sicut  in  perversis  actibus,'  hii  qui 
voto  religionis  inserviunt,  gravius  offendunt.  Sed  de  bis  hactenus. 
Habes  autem  ex  praecedentibus  unde  tuae  quaestionis  pars  prima 
valeat  absolvi.  Ex  eo  enim  quod  clericus  usuris  inservie 
dignitatis  suae  privilegium  demeretur,  parem  laico  sic  deli 
quenti  poenam  sibi  mereatur,  ut  ipso  videlicet  de  medio  sublato 
omnia  ejus  mobilia  fisco  debeantur.  Ceterum  sic  a  prudentibus 
accepimus.  In  sic  delinquentem  clericum  vel  laicum  Cbristia^ 
num  regia  potestas  actionem  non  babet,  dum  vita  comes  fuerit  :^> 
superest  euim  poenitentiae  tempus ;  sed  magis  ecclesiastico 
judicio  reservatur,  pro  sui  status  qualitate  condemnandus  :  cum 
autem  fati  munus  expleverit,  sua  omnia,  ecclesia  non  reclamante, 
regi  cedunt:  nisi,  sicut  dictum  est,  vita  comite  digne  poeuituerit, 
et  testamento  condito  quae  legare  decreverit  a  se  prorsus 
alienaverit.  Restat  itaque,  ut  quas  publicas  dicamus  usuras  et 
quas  non  publicas  expediamus  ;  deinde  si  pari  lege  teneantur,  qui 
in  utrisque  delinquunt.  Publicas  igitur  et  usitatas  usuras  dici- 
mus,  quando  more  Judaeorum  in  eadem  specie  ex  conventione 
quis  amplius  percepturus  est  quain  commoduvit;  sicut  libram 
pro  marca,  vel  pro  libra  argenti  duos  denarios  in  septimana 
de  lucro  praeter  sortem  :  non  publicas  autem  sed  tamen 
damnabiles,  cum  quis  fundum  aliquem  vel  ecclesiam  pro  com- 
modato  suscipit,  et  mauente  sortis  integritate,  fructus  ejus, 
donee  sors  ipsa  soluta  fuerit,  sibi  percipit.  Hoc  genus 
propter  laborem  et  sumptum  qui  in  agriculturis  solent  impeudi, 
licentius  visum  est;  sed  proculdubio  sordidum  est  et  inter 
usuras  computandum  merito.  Quod  si  creditor  avarus  et  in 
ruinam  animae  suae  pronus  in  scripto  sic  exprimi  dignum 
duxerit,  ut  dicatur ;  'notum  sit  omnibus,  quod  ego  N.  debeo 
N.  centum  marcas  argenti ;  et  pro  his  centum  marcis  invadiavi 
ei  terram  illam  pro  x.  1. ;  quousque  ego,  vel  haeres  metis,  solvam 
ipsi  vel  baeredi  suo  pracdiotas  centum  marcas:'  cum  post 


230  Henry  II.  [PART 

mortem  creditoris  ad  regis  vcl  principalls  Justiciarii  notitiam 
hujus  famosae  cartae  tenor  pervenerit :  imprimis  foedus  foenoris 
quaestus  condemnabitur,  et  creditor  scripto  suo  deprehensus 
foenerator,  mobilibus  suis  indignus  judicabitur.  Quod  si  is 
cujus  fundus  est  a  rege  quomodolibet  obtinuerit,  ut  sic  dis- 
tractus  sibi  restituatur,  iu  sorte  tota  domino  regi  tenebitur, 
etiamsi  creditor  per  biennium  vel  amplius  possederit,  regis 
tamen  munificentia  de  summa  sortis  illius  taxare  consuevit, 
maxime  propter  singularis  gratiae  munus,  in  quo  fidelibus  suis 
debito  praelationis  tenetur,  et  tune  quia  creditoris  seu  foenera- 
toris,  qui  sui  fidelis  enormi  jactura  ditatus  fuerat,  ratione  pub- 
licae  potestatis  bona  omnia  percepturus  est.  Sunt  et  pleraque 
alia  quae  singulariter  ad  fiscum  pertinent,  quae  non  facile  sub 
una  scripturae  serie  redigi  possunt ;  quia  non  constituta  sed 
casualia  sunt.  De  hiis  tamen  excidentibus  hujus  tertii  generis, 
non  supra  post  firmas,  sed  infra  post  omnia  placita  compoti  fiunt, 
ante  catalla  fugitivorum  ;  ut  ipsa  quoque  locorum  positione  vide- 
antur  pro  enormibus  culpis  delinquentium  ad  fiscum  pertinentia. 
•  D.  Miror  super  his  quae  dixisti ;  non  enim  cum  prioribus 
stare  posse  videntur.  Cum  enim  ascriptitiorum  dominis  liberum 
sit,  non  solum  illos  transferre,  verum  etiam  quibuscunque  modis 
distrahere,  sicut  supra  dictum  est ;  et  non  tantum  catallorum 
sed  et  corporum  merito  domini  reputentur ;  mirandum  est  cum 
dominus  rerum  et  hominis  rei  nil  delinquat  in  legem,  quare 
possessione  sua  privetur :  videri  enim  justum  posset,  ut  regis 
constitutio  in  personam  delinquentis  puniret  excessum,  mobilia 
vero  cum  ipsis  fundis  in  usus  dominorum  cederent. 

M.  Movet  te  quod  me'movet;  verum  in  his  longam  fieri  moram 
superfluum  credo,  cum  ab  inceptis  negotiis  aliena  sint.  Ut  tibi 
satisfiat ;  propter  solam  regis  assisam  sic  esse  cognoscas ;  nee 
enim  est  qui  regiae  constitutioni,  quae  pro  bono  pacis  fit,  obviare 
praesumat.  Quod  si  dominis  catalla  suorum  per  assisam  con- 
demnatorum  provenirent,  forte  quia  cupiditatis  humanae  fervida 
sitis  in  medio  posita  est,  propter  modicum  quaestum  quidam  in 
necem  suorum  etiam  innocentium  grassarentur  :  ea  propter  rex 
ipse,  cui  generalis  est  et  a  Deo  credita  cura  subditorum,  hoc  ita 
decrevit  ut  sic  rei  legi  satisfacientes  corpore  puniantur,  et 
retentis  sibi  ipsi  mobilibus,  domesticis  hostibus,  hoc  est,  dominis 
suis,  non  exponantur :  verum  sicut  jam  diximus,  sola  regis 
institutio  urgente  necessitate  pro  bono  pacis  facta,  hujus  quaes- 
tionis  principalis  solutio  est. 

D.  Video  quod  non  sine  causa  fit.  Nunc,  si  placet, 
prosequere.  Verum  restat  in  praecedentibus  quiddam,  quod 
vellem  altius,  si  placet,  expediri.  Dixisti  enim,  quod  fugitivo- 


IV.]  Dialoyus  de  Scaccario.   II.  231 

rum  et  mutilatomm  per  assisam  mobilia  summonita  ad  scacca- 
rium  deferuntur,  et  in  annali  suo  loco  scribuntur :  quid  autem 
de  praedonum  vel  furum  catallis  fieri  debet  non  dixisti;  si 
scilicet  ad  regem  pertineant,  vel  cui  de  jure  cedere  debeant. 

M.  Praedonum,  qui  et  fares  manifesti  dicuntur,  et  latenter 
furantium,  conditio  dissimilis  est ;  porro  tarn  horum  quam 
illorum  duo  sunt  genera,  ex  quorum  singulis  catalla  diversis 
diverse  modo  proveniunt.  Praedonum  quidem  sicut  et  furum 
quidam  exleges  sunt,  quos  usitatius  utlagatos  dicimus,  quidam 
non :  utlagati  vero  vel  exleges  fiunt,  quando  legitime  citati  non 
comparent,  et  per  legitimos  et  constitutes  terminos  exspectantur 
et  etiam  requirautur,  nee  juri  se  offerunt.  Horum  itaque  catalla 
sicut  et  vita  in  manibus  comprehendentium  ipsos  esse  noscuntur, 
nee  ad  regem  pertinere  qualibet  ratione  possunt :  praedonum 
autem  bona  qui  nondum  in  hanc  miseriae  summam  delapsi  sunt, 
si  comprehendantur,  ad  fiscum  proveniunt :  furum  autem  ad 
vicecomitem  sub  quo  deprehensi  et  puniti  sunt.  Quod  si  vice- 
comes  furis  causam  ad  curiam  deduci  dignam  duxerit,  ut  ibi 
judicetur,  nihil  ipsis  sed  totum  regi  debetur,  quod  fur  ille 
possedit.  Si  vero  furem  proprium  quis  insecutus  fuerit,  et  in 
curia  prima  domini  regis,  vel  etiam  in  comitatu  ipsum  com- 
prehenderit,  et  reum  furti  adjudicata  lege  probaverit ;  de  catallis 
furis,  si  ad  id  suflfecerit,  ablata  primum  laeso  restituautur, 
praecedente,  si  placet  domini  regis  Justiciario,  de  summa  abla- 
torum  fide  ejus  qui  petit,  vel  sacramento  :  postmodum  autem 
ex  provida  studiosorum  pacis  institutione,  idem  de  bonis  furis 
tantundem  accepturus  est  in  laboris  et  sumptus  sui  solatium, 
quantum  prius  dolo  furis  amiserat.  Haec  autem  duplex  et 
prudenter  procurata  solutio  ab  antiquis  solta  et  persolta  vel 
prosolta  non  immerito  dicta  est :  primo  enim  quod  ablatum 
fuerat  et  solvitur  et  ob  hoc  solta  dicitur :  deinceps  pro  laboris  et 
sumptus  impendio  quod  adjicitur  pro  vel  persolta  nuncupatur. 
His  in  hunc  modum  expletis,  quod  fuerat  in  bonis  rei  residuum 
fisco  proveniet. 

D.  Et  haec  necessaria  visa  sunt;  sed  nunc  juxta  promissum, 
de  censu  nemorum,  si  placet,  prosequere. 

M.  Gratulor  quod  te  tarn  dictuum  virtutem  quam  dicendorum 
ordinem  memoriter  tenuisse  conspicio.  Superest  igitur  ut  vou3 
tuis  satisfacere  pro  viribus  non  omittam. 

XI.  De  Censu  nemorum, 

Post  compotum  purpraesturarum  et  escaetarum  pequitur  com- 
potus  de  censu  nemorum,  brevis  satis  et  expeditus.  sub  h,>c 
teuore  verborum  :  '  idem  vicecomes  vel  ille  alius  N.  reddit  com- 


232  Henry  II.  [PART 

potum  de  xx.  1.,  de  censu  illius  nemoris  vel  forestae  de  Norham- 
tescira ;  in  thesauro  liberavit,  et  quietus  est.'  Sunt  tamen 
quaedam  forestae  de  quibus  decimae  constitutoruiu  censuum 
ecclesiis  majoribus  solvuntur ;  sicut  de  Wiltescira  et  de  Hampte- 
scira  ecclesiae  Sarisburiensi,  de  Norhamtescira  vero  ecclesiae 
Lincolniensi  :  cujus  solutionis  causam  sic  accepi ;  quod  enim  de 
forestis  solvitur  pene  totum  vel  ejus  maxima  J>ars  ex  placitis  et 
exSctiomb'us  provenit ;  sic  igitur  per  datas  decimas  illicit!  ([u;n-- 
ttus  utcumque  redimi  posse  visi  sunt.  De  his  autem  sic  compoti 
fiunt :  '  ille  vel  ille  reddit  compotum  de  xx.  1.,  de  censu  forestae 
illius ;  in  thesauro  xviii.  1. ; '  et  in  capite  proximae  lineae  in- 
ferioris  sic  ;  '  et  in  decimis  constitutes  illi  ecclesiae  xl.  s. ;'  deinde 
in  fine  ejusdem  lineae  paulo  seorsum  ab  alia  scriptura  sic,  '  et 
quietus  est.'  Intellige  etiam  semel  tibi  dictum,  quod  omnia 
debita  et  item  ea  quae  in  thesauro  soluta  fuerint  seorsum  ab 
alia  scriptura  collocanda  sunt ;  ut  juvanti  animo  et  discurrenti 
oculo  facilius  occurrant ;  quoniam  ex  solvendis  summonitiones, 
et  ex  jam  solutis  absolutiones,  fiunt.  Post  diligentem  firmae 
principalis  veteris  sive  novae  compotum,  et  item  post  compotum 
purpraesturarum  et  escaetarum,  et  census  nemorum,  quae  omnia, 
sicut  dictum  est,  annuo  jure  solvuntur,  sequitur  compotus  de 
placitis  [et]  conventionibus ;  in  quo  primum  post  modicum 
intervallum  in  medio  lineae  praenotatio  fit  quorum  scilicet 
judicum  haec  sint. 

XII.  De  Placitis  et  Conventionibus  ;  quo  ordine  de  his  compoti 
fiunl,  cum  exacta  solvuntur. 

Placita  autem  dicimus  poenas  pecuniarias  in  quas  incidunt 
delinquentes  :  conventiones  vero  oblata  spontanea.  Cum  ergo  de 
hiis  instat  exactio,  tune  primum  clerico  cancellarii  traditur  sum- 
monitio ;  qui  seriatim  de  singulis  urget  vicecomitem,  dicens;  '  redde 
de  illo  x.  libras ;  pro  hac  causa;'  quod  si  in  thesauro  solvitur 
quod  requiritur,  sic  scribetur  in  annali ;  '  N.  reddit  compotum  de 
x.  1.  pro  hac  causa/  et  ex  ordine  tota  redigatur  in  scriptum,  '  in 
thesauro  liberavit,  et  quietus  est : '  si  vero  per  breve  regis  quietus 
est,  ut,  sicut  diximus,  numerus  exprimatur  in  brevi,  dicetur  ;  '  N. 
reddit  compotum  de  x.  1.,'  et  addat  causam  ;  deinde  paulo  inferius 
in  ipsa  linea,  '  per  breve  regis  ipsi  N.  x.  1.,  et  quietus  est ;'  quod  si 
de  c.  summonitus  sit,  cum  tamen  suinnia  debiti  sit  in  annali  x.  1. 
et  c.  solverit  in  denariis,  vel  de  c.  breve  regis  impetraverit, 
dicetur ;  '  N.  reddit  compotum  de  x.  1. ;  in  thesauro  centum 
Bolidos,  et  debet  c.  solidos,'  vel  '  in  perdonis  per  breve  regis  ipsi 
N.  c.  solidos,  et  debet  c.  solidos.'  Et  nota,  quod  in  omnibus 
compotis  de  placitis  et  conventionibus  siiiguli  per  se  responde- 


Iv.]  Dialogue  de  Scaccario.   II.  233 

bunt,  ut  scilicet  onus  debiti,  si  non  satisfecerit,  vel  absolutionem 
si  universum  solverit,  suo  nomine  suscipiant,  exceptis  communi- 
bus  assisis  et  Danegeldis  et  murdris ;  de  his  enim  vicecomes 
compotum  reddit,  et  super  his  ipse  vel  quietus  in  annali  scribitur 
vel  in  debito.  Quod  si  mutatus  fuerit  vicecomes,  nihilominus  is 
qui  succedit  ei  de  eisdem  respondebit  et  de  eis  summonebitur ; 
et  nisi  satisfecerit,  per  firmam  quam  soluturus  est  coercendus 
est.  Quisquis  enim  in  onus  ejusdem  officii  mutato  succedit 
vicecomite,  ab  ipso  suscipit  rescripta  debitorum  regis  in  ipso 
comitatu ;  ut  per  hoc  nosse  valeat  a  quibus  quae  debeant 
requiri,  cum  summonitionem  ad  se  delatam  susceperit.  Ad 
vicecomitem  ergo  spectat  compotus  communium,  ad  quern 
solum  pertinet  coercio  singulorum;  et  qui  vicecomes  fuerit, 
dum  compotus  fit,  vel  quietus  vel  in  debito  hac  ratione  scri- 
betur. 

D.  Teneo  memoriter  quid  fieri  debeat  cum  quis  super  aliquo 
debito  summoiiitus  breve  regis  detulerit,  quod  numerum  qui 
requiritur  exprimat.  Quod  si  regis  cartam  de  quietantia  rerum 
ejusdem  generis  ad  scaccarium  deferat ;  ut  sic  dicatur ;  'volo 
igitur  ut  haec  omnia  teneat  libere  et  quiete  de  placitis  et 
murdris,'  et  his  et  his,  et  hujusmodi;  nunquid  in  perdonis 
eriU 

M.  Erit  revera;  sed  non  dicetur,  'in  perdonis  per  cartam 
regis/  vel '  per  libertatem  cartae,'  hoc  vel  iliud  ;  immo  '  per  breve 
regis  :'  quod  si  carta  quidem  non  specificans  sic  contineat,  'libere 
et  quiete  ab  omni  exactione  et  saeculari  servitio  praedicta  possi- 
cleat;'  non  tamen  ab  his  quae  requiruntur  per  hoc  quietus  est 
vel  in  perdonis  scribetur  :  noluut  enim  qui  assident  speciali 
debito  per  generalem  absolutionem  derogari. 

D.  Perniciosa  satis  est  ista  subtilitas :  qui  enim  a  generibus 
singulorum  liber  est,  et  a  singulis  generum  meretur  absolvi. 

M.  Verum  est  quod  dicis  ;  neque  nos  dissentimus ;  sed  tamen 
quid  fiat  dicimus,  non  quid  forte  fieri  debeat.  Igitur  cum  de 
omnibus  hiis  quae  in  summonitione  continentur,  vel  per  nume- 
ratam  pecuniam  vel  per  brevia  regis  satisfactum  fuerit,  hac  lege 
scripturae  quae  supra  dicta  est  semper  utendum  est :  verum  cum 
non  solverit  aliquis  universum  quod  ab  ipso  requiritur,  sed 
partem  ejus  vel  forte  nihil,  causa  statim  a  vicecomite  requirenda 
est  cur  is  solvendo  non  fuerit.  Quod  si  respondent  vicecomes, 
quaesisse  se  diligenter  ejus  de  quo  agitur  nee  catalla  invenire 
potuisse  ;  inferet  tliesaurarius,  '  cave  tibi ;  nam  hujus  rei  fidem,' 
scilicet  quaesisse  te  nee  invenire  potuisse  per  quod  ttiisfieri 
posset,  'fide  corporaliter  praestita  coufirmabis;'  quo  respondente, 
'praesto  sum;'  in  consummation  compotum  fidei  susceptio  diffe- 


234  Henry  II.  [PART 

retur ;  ubi  super  multis  consimilibus  semel  data  sufficiat.  Da 
hac  tamen  fide  jam  circa  initia  plura  dicta  sunt,  et  restant  aliqua 
suo  loco  dicenda. 

XIII.  De  distinctions  personarum  quae  solvendo  non  sunt ;  de 
quibus  a  Vicecomite  fides  ojfertur,  et  sub  quo  tenore  verborum 
fides  detur. 

Porro  hie  primum  distinguendum  est  circa  debitores  et  debita ; 
ut  in  quibus  fides  oblata  locum  habeat,  et  quibus  non,  tibi  con- 
stet :  si  enim  miles,  vel  liber  alius,  vel  ascriptitius,  vel  quaelibet 
hujusmodi  cujuscunque  conditionis  aut  sexus  persona,  regi  tene- 
tur  in  quovis  debito,  quod  quidem  poena  sit  pro  excessu,  non 
oblatum  spontaneum,  fide  ilia  vicecomitis  oblata  et  in  fine  susci- 
pienda  contentus  erit  thesaurarius ;  et  iterato  scribetur  debitor 
in  hoc  annali,  sicut  in  praeterito,  vir  vel  mulier  cujus  actio  per 
inopiam  inanis  facta  est ;  verum  secus  est  si  debitor  ille  de  quo 
quaeritur  civis  est  vel  burgensis,  si  scilicet  genere  civis  sit,  vel 
facta  sibi  necessitate  commorantium  civium  legibus  sponte  se 
subjecerit ;  non  enim  sufficit  vicecomiti,  quod  horum,  si  qui  de 
requisita  summa  non  satisfaciunt,  mobilia  tantum  solvat,  vel  quae- 
sisse  se  nee  invenisse  fidem  offerat,  ut  sic  ad  scaccarium  liberetur, 
nisi  eorum  et  domos  et  fundos  et  quoslibet  urbium  redditus  in- 
fiscet,  et  penes  alios  collocet,  ut  vel  sic  debita  regi  pecunia  pro- 
veniat ;  quod  si  non  inveniantur  qui  suscipiant,  parcentibus  sibi 
invicem  ejusdem  conditionis  hominibus,  domos  eorum  seris  ob- 
struat,  et  fundos  diligenter  excoli  faciat.  Si  vero  interim  hii 
solverint  quae  requiruntur,  ad  proprietaries  ipsos  per  manum 
vicecomitis  sine  molestia  quae  sui  juris  sunt  reddent. 

D.  Mirari  satis  non  possum,  ubi  culpa  dispar  non  est, 

Cur  genus  hoc  hominum  gravius  lex  nostra  coercet. 

M.  Maxima  pars  possessionis  eorum  qui  fundos  habent  et  per 
agriculturam  sustentantur,  in  pecudibus,  in  animalibus  et  in 
frugibus  est,  et  item  in  hiis  quae  non  facile  cohabitantium  noti- 
tiam  possunt  effugere  :  at  hiis  qui  mercimoniis  inserviunt,  et  qui 
parcentes  sumptibus,  multiplicandis  possessionibus  totis  viribus 
et  modis  omnibus  insistunt,  in  numeratam  pecuniam  sollicitior 
cura  consistit.  Per  haec  enim  commercia  facilius  exercentur ; 
et  possunt  liaec  in  locis  tutis  et  ignotis  facile  reponi :  unde  fit 
ut  saepe  qui  dives  est,  non  patentibus  his  quae  latent,  pauper 
reputetur  :  propter  haec  igitur  in  hos  gravius  lex  ilia  decernit ; 
quia  superabundans  pecuniarum  puteus  non  de  facili  videtur 
exhaustus. 

D.  Quid  assisa  communis,  et  quis  vel  quo  ordine  de  ipsa 


iv.J  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  235 

respondeat,  ex  praedictis  magna  ex  parte  jam  constat.  Nunc  si 
placet  de  auxiliis,  vel  donis  civitatum  seu  burgorum ;  qualiter 
ex  hiis  compoti  fiant,  et  qui  principaliter  conveniendi  vel 
coercendi  super  his  fuerint,  edissere  j  modus  enim  coercionis  ex 
praedictis  jam  patet. 

M.  Gaudeo  te  memorem  praedictorum ;  et  hinc,  fateor,  me 
magis  animasti.  Noveris  itaque  quod  plurimum  interest,  si 
donum  vel  auxilium  civitatis  per  singula  capita  commorantium 
in  ea  a  Justitiis  constituatur  :  vel  si  cives  summam  aliquam  quae 
principe  digna  videatur  justiciariis  offerant,  et  ab  eis  suscipiatur  : 
dispar  enim  in  his  duobus  modus  est  coercionis ;  si  enim  per 
singulos  a  judicibus  constitutum  est  donum,  et  quilibet  eorum 
solvendo  non  fuerit,  lex  praedicta  de  civibus  non  solventibus 
servatur ;  ut  scilicet  domibus  et  redditibus  usque  ad  solutionem 
privetur.  At  si  dictum  est  a  civibus, '  dabimus  regi  mille  libras ;' 
et  haec  summa  digna  suscipi  judicetur  ;  ut  statutis  terminis  eadem 
exsurgat  ipsi  provideant.  Quod  si  forte  excusare  coeperint,  alle- 
gantes  quorundam  inopiam  qui  in  aliqua  parte  summae  hujusmodi 
tenebantur ;  tune  diligent  er,  hoc  est  per  fid  em  vicecomitis,  in- 
quirendum  est,  si  a  tempore  constituti  per  eosdem  cives  doni  vel 
auxilii  hii  tales  exstiterint  ut  solvere  non  valerent ;  quod  si  in- 
ventum  fuerit,  provideant  alios  ex  quibus  summa  prior  exsurgat, 
vel  per  commune  distribuatur  quod  restat;  verum  si  tempore 
constitutionis  abundabant,  sed  lege  fortunae  natura  mobilis 
nunc  egeant,  sustinendum  est  de  hiis  quousque  per  Dei  gratiam 
ditentur. 

J).  Cerno  quod  in  omnibus  modum  servantes  semper  regiis 
commodis  inhaeretis. 

M.  Memoriter  tenes  quid  de  civibus  vel  burgensibus  non 
solventibus  sit  agendum.  Quod  si  forte  miles  aliquis  vel  liber 
alius  a  sui  status  dignitate,  quod  absit,  degenerans,  multiplicandis 
denariis  per  publica  mercimonia,  vel  per  turpissimum  genus 
quaestus,  hoc  est,  per  foenus,  institerit,  et  exacta  sponte  non 
solverit,  non  per'  fidem  tantum  de  non  inventis  vicecomes  ab- 
solvetur,  verum  cum  haec  praesidenti  suggesserit,  districtum  ab 
ipso  mandatum  suscipiet  ut  de  summa  quae  ab  illo  requiritur 
statutis  terminis  solvenda  fulejussores  inveniat ;  quod  si  nolu- 
erit,  omnes  ejus  redditus  infiscentur ;  ut  in  hac  parte  merito  fiat 

Hiis  similis  qui  multiplicant  qnocunque  modo  rem. 

Z>.  Dignum  revera  est,  ut  a  statu  suo  pro  turpi  quaestu 
recedens  degener  miles,  vel  liber  alius,  praeter  communem 
liberorum  legem  puniatur.  Sed  jam  nunc  si  placet  edissere, 
quae  sunt  quae  pro  catallis  ejus  qui  regi  tenetur  debeant  im- 


Henry  II.  [PART 

putari,  et  utrum  ab  omnibus  omnia  tollenda  sunt  a  vicecomite, 
quousque  summa  quae  requiritur  exsurgat,  quando  scilicet  prin- 
cipalis  debitor  exacta  sponte  non  solvit. 

XIV.  Quae  cataUa  debitorum  vendenda  non  sunt,  cum  ipsi  sponte 
non  solvunt,  et  quis  in  vendendis  oTdo  sit  observandus. 

J/.  In  pelagus  me  quaestionum  impellis,  nescio,  Deus  scit, 
qua  emersurum.  Noveris  itaque,  quod  sic  iterum  personarum 
distinctio  necessaria  est,  sicut  ex  consequentibus  liquebit ;  vel- 
lem  tamen  in  hac  parte  mihi  parceres,  ne  pluribus  displicitura 
proferre  compellas. 

D.  Dum  a  legis  constitutae  tramite  non  exorbitaveris,  justam 
prudentis  offensam  non  mereberis  :  quod  si  cui  grave  videbitur 
quod  lex  statuit,  ei  qui  condidit  irascatur,  non  tibi. 

M.  Ab  initio  debitor  tibi  factus  sum  ex  promisso.  Hinc  est, 
quod  volens  teneor  parere  volenti  vel  petenti.  Debitorum  igitur 
qui  exacta  sponte  non  solvunt,  catalla,  quae  licite  venduntur,  sunt 
eorum  mobilia  ac  sese  moventia ;  qualia  sunt  aurum,  argjmtum 
et  ex  hiis  vasa  composita,  lapides  quoque  pretiosi,  et  mutatoria 
vestimentorum,  et  hiis  similia ;  item  equorum  utrumque  genus, 
usuales  scilicet  et  indomiti ;  armenta  quoque  bourn  et  greges 
ovium,  et  cetera  hujusmodi ;  frugum  etiam  et  quorundam  vic- 
tualium  mobilis  est  natura,  ut  scilicet  libere  vendi  possint, 
deductis  necessariis  sumptibus  debitoris  ad  sola  victualia,  hoc; 
est,  ut  necessitati,  non  superfluitati,  et  item  ut  naturae  satisfiat~ 
non  crapulae ;  nee  soli  debitori,  sed  uxori  ejus  ac  filiis  ac 
familiae  quam  prius  exhibuerat  duni  sibi  viveret,  huic  necessaria 
ministrantur. 

Z>.  Quare  dicis  '  quorundam  V 

M.  Victualia  quae  ab  eis  quotidianis  usibus  praeparantur  et 
quae  sine  sui  mutatione  esibus  accommodantur,  qualia  sunt 
panis  et  potus,  nulla  ratione  vendi  possunt;  victualium  igitur 
ea  duntaxat,  quae  praeter  usus  necessaries  ab  ipsis  dominis 
reservanda  fuerant  ut  venalia  fierent,  licite  venduntur,  qualia 
sunt  carnes  sale  conditae,  casei,  mella,  vina,  et  his  similia.  Et 
nota,  quod  si  debitor  ille  qui  solvendo  non  est,  militiae  cingulum 
semel  obtiuuerit,  venditis  ceteris,  equus  tamen  ei,  non  quilibet, 
sed  unus  usualium,  reservabitur ;  ne  qui  dignitate  factus  est 
eques,  pedes  cogatur  incedere.  Quod  si  miles  ejusmodi  fuerit, 

Quern  juvat  armorum  decor  et  juvat  usus  eorum, 

et  qui  meritis  exigentibus  debeat  inter  strenuos  computari,  tota 
gui  corporis  arinatura  cum  equis  ad  id  necessariis  a  venditoribus 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  237 

erit  liberrima ;  ut,  cum  oportuerit,  ad  regis  et  rcgni  negotia 
armis  et  equis  instructus  possit  assumi. 

Si  tamen  hie  idem  cui  lex  in  parte  pepercit, 

audita  necessitate  regis  vel  regni,  delitescens  se  absentaverit, 
vel  ad  hoc  vocatus  non  veuerit,  sic  tamen  ut  non  propriis 
sed  regiis  stipendiis  militet,  et  evidenter  absentiam  suam  non 
excusaverit,  nee  ab  his  venditores  temperabunt ;  sed  solo  con- 
tentus  equo  propter  dignitatem  militiae  sibi  relicto,  juri  com- 
muni  vivat  obnoxius.  Caveat  autem  vicecomes  ut  venditores 
suos  praemonuerit  in  vendendis  hunc  ordinem  observare  ;  mobilia 
cujusque  primo  yeudantur,  bobus  autem  arantibus  per  quoa 
agricultura  solet  exerceri  quantum  poterint  parcant;  ne  ipsa 
deficiente  debitor  amplius  in  futurum  egere  cogatur.  Quod  si 
nee  sic  quidem  summa  quae  requiritur  exsurgit,  nee  arantibus 
parcendum  est.  Cum  igitur  omnia,  quae  ad  ipsum  specialiter 
pertinent  venalia  venundata  sunt ;  si  nondum  satisfactum  est,(V  ' 
ascriptitiorum  ejus  fundos  adeant,  et_eQrum  caialjaliciteygn-  *V 


ordinem  simul  et  legem  praedictam  observantes ;  haec  V 
emm  ad  dominum  pertinere  noscuntur,  sicut  supra  dictum  est :  V 
quo  facto,  sive  sic  de  requisita  summa  satisfactum  sit  sive  non, 
venditores  jubet  lex  nostra  quiescere ;  nisi  forte  scutagium  sit 
quod  a  domino  requiritur ;  pro  scutagio  namque  si  non  solvent 
qui  regi  tenetur  dominus  principalis,  non  tantum  propria  sed  et 
militum  suorum  et  ascriptitiorum  catalla  passim  venduntur; 
ratio  namque  scutagiorum  milites  suos  magna  pro  parte  respicit 
quia  non  nisi  de  militibus  et  ratione  militiae  regi  debentur. 
Vidi  tamen  ego  ipse,  cui  nondum  cana  memoria  est,  pro  singulis 
debitis  eorum  qui  non  satisfaciebant,  non  solum  propria  sed 
etiam  militum  suorum  et  ascriptitiorum  catalla  licite  vendi. 
Sed  illustris  regis  constitutio  in  scutagiis  tantum  hoc  observari 
decrevit,  ordine  servato,  ut  prius  propria,  dehinc  aliena,  ven- 
dantur.  Quod  si  milites  ea  quae  de  feodis  suis  proveniunt 
domino  solverint,  et  hoc  oblata  cautione  probare  voluerint,  pro 
hiis  quae  a  dominis  requiruntur  catalla  sua  venundari  lex 
prohibet. 


XV.  Quod  Vicecomes  a  debitoribus  debitoris  illius  qui  Regi  non 
sohit  debitam  Regi  summam  suscipiat. 

Item  admonendus  est  vicecomes  ut  diligenter  et  sollicite 
quantum  poterit  investiget,  si  quis  in  comitatu  suo  debitori 
illi  in  solutionem  sibi  praestitae  vel  penes  eum  depositae 
pecuniae  teneatur  :  quod  si  inventum  fuerit,  a  debitore  illo 
summa  ilia  quae  ab  ejus  creditore  qui  regi  tenetur  requiritur, 


238  Henry  II.  [PART 

exigatur,  et  ne  ei  super  eodem  respondeat  auctoritate  publicae 
potestatis  inhibeatur. 

XVI.  Quod   Vicecomes  a  fundis  ejus  qui  non  solvit  quod  re- 
quiritur  percipiat,  etiamsi  eosdem,  ex  quo  regi  teneri  coepit, 
quomodolibet  alienaverit. 

Item,  si  debitor  a  tempore  quo  regi  teneri  coepit,  fundum 
suum  vel  redditum  alii  locaverit,  vel  pignus  pi'o  pecunia  de- 
clerit,  vel  etiam,  quod  absurdum  tibi  forte  videbitm*,  dominium 
ejus  per  venditionem  a  se  transtulerit ;  si  alias  inventa  non 
sunt  per  quae  regi  satisfiat,  quaecunque  persona  fuerit,  quo- 
cunque  titulo  possessionem  nactus  fuerit,  nihilominus  ex  eodem 
quod  ad  regem  pertinet  accipietur;  salva  proprietate  domino 
qui  justo  earn  titulo  coeperit  possidere ;  nisi  forte  debitor  ille 
fundi  venditi  pretium  ab  initio  sponte  regi  solverit ;  tune  enim 
tuta  erit  penes  emptorem  possessio.  Hujus  autem  rei  causam, 
licet  distorta  modicum  et  regiae  nimis  utilitati  serviens  videtur, 
evidentem  tamen  et  satis  justam  secundum  patrias  leges  com- 
probabis.  Quisquis  enim  in  regiam  majestatem  deliquisse 
deprehenditur,  uno  trium  modorum  juxta  qualitatem  delicti 
sui  regi  condemnatur :  aut  enim  in  universe  mobili  suo  reus 
judicatur,  pro  minoribus  culpis ;  aut  in  omnibus  immobilibus, 
fundis  scilicet  et  redditibus,  ut  eis  exhaeredetur ;  quod  si  pro 
majoribus  culpis,  aut  pro  maximis  quibuscunque  vel  enormibus 
,  delictis,  in  vitam  suam  vel  membra.  Cum  igitur  aliquis- 
de  mobilibus  in  beneplacito  regis  judicatur,  lata  in  eum  a 
judicibus  sententia  per  haec  verba, '  iste  est  in  misericordia  regis 
de  pecunia  sua;'  idem  est  ac  si  'de  tota'  dixissent.  Laicorum 
enim  [sententiae]  indefinitae,  non  his  pro  quibus  tutius  est  eas 
accipi,  hoc  est  particularibus,  sed  semper  universalibus  aequi- 
pollent.  Cum  igitur  fundi  illius  catalla  quern  debitor  prius 
distraxit  in  beneplacito  principis  adjudicata  fuissent,  et  ipse  de 
requisita  summa  non  satisfecerit,  videri  potest  injustum  ut  rem 
nou  suam,  in  fisci  jacturam,  alienavei'it. 

XVII.  Quod  non  licet  Vicecomiti  debitam  sibi  pecuniam  a  non 
solventibus  suscipere;  et  quid  sit  agendum  si  forte  susceperit. 

Item  admonendus  est  vicecomes  propter  fidei  religionem  quae 
ab  ipso  de  non  solventibus  exigitur,  immo  quam  ipse  sponte 
visus  est  obtulisse,  ut  sic  a  summonitione  sibi  facta  liberari 
valeat,  ne  a  debitore  quolibet  qui  regi  non  solvit,  interim  aliqua 
quae  sibi  juste  debebantur  suscipiat.  Non  enim  verisimile  est, 
non  posse  vicecomitem  de  catallis  ejus  iuvenisse,  per  quae  regi 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II.  239 

debita  summa  solvatur,  qui  ipsi  vicecomiti  sponte  vel  invitus 
quod  requiritur  exsolvit.  Si  tamen  ante  datam  fidem  per  se  vel 
per  alitim  recordatus  fuerit  vicecomes  de  his  aliqua  se  suscepisse, 
vel  etiam  post  datam,  nondum  tamen  soluto  scaccario  diei  illius, 
hoc  est  dum  compotus  ejus  recens  est,  et  veniens  in  publicum 
querula  voce  se  suscepti  tune  immemorem  exstitisse,  fide  de  his 
oblata,  confirmare  voluerit,  susceptam  summam  nomine  debitoris 
persolvens  liberabitur.  Si  vero,  quod  absit,  post  fidem  datam, 
post  solutum  scaccarium,  per  alium  hoc  innotuerit,  non  jam 
suscepta  tantum  solvens  absolvetur  :  sed  pro  excessu  suo  in 
regis  beneplacito  judicandus  pecuniariter  punietur.  Postremo 
viceeomitem  commonuisse  sufficiat,  ut  post  susceptam  summoni- 
tionem  diligenter  inquirat  per  viciniam,  si  vir  qui  solvendo  non 
est,  uxorem  ducens,  vel  mulier,  ditiori  nubens,  vel  quovis  alio 
modo  ditescat,  quatenus  de  requisitis  satisfacere  valeat :  quod  si 
inventum  fuerit,  propter  fidem  vicecomitis  solvere  compellatur : 
quod  si  nihil  horum  inventum  fuerit,  poterit  tune  purgata  con- 
scientia  de  hiis  rebus  fidem  dare,  et  imminentem  rerum  suarum 
jacturam  declinare. 

XVIII.   Qualiter  vir  pro  uxore,  vel  uxor  pro  viro  convenienda 
est,  cum  ille  vel  ilia  solvendo  non  est. 

D.  Nunquid  vir  pro  uxore,  quae  regi  teuebatur,  et  fati  debita 
jam  solvit,  vel  pro  viro  suo  mulier  ei  superstes  conveniri  debet  ? 

M.  Satis  audisti,  quod  '  qui  adhaeret  mulieri  unum  corpus 
efficitur;'  sic  tamen  ut  caput  ejus  sit.  Merito  ergo  pro  ea 
conveniendus  est ;  quia  mulier  sui  potestatem  non  habet  sed  vir. 
Quod  si  vir  ex  ea  prolem  susceperit,  cui  ratione  uxoris  debeatur 
haereditas,  et  mortua  jam  uxore  nondum  soluta  regi  debita 
pecunia  fuerit ;  vir  ille  nomine  haeredis  conveniendus  et  coer- 
cendus  est ;  alias  autem  non.  Porro  mulier  viro  suo  superstes 
prolem  habens,  et  in  viduitate  cum  ipsa  permanens,  ratione 
prolis,  cui  debetur  haereditas,  convenienda  et  coercenda  est ;  sic 
tamen  ut  doti  ejus  parcatur,  quia  praemium  pudoris  est.  Quod 
si  relictis  liberis  alii  viro  mulier  adhaeserit,  legitimus  haeres 
pro  debito  patris  conveniendus  est :  verum  si  mulier  quae 
deliquit  et  regi  tenetur,  priore  viro  sine  liberis  mortuo,  ad  alium 
se  cum  sua  haereditate  transtulerit,  debitum  ejus  a  viro  re- 
quirendum  est.  Hoc  est  igitur  quod  petisti.  Et  sic  vir  causa 
uxoris,  et  uxor  causa  viri  convenienda  est.  Certum  autem 
habeas,  quod  semper  legitimus  haeres  qui  debitori  succeclit,  pro 
illo  conveniendus  est :  ut  sicut  in  emolumentum  sic  in  onus 
subeat.  Solus  autem  ascriptitius,  et  is  qui  sine  haereditate 
decedit,  venditis  catallis  per  extremam  mortis  aleam  a  debito 


240  Henry  II.  [PAET 

liberantur  ;  non  tamen  ab  annali  in  quo  debita  haec  annotantur 
nisi  per  breve  regis  auferentur,  cum  scilicet  de  hiis  a  thesauravio 
regi  suggestum  fuerit  quod  inutiliter  in  rotulo  scribantur,  cum 
nullo  pacto  fieri  possit  ut  ab  hiis  debita  pecunia  proveniat. 

XIX.  Quod  non  sit  idem  modus  coercionis  baronum  regis, 

et  aliorum,  in  poenis  pecuniariis. 

Ad  haec  nosse  te  convenit,  quod  in  debitis  regiig  requirendis 
et  debitoribus  coercendis,  baronum  regis  et  ceterorum  qui 
passim  pro  suis  excessibus  pecuniariter  regi  puniuntur,  par 
conditio  non  est.  Porro  de  hiis  qui  de  rege  nihil  habent  in 
capite,  lex  praedicta  servatur.  At  si  de  rege  tenens  baroniam, 
audita  summonitione,  fidem  in  propria  persona,  vel  manu  gene- 
ralis  oeconomi  quern  vulgi  senescallum  dicunt,  in  manurn  vice- 
comitis  dederit,  sub  hoc  tenore  verborum,  quod  de  hac  summa 
et  de  hac  summonitione  grantum  baronum  scaccarii  die  compoti 
feui  faciet,  sic  vicecomes  contentus  sit. 

XX.  Quid  faciendum  cum  Oeconomus,  qui  fidem  dedit  de 

salisj'aciendo,  non  comparet. 

Si  vero  die  compoti  voce  praeconia  requi  situs  non  venerit, 
nee  per  se  nee  per  alium  satisfecerit,  vicecomes  quod  ad  ipsum 
pertinuit  fecisse  judicabitur,  causa  vero  haec  seorsum  in  memo- 
randis  scaccarii  praecepto  thesaurarii  diligenter  annotata  in 
finem  scaccarii  reservabitur ;  ut  tune  communicato  consilio, 
gravius  qui  sic  deliquit  puniatur.  Quod  si  post  consummatum 
compotum  vicecomitis  sui  venerit  et  satisfecerit ;  de  assidentium 
gratia,  et  de  legis  indulgentia  poterit  absolvi ;  verum  necesse  est 
ut  vicecomes  fidem  ejus  in  comitatu  sub  omnium  oculis  susci- 
piat :  quia  si  forte  qui  dederit  volens  malignari,  datam  inficiari 
voluerit,  adversus  eum  ad  omnem  probationis  summam  recor- 
datio  comitatus  sufficiet.  Quod  si  alias  sibi  datam  vicecomes 
confessus  fuerit,  nihil  egisse  judicabitur ;  unde  mox  de  firma 
sua  requisita  summa  capietur,  ut  summonitioni  satisfaciat  in 
hac  parte  dicenti,  '  vel  capientur  de  firma  tua.' 

XXI.  Quid  cum  veniens  non  satisfaciat,  si  Miles  est ;  quid  si 
non  Miles. 

Si  vero  qui  fidem  se  dedisse  non  diifitetur  die  nominata 
venerit  nee  satisfecerit,  si  dominus  est,  ad  scaccarium  quamdiu 
sederit  detinebitur,  fide  data  in  manu  marescalli,  sicut  supra 
diximus,  quod  a  leugata  villae  nisi  baronum  licentia  non  recedet : 


iv.]  Dlalogm  de  Scaccario.  II.  241 

soluto  vero  scaccario  illius  termini,  si  nondum  satisfecerit,  in 
loco  tuto  sub  libera  custodia  collocabitur,  quousque  rex  ipse  si 
praesens  fuerit,  vel  praesidens  cum  aliis  assidentibus,  quid  de 
ipso  agendum  fuerit  decernat,  qui  fidem  se  dedis,se  de  satisfaciendo 
confessus,  nullo  modo  satisfecit ;  quod  si  miles  vel  alius  ejus 
oeconomus  venerit,  nee  satisfecerit,  pro  fide  laesa  comprehendetur, 
et  marescallo  custodiendus  tradetur,  post  solutum  scaccarium 
licite  vinculandus,  et  in  carcerem  mittendus,  sive  miles  fuerit 
sive  non.  Miles  vero  super  debito  proprio  non  satisfaciens, 
cum  tamen  de  satisfaciendo  fidem  dederit,  post  solutum  scac- 
carium, non  in  carcere  sed  infra  septa  domus  carceralis,  libere 
custodietur,  fide  corporaliter  praestita  quod  inde  sine  regis  vel 
praesidentis  licentia  non  recedet.  Decrevit  enim  memorandae 
nobilitatis  rex  illustris,  ut  quisquis  militiae  dignitate  praefulget, 
pro  debito  proprio,  cum  pauper  a  vicecomite  simul  et  a  vicinia 
reputetur,  in  carcerem  non  mittatur,  sed  seorsum  infra  septa 
domus  carceralis  libere  custodiatur :  verum  quisquis  mandate 
domini  fidem  dederit,  sicut  praedictum  est,  vicecomiti,  et  veniens 
non  solvit;  hunc  comprehendi,  et  in  carcerem  soluto  scaccario 
mitti,  sive  miles  sit  sive  non,  lex  statuit :  et  quoniam  liberum 
est  cuilibet  baroni,  pro  debito  quod  ab  ipso  requiritur,  fidem 
officialis  opponere,  ut  sic  interim  vicecomitis  importunitate  careat, 
et  de  rebus  suis  opportunius  ipse  disponat ;  ne  sic  [in]  immen- 
sum  regii  mandati  videatur  auctoritas  eludi,  decretum  est,  ut 
comprehenso  illo  qui  laesae  fidei  reum  se  non  satisfaciens  judi- 
cavit,  statim  a  vicecomite  servientes  dirigantur,  qui  fundos 
principalis  domini  perlustrantes,  venditis  quocunque  modo  catallis, 
summam  requisitam  ad  scaccarium  ejusdem  termini  deferant; 
et  tandem  ille  comprehensus  pro  laesa  fide  juxta  possibilitatem 
suam  pecuniariam  poenam  luat,  et  amplius  super  eodem  debito, 
etiamsi  dominus  praeceperit,  ad  fidem  dandam  non  admittatur. 

XXII.    Qualiter  dominus  puniendus  est,  qui  sponte  Militem 
exposuit,  ut  possit  interim  liberari. 

Principalis  etiam  dominus  ne  haec  impune  praesumpsisse 
videatur,  non  per  fidem  suppositae  personae  sed  solum  per  pro- 
priam,  dilationis  beneficium  promerebitur,  si  forte  super  eodem 
debito  ipsum  iterate  summoneri  contigerit.  Sunt  tamen  qui 
credant  ut  de  cetero  super  eodem  debito  nee  etiam  per  fidem 
propriam  usque  ad  scaccarium  a  vicecomite  dilationem  obtineat ; 
quod  quidem  beneficium  dilationis  magnum  dicunt  qui  fisco 
tenentur ;  possunt  enim  interim  de  rebus  suis  mitius  disponere 
et  dilatae  per  aliquot  tempus  solution!  necessaria  praeparare  ; 
quin  potius  dicunt  quod  suscepta  summonitione  liceat  vicecomiti 

B 


242  Henry  II.  [PART 

juxta  communem  aliorum  legem  statim  in  catalla  ipsius  manum 
mittere.  Hiis  ego,  fateor,  prorsus  non  dissentio  ;  sed  tamen 
multis  indiciis  et  testimoniis  verisimile  videatur,  procurasse 
dominum,  ut  miles  suus  his  casibus  exponeretur,  quatenus  posset 
ipse  vel  sic  interim  liberari ;  hujus  autem  rei  validissimum  est 
contra  dominum  argumentum,  si  copiosus,  si  rebus  abundus,  si 
solutioni  sufficiens  a  vicecomite  simul  et  a  vicinia  judicetur. 

D.  Dignum  revera  est  ut  is  indultam  sibi  gratiam  demereatur, 
qui  in  datoris  ejus  perniciem  eadem  abusus  est. 

M.  Habes  ex  praecedentibus  utcunque  distinctum,  quae  ca- 
talla vendi  debeant  et  quae  non,  et  etiam  in  quibus  personarum 
discretio  tenenda  est  et  in  quibus  non ;  tune  scilicet  cum  debi- 
tores,  qui  in  pecuniariis  poenis  regi  tenentur,  solvendo  non 
fuerint :  restat,  ut  quid  de  oblatis  spontaneis  fieri  debeat,  cum 
item  non  solverint,  ostendamus. 

XXIII.  Quid  de  sponte  qfferentibus  faciendum,  cum  et  ipsi  non 

solvunt. 

Noveris  igitur,  quod  oblatorum  regi  quaedam  in  rem,  quaedam 
in  spem,  offeruntur.  In  rem  quidem  offerri  dicimus,  cum  obla- 
tum  a  rege  suscipitur,  et  offerens  consequenter  pro  quo  obtulit 
a  rege  suscipit ;  ut  si  quis  pro  libertate  aliqua,  pro  fundo,  vel 
pro  firma,  vel  pro  custodia  cujusque  qui  minor  est  annis  usque 
ad  annos  legitimos  habenda,  vel  pro  quovis  alio  quod  ad  suam 
utilitatem  vel  houorem  accedere  videatur,  sponte  regi  c.  libras  vel 
c.  marcas  offerat,  et  assentiente  rege  statim  post  oblatum  suscipiat 
optatum.  De  hiis  igitur  qui  sponte  se  obligant,  et  qui  conven- 
tione  cum  principe  facta  possidere  jam  coeperint,  lex  nostra 
decernit,  ut  quamdiu  solvendo  fuerint  indultis  sibi  beneficiis 
gaudeant  et  utantur.  Quod  si  de  regis  debito  summoniti  solvere 
desierint,  statim  careant  impetratis ;  sic  tamen  ut  si  manente 
scaccario  super  eodem  satisfecerint,  ablata  omnia  sine  molestia 
sibi  restituantur.  Et  nota,  quod  qualiscunque  persona,  cujus- 
cunque  etiam  conclitionis  aut  sexus  fuerit,  huic  observantiae  de 
sponte  oblatis  semper  erit  obnoxia,  ut  scilicet  summonitioni 
satisfaciat  vel  impetrato  careat,  nisi  rex  ipse  obsequii  praestiti 
vel  paupertatis  iutuitu  aliquid  sibi  praeter  communem  legem 
indulgeat ;  velut  si  de  oblatore  graudis  summae,  ad  quodlibet 
scaccarium,  modicum  quid  ab  ipso  solvi  constituat ;  et  hoc  per 
breve  suum  baronibus  innotescat.  In  spem  vero  dicuntur  offerri, 
cum  quis  exhibendae  sibi  justitiae  causa,  super  fundo  vel  redditu 
aliquo  regi  summam  aliquam  offert ;  non  tamen  ut  fiat,  ne  in 
nos  excandescas,  et  venalem  penes  eum  justitiam  dicas,  immo 


iv.]  Dialogue  de  Scaccario.   II.  243 

ut  sine  dilatione  fiat.  Noveris  tamen  non  quaecunque  sic  offe- 
runtur  a  principe  suscipi,  etiamsi  modum  videantur  excedere  : 
gratis  enim  quibusdam  justitiae  plenitudinem  exhibet,  obsequii 
praestiti  vel  solo  caritatis  intuitu ;  quibusdam  autem  lege  con- 
ditiouis  humanae  nee  prece  nee  pretio  vult  acquiescere,  obstan- 
tibus  interdum  eorum  meritis  qui  possidere  noscuntur  ;  vel  forte 
propriis  postulantium  meritis  nequaquam  hoc  exigentibus,  qui 
vel  in  regnum  vel  in  regem  ipsum  aliquid  deliquisse  culpantur  : 
de  hiis  autem  sic  constituit  rex  insignis,  ut  antequam  rectum 
habuerint,  hoc  est  antequam  per  sententiam  obtinuerint,  vel  re 
sibi  penitus  abjudicata  ab  omni  spe  cecideriut,  de  oblatis  nihil 
solvant,  sed  sufficiat  de  hujusmodi  vicecomiti  respondere,  'rectum 
nondum  habueruut/  Provideat  tamen  vicecomes  ne  per  ipsum 
debitorem  stet,  quo  minus  causa  ejus  execution!  mandetur,  si 
scilicet  juri  se  nolit  offerre,  ut  hac  arte  promissa  sibi  pecunia 
rex  fraudetur.  Cum  enim  hoc  compertum  fuerit,  dolus  ei  non 
subveniet,  sed  per  omnia  sic  coercebitur  ac  si  per  sententiam 
obtinuisset.  Hujus  autem  spontaneae  dilationis  est  signum, 
cum  breve  regis  penes  se  detinens  eo  non  utitur.  Solet  tamen 
cum  his  miserente  principe  mitius  agi,  qui  post  promissam 
pecuniam  a  causa  cadunt,  ne  spe  sua  frustrati,  rebus  etiam  sine 
einolurnento  spoliati,  duplici  contritione  conterantur. 

XXIV.  Quid  de  Iteleviis  sponte  non  solutis. 

Sunt  item  tertii  generis  obventiones,  quae  non  videntur  prorsns 
inter  oblata  computandae,  sed  magis  fines  ad  scaccarium  dicun- 
tur ;  cum  scilicet  de  rege  tenens  in  capite  baroniam  relicto 
haerede  decesserit,  et  idem  haeres  cum  rege  in  quam  potest 
summam  componit,  ut  paterni  juris  mereatur  ingressum  ;  quern 
finem  relevium  vulgo  dicimus.  Quod  si  baronia  est,  in  regis  est 
beneplacito  quae  debeat  esse  summa  rclevil ;  si  vei'o  dc  escaeta 
"rafrttpqTfae  iiPmanu  regis  deficiente  haerede  vel  alitcr  incident, 
pro  feodo  militis  unius  hoc  tantum  regi  nomine  relevii  solvet, 
quod  esset  suo  domino  soluturus,  hoc  est,  centum  solidos.  Sunt 
autem  qui  credant  eos  qui  in  releviis  regi  tenentur  nee  sum- 
moniti  solvunt,  spontaneorum  oblatorum  legibus  obnoxios ;  ut 
cum  solveudo  non  fuerint,  careant  impetratis :  at  verius  dici 
potest,  ut  sicut  de  pecuniariis  poenis  fit,  sic  fiat  de  releviis; 
debita  namque  filiis  ratione  successions  haereditas  a  lege  sponte 
oblatorum  videtur  excludere. 


R  2 


244  Henry  II.  [PART 


XXV.  Quid  de  avibus  oblatis  faciendum,  et  quo  tempore 
summonendae. 

Item  fit  interdum  ut  aves  regiae  regi  qualibet  ex  causa  pro- 
mittantur  ;  accipitres  scilicet  vel  falcones.  Quod  si  promittens 
determinans  dixerit,  '  accipitrem  instautis  anni '  vel  '  mutatum  ;' 
vel  locum  etiam  exprimat,  dicens  '  Hibernensem,'  '  Hispanensem,' 
'  Norrensem  dabo  ;'  sic  satisfaciat.  Si  vero  nee  qui  promittit  nee 
cui  promittitur  determinaverit,  in  arbitrio  promittentis  erit,  si 
mutatum  vel  non  sit  soluturus.  Sed  si  integer  et  sanus  a  regis 
asturcariis  judicetur,  quacunque  exclusus  fuerit,  suscipitur. 
Porro  si  summonitus  dignum  suscipi  ad  scaccarium  detulerit, 
nee  sit  turn  qui  suscipiat ;  etiamsi  post  hoc  in  annum  vel  bien- 
nium  vel  amplius  differatur  summonitio,  nisi  quern  maluerit, 
mutatum  scilicet  vel  hornum  solvere  non  cogetur.  Quod  si  sum- 
monitus solutionem  quomodolibet  differri  procuraverit,  juxta 
numerum  annorum  quibus  indulta  sibi  est  dilatio,  biennium 
scilicet  vel  triennium  vel  deinceps,  mutatum  solvet.  De  hiis 
autem  contra  terminum  Paschae  summonitio  non  fit ;  quia 
earum  aestivo  tempore  rarus  est  usus ;  tune  enim  cavearum 
antris  inclusae  difigenter  custodiuntur,  ut  redeat  deposita 
vetustate  pennarum  decor,  et  eorum  ut  aquilae  juventus  renove- 
tur  :  verum  contra  terminum  Sancti  Michaelis  quae  regi  debentur 
summonentur  ;  ut  instante  tune  hyeme  regiis  aptentur  obsequiis.  -. 
In  coercendis  autem  his  qui  sic  se  sponte  obligant  nee  solvunt,  ^ 
lex  praedicta  de  sponte  oblatis  servatur. 

XXVI.  De  auro  Reginae. 

Ad  haec  noverint  hii  qui  in  pecunia  numerata  regi  sponte  se 
obligant,  quod  reginae  similiter  tenentur,  licet  expressum  non 
fuerit.  Quamvis  autem  non  sit  expressum,  est  tamen  promisso 
compromissum ;  ut  cum  regi  centum  vel  ducentas  marcas  pro- 
Da  iserit,  reginae  pariter  teneatur,  pro  centum  marcis  argenti  regi 
promissis,  in  una  marca  auri ;  pro  ducentis,  in  duabus  marcis 
auri ;  et  sic  deinceps.  In  his  autem  perquirendis  eadem  lege 
vicecomes  per  omnia  utetur,  qua  in  regiis  usus  est,  non  tamen 
ante  sed  post.  Cum  ergo  de  regiis  debitis  summonitiones  fiunt, 
adest  clericus  reginae  ad  hoc  constitutus,  et  addit  in  summoni- 
tione,  '  de  illo  habeas  centum  marcas  pro  causa  ilia,  et  ad  opus 
reginae  unam  marcam  auri.'  Summonita  autem  ad  scaccarium 
ab  ejus  officialibus  ad  hoc  constitutis  seorsum  suscipiuntur. 
Noveris  etiam  quod  licet  rex  de  promissa  sibi  pecunia  medium 
partem  .dimiserit  vel  universam,  vel  etiam  summonere  distulerit. 


iv.]  Dialogus  de  Scaccario.   II. 

de  hiis  tamen  quae  ad  reginam  pertinent,  secundum  quod  sibi 
visum  fuerit  per  omnia  fiet ;  ut  ea  nolente  neque  dimittantur 
neque  differantur  quae  sibi  debentur,  sed  summonita  solvantur, 
et  non  solventes  praeclicto  modo  coerceantur. 

D.  Nunquid  de  promissis  regi  citra  centum  marcas  aliquid 
reginae  debetur  1 

M.  Quibusdam  sic  videtur,  ut  usque  ad  x.  marcas  teneatur ; 
ut  scilicet  is  qui  x.  regi  promiserit,  in  una  uncia  auri  reginae 
teneatur ;  aliis  non  nisi  de  centum  et  supra  ab  initio  promissis. 
De  his  igitur  ad  praesens  cum  modestia  sustine  :  quia  re  nondum 
terminata,  suspensa  resolutio  est.  Litigat  sane  de  his  para 
reginae  cum  debitoribus ;  et  adhuc  sub  judice  lis  est.  De 
misericordia  autem  Judaeorum  et  de  redemptione  monetariorum, 
sicut  de  sponte  oblatis  dictum  est,  sua  portio  secundum  formam 
praedictam  reginae  debetur. 

D.  Nunquid  in  pecuniariis  et  sponte  oblatis,  clericos  et  laicos 
sine  differentia  lex  una  coercet  ] 

M.  In  sponte  oblatis  apud  omnes  lex  una  servatur ;  ut  sive 
clericus  sit  sive  laicus  qui  solvendo  non  fuerit,  donee  satisfecerit, 
careat  impetrato.  Observatur  etiam  idem  in  omnibus  aliis  quae 
quovis  pacto  regi  debentur  a  clericis  ;  cum  scilicet  suae  digni- 
tatis  et  liberae  possessionis  privilegium  allegare  neglexerint :  de 
allegantibus  autem  quid  fieri  debeat,  a  discretis  et  Deum 
timentibus  laicis,  si  placet,  rescito ;  hiis  enim  ad  praesens  ex 
industria  supersedeo,  ne  dicar  meae  conditionis  hominibus 
ultroneas  leges  et  mitiora  jura  dictasse. 

D.  Dixisti,  si  bene  memini,  frequenter  in  manum  regis 
baronias  vel  fundos  incidere ;  vellem  igitur  si  placet  explicares 
quo  ordine  redditus  escaetarum  ad  fiscum  proveniant;  si  uno 
modo  vel  dissimiliter. 

XXVII.  Qu*)d  aliter  de  fir  mis,  atque  aliter  de  custodiis,  respon- 
dendum,  et  sub  olio  tenore  fides  danda. 

M.  Cum  in  manum  regis  baronia  vel  magnum  aliquid  excidit, 
mandate  ejus  vel  praesidentis,  ad  hoc  disc-red  utriusque  ordinis 
viri  diriguntur,  qui  singula  perlustrantes  redditus  eorundem  in 
sunimam  redigunt,  et  de  hac  in  scaccario  teneri  vicecomitem  vel 
qucmlibet  alium  constituunt :  satisfaciens  igitur  de  hac  summa 
is  qui  ad  hoc  constitutus  est,  in  denariis  vel  brevibus  vel  taleis, 
subsequente  fide  de  legitimo  compoto,  meretur  absolvi ;  et  de  ea 
sic  scribetur  in  annali :  'ille  vel  ille  reddit  compotum  de  firma 
honoris  illius;  in  thesauro  hoc  ;  et  quietus  est;'  vel  'et  debet.' 
Verum  cum  rex  escaetae  suae  custodiam  tidei  alicujus  commiserit, 


246  Henry  II.  [PART 

ut  videlicet  quod  inde  provenerit  ad  scaccarium  solvat,  post 
factum  compotum  fides  ilia  sub  praedicto  verborum  tenore  non 
dabitur :  immo,  quod  quantum  inde  vel  in  denariis  vel  aliis 
quibuscunque  rebus  suscepit  tantum  secundum  conscientiam 
suam  ad  scaccarium  solvit;  exceptis  his  duntaxat  victualibus, 
quae,  ipso  nomine  xeniorum  non  procurante,  sibi  collata  sunt. 

D.  Nunquid  custos  ille  de  his  redditibus  victui  necessaria 
percipit  *? 

M.  Licet  scriptum  sit '  non  alligabis  os  bovi  trituranti ;'  tamen 
nisi  expresso  regis  mandate  de  his  nihil  percipiet ;  propriis  enim 
stipendiis,  quisquis  ille  merit,  in  his  regi  militabit :  de  hujus- 
modi  autem  sic  in  annali  scribetur :  '  ille  vel  ille  redclit  compotum 
de  exitu  illius  honoris  per  veredictum  suum.'  Cum  igitur  de 
omnibus  praedictis  constitutis  vel  casualibus  satisfaction  fuerit, 
et  fuerint  singula  per  ordinem  authentice  rotuli  scripturae  de- 
putata,  convocatis  onlnibus  assidentibus  ad  principalis  fii-mae 
compotum  consummandum,  qui  in  summo  rotuli  annotatus  est 
redditur,  et  hoc  ordine  perficitur ;  soluta  hoc  termino  a  vice- 
comite  firma  de  qua  examen  factum  est,  in  primis  a  calculatore 
per  numerales  acervos  in  distantium  virgarum  spatiis  clistri- 
buetur;  deinde  facta  detractione  per  combustionem,  skut  supra 
dictum  est,  eadem  dealbatur,  et  appensa  sili  taleola  combus- 
tionis,  quae  tamen  vicecomiti  non  computatur,  summa  quae 
relinquitur  in  taleam  redigitur.  Similiter  et  quod  solutum 
fuerat  in  termino  Paschae,  et  dealbatum,  in  eadem  talea.  Sic  et 
combustio  de  eodem  termino  cum  combustione  finalis  termini 
mittitur ;  ut  una  sit  utriusque  solutionis  talea,  et  similiter  una 
combustionis :  quo  facto  thesaurarius  rotulum  exactorium  cujus 
supra  meminimus  proferens,  summam,  quae  de  comitatu  illo,  per 
acervos  supra  et  seriatim  disponi  facit ;  ab  hac  igitur  imprimis 
quod  solutum  est  in  thesauro  et  dealbatum  detrain tur;  deinde 
quod  rex  de  firma  comitatus  contulit  aliquibus  blancum ;  post 
haec  iterum,  quae  alias  soluta  sunt  per  brevia  regis  vel  aliter, 
per  acervos  disponuntur,  et  haec  per  subtractionem  xii.  denario- 
rum  e  singulis  libris  dealbantur,  sicut  quae  in  thesauro  solvuntur 
dealbata  per  combustionem.  Tune  ergo  fit  inferioris  expensae 
a  superiore  summa  detractio ;  et  si  peuitus  absolvi  meruerit,  in 
fine  compoti  eju^dem  littcris  patentibus  scribitur,  '  et  quietus  est ;' 
vel  infra  in  capite  lineae  inferioris,  'et  dcbet;'  et  tune  demuni 
consummate  compoto,  numerus  solutorum  in  thesauro  apponitur 
ei  quod  jamdudum  diximus  scriptum  in  thesauro,  et  quod  fuerat 
hucusque  sic  ex  induBtria  relictum,  ne  forte  cogatur  abradere 
qui  scribit ;  quod  maxime  circa  numeros  et  nomina  et  causas 
jamdudum  vitandum  diximus. 


Dialogus  de  Scaccario.    II.  247 


XXVIII.  Quod  fides  de  legitimo  compoto  semel  data  sufficiat 
per  universum. 

Consummate  vero,  sicut  dictum  est,  de  corpore  comitatus  com- 
poto, a  marescallo  fides  vicecomitis  sub  forma  praedicta  semel 
suscipitur,  et  sic  absolutus  dimittitur.  Fuerunt  tamen  qui 
credereut,  de  singulis  per  fidem  firmaudis  sigillatim  fidem  a 
vicecomite  dandam ;  ut  quoties  diceret  sic  esse  aliquid  quod 
sola  posset  fide  confirmari,  toties  fidem  daret :  sed  a  prudenti- 
bus  et  legis  Divinae  peritis  perniciosa  satis  visa  est  subtilitas, 
cum  semel  fidem  dederit  se  legitimum  per  omnia  compotum 
salva  conscientia  fecisse.  Ea  propter  haec  sententia  post  modi- 
cum meruit  cum  suo  auctore  contemn! ;  et  una  fide,  hoc  est, 
seinel  data,  content!  sunt ;  quia  in  unius  fide!  confessione  unum 
sunt. 

D.  Sentio,  jam  languente  stylo,  quod  dicendorum  finis  adesse 
festinat;  verum  licet  instantis  noctis  crepusculum  et  produc- 
tions operis  labor  prolixior  ad  alia  nos  evocent,  et  paululum 
respirare  compellant;  vellem  tamen,  si  fieri  posset,  ut  suspen- 
sam  et  hactenus  fluctuantem  in  verbo  tuo  discipuli  tui  mentem 
confirmares,  ostendens  quid  sit,  quod  ab  initio  dixisse  te  recolo, 
totam  scilicet  scaccarii  descriptiouem  quaedam  esse  sacramen- 
torum  latibula,  quae  revelanda  sunt  cum  omnium  libri  aperti 
erunt  et  janua  clausa. 

M.  Magnum  est  quod  quaeris  et  alterius  egens  inquisitionis  ; 
nee  his  exponendis  ex  promisso  debitor  tibi  factus  sum.  His 
igitur  ad  praesens  supersedeo,  in  alterius  diei  disputationem 
eadem  reservans  :  vereor  quidem  ne  si  pluribus  onerato  novam 
sarcinam  imponerem,  sub  pondere  deficeres ;  item  si  jam  dictis, 
et  memoriae  commendandis  novarum  rerum  studia  consuerem, 
utraque  te  fastidire  compellerem.  Contentus  ergo  jam  dictia 
esto,  ad  quae  me  coegisti ;  habes  enim  in  his,  quantum  maclidae 
Be  potuit  offerre  memoriae,  quaecunque  circa  scaccarii  scientiam 
potiora  tibi  visa  sunt,  initialiter  utcunque  distincta.  Ceterum 
ad  singula,  quae  tractu  temporis  videri  poterunt  necessaria, 
ungue  tenus  explananda,  nee  virtus  hominis  nee  vita  forte 
sufficeret ;  ex  variis  enim  et  insolitis  casibus  vel  nulla  fiet  vel 
adhuc  incognita  disciplina.  Unde  fit  ut  detractoriis  linguis  hinc 
potius  exponar,  dum  succedente  tempore  pleraque  dubia  nee 
dum  audita  proponi  continget ;  de  quibus,  aut  consimilibus  cum 
hie  nihil  iuvenerint,  incipiant  illudere,  dicentes,  hie  homo  coepit 
aedificare,  et  non  potuit  vel  non  novit  consummare.  His  ego 
non  disseutio ;  pessimum  namque  magistrum  meipsum  secutus 


248  Henry  II. 

Bum ;  feci  tamen,  te  cogente,  quod  potui,  duce  carens  et  exem- 
plar!; de  intacta  namque  rudique  sylva  regiis  aedificiis  missa 
securi  ligna  secui,  prudentioris  architect!  dolabro  coinplananda. 
Cum  igitur  ex  hiis  regiae  domus  structura  surrexerit,  is  qui 
dedit  initia,  primam  licet  non  praecipuam  gratiam  mereatur. 
Valeat  rex  illustris. 

Explicit. 


PART   V. 

SELECT  CHARTERS  AND  EXCERPTS  ;  Richard  and  John. 
A.D.  1189-1199.    RICHARD  L 

Archbishops  of  Canterbury.  Baldwin,  1185-1190;  Reginald  Fitz- 
Jocelin,  1191  ;  Hubert  Walter,  1193-1205. 

Chief  Justices.  Hugh  Bishop  of  Durham  and  William  Earl  of  Essex, 
1189  ;  Hugh  Bishop  of  Durham  and  William  Longchamp,  Bishop  of 
Ely,  1190;  William  Longchamp  alone,  1190;  Walter  of  Coutances, 
Archbishop  of  Rouen,  1191-1193;  Hubert  Walter,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  1194-1198;  Geoffrey  Fitz-Peter,  Earl  of  Essex,  1198- 
1199. 

Chancellors.  William  Longchamp,  Bishop  of  Ely,  1189-1197;  Eustace 
Bishop  of  Ely,  1197-1199. 

ALTHOUGH  Richard  had  not  been  fully  acknowledged  by 
Henry  II  as  his  successor  until  a  few  days  before  his  death,  and 
had  never  been  formally  received  as  such  by  the  English  baronage, 
he  succeeded  without  any  difficulty  in  obtaining  recognition,  and 
having  bound  himself  by  the  usual  oaths,  was  anointed  and  crowned. 
After  the  coronation  (Sept.  3)  he  stayed  a  few  months  in  Eng- 
land, and  only  once  again  visited  the  country,  in  1194,  after  his 
release  from  captivity,  when  he  stayed  from  March  13  to  May  12. 
On  both  these  occasions  his  chief  employment  was  the  raising  of 
money  by  the  sale  of  public  offices,  the  arranging  of  quarrels  among 
the  barons  and  clergy,  and  the  securing  of  his  own  position  against 
the  machinations  of  John  and  Philip  of  France.  The  kingdom 
was  administered  during  his  absence  by  four  successive  jus- 
ticiars,  whose  action,  except  so  far  as  it  was  affected  by  the 
king's  constant  demands  for  money,  was  that  of  independent 


250  Richard  I.  [PART 

sovereigns.  Under  these  the  constitutional  arrangements  organ- 
ised by  Henry  II  worked  with  few  impediments,  and  the  reign 
is  accordingly  a  period,  internally,  of  quiet  growth.  The  first 
of  these  ministers,  William  Longchamp,  was  a  faithful  servant 
of  Richard,  but  anti-English  and  unpopular  with  the  baronage. 
His  attempts  to  assert  the  royal  rights  and  jurisdiction  by 
taking  possession  of  the  castles  and  enforcing  his  own  supremacy, 
raised  up  a  strong  party  against  him,  at  the  head  of  which  was 
Earl  John,  for  whom  Richard  had  provided  in  a  most  lavish 
manner,  and  who,  after  Philip's  return  from  the  Crusade,  acted 
in  concert  with  him.  A  short  struggle  followed,  in  which  John 
gained  the  advantage,  and  William  Longchamp  was  deposed 
from  the  justiciarship  by  the  assembled  baronage  under  the 
direction  of  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen  who  had  himself  been 
authorised  by  Richard  to  attempt  the  settlement  of  the  country. 
The  Archbishop  of  Rouen  succeeded  as  justiciar,  and  held  the 
office  until  a  few  months  before  Richard's  return  from  captivity. 
His  period  of  rule  is  characterised  chiefly  by  the  attempts  made 
by  John  to  supplant  his  brother,  and  by  the  measures  taken  for 
raising  the  king's  ransom.  The  constitutional  history  of  Eng- 
land receives  little  illustration  from  either  of  these  periods. 
Archbishop  Hubert,  however,  who  succeeded  to  the  justiciarship 
in  1194,  and  Geoffrey  Fitz-Peter,  who  followed  him  in  1198, 
were  both  able  administrators,  and  attempted  to  unite  faithful 
service  of  the  king  with  the  maintenance  and  the  development 
in  all  respects  of  his  father's  system.  The  principle  of  rais- 
ing money  by  the  use  and  amplification  of  judicial  machinery 
was  carried  "by  these  ministers  into  new  directions;  larger 
charters  were  granted  to  the  towns,  and  larger  powers  to  the 
itinerant  judges,  whilst  at  the  same  time  the  progress  of  the 
country  towards  self-government  was  marked  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  elective  principle  into  the  county  court  and  the 
employment  of  the  jury  in  the  assessment  of  property.  It 
would  appear  from  the  historians  that  although  very  large  sums 
of  money  were  exacted  by  these  means,  some  form  of  consti- 
tutional process  in  the  granting  of  taxes  was  maintained,  and 
that  although  the  people  complained  loudly  of  the  imposts,  they 


v.]  ^Excerpts.  251 

•were  well  able  to  bear  them.  Neither  Hubert  nor  Geoffrey  was 
a  popular  minister,  but  neither  can  be  accused  of  betraying  the 
interests  of  the  country,  and  each  exercised  a  good  deal  of  repres- 
sive influence  on  Eichard,  as  they  did  also  on  his  successor. 

EXCEEPTS. 

A.D.  1189.  BENED.  ABB.  ii.  78.  Deinde  Kicardus  dux 
Normanniae  venit  Lunclonias,  et  congregatis  ibi  archiepiscopis 
et  episcopis,  comitibus  et  baronibus  et  copiosa  militum  multitu- 
dine,  IIItio  nonas  Septembris  die  Dominica  .  .  .  consecratus  et 
coronatus  est  in  regem  Angliae  .  .  . 

Ib.  p.  8 1.  Cum  vero  perventum  esset  ad  altare,  coram  .  .  . 
archiepiscopis  et  episcopis,  abbatibus,  comitibus,  baronibus,  clero 
et  populo,  haec  tria  fecit  Rlcardus  dux  sacramenta.  Juravit 
itaque  et  vovit  coram  positis  sacrosanctis  Evangeliis  et  pluri- 
morum  Sanctorum  reliquiis,  quod  pacem  et  honorem  et  reveren- 
tiam  omnibus  diebus  vitae  suae  portabit  Deo  et  Sanctae  Eccle- 
siae  et  ejus  ordinatis.  Deinde  juravit  quod  rectam  justitiam 
exercebit  in  populo  sibi  commisso.  Deinde  juravit  quod  leges 
malas  et  consuetudines  perversas,  si  aliquae  sunt  in  regno  suo, 
delebit  et  bonas  ci;stodiet. 

Ib.  p.  85.  Deinde  dominus  rex  Eicardus  venit  ad  abbatiam 
quae  dicitur  Pipewella  ...  in  crastino  exaltationis  Sanctae 
Crucis. 

Ib.  p.  87.  In  eodem  concilio  Eicardus  rex  constituit  Dunel- 
mensem  episcopum  et  Willelmum  de  Mandavilla  comitem  Alba- 
marliae  justitiarios  Angliae,  quia  Eanulfus  de  Glanvil  jam  senio 
et  labore  confectus,  qui  justitiarius  Angliae  tempore  regis 
Henrici  exstiterat,  quaesivit  a  rege  Eicardo  liceutiam  eundi 
Jerosolimam  et  accepit. 

Ib.  p.  90.     Et  eodem  mense  Eicardus  rex  deposuit  a  bailing 

I      suis  Eanulfum  de  Glanvilla  justitiarium  Angliae  et  fere  omnes 

vicecomites  et  ballivos  eorum  ;  et  omnes  redemit  usque  ad  ulti- 

mum  quadrantem ;  et  quanto  familiariores  patri  suo  exstiterant, 

tanto  eos  plus  opprimebat.    Qui  autem  non  habebat  quantum  ab 

\      eo  exigebatur,  statim  capiebatur  et  in  carcerem  mittebatur  ubi 

erat  fletus  et  stridor  dentium,  et  alios  vicecomites  in  loco  depo- 

sitorum  instituit.     Et  omnia  erant  ei  venalia,  scilicet  potestates, 

dominationes,  comftaftre;  fftecomitatus,  caltelTa,  villac,  pracdia, 

et  cetera  iis  similia.  .  .  .  Praeterea  idem  Hugo  Dunelmensis 

(episcopus  dedit  regi  mille  marcas  argenti,  ut  esset  justitiarius  in 
Anglia,  et  ut  ab  itiuere  Jerosoliniitano  remaneret.  .  . 


252  Richard  I.  [PAIIT 

1 

quicunque  volebant,  emebant  a  rege  tarn  sua  quam  aliena  jura. 
Unde  factum  est  quod  rex  infinitam  adquisivit  pecuniam,  quan- 
tam  riullus  antecessorum  suorum  habuisse  dinoscitur. 

Ric.  DIVISIENSIS,  p.  9.  Willelmus  Eliensis  electus,  datis 
tribus  millibus  libris  argenti,  sigillum  regis  sibi  retinuit,  licet 
Reginaldus  Italus  quartum  millerium  superobtulerit. 

A.D.  1191.  BENED.  ABB.  ii.  213.  Placuit  ergo  Johanni 
fratri  regis  et  omnibus  episcopis  et  comitibus  ac  baronibus  et 
civibus  Lundoniarum,  quod  caneellarius  ille  deponeretur  a  regi- 
mine  regni ;  et  quod  loco  illius  fungeretur  Rothomagensis  archi- 
episcopus,  sicut  rex  in  litteris  suis  mandavit.  Ita  factum  est  ad 
securitatem  regni.  Johannes  comes  frater  regis,  et  archiepi- 
scopus  Rothomagensis  et  omnes  episcopi,  eomites  et  barones 
regni  qui  aderant,  concesserunt  civibus  Lundoniarum  communam 
suam  et  juraverunt  quod  ipsi  earn  et  dignitates  civitatis  Lundo- 
niarum custodirent  illibatas  quam  diu  regi  placuerit. 

Ric.  DIVIS.  p.  53.  Concessa  est  ipsa  die  et  instituta  com- 
munia  Londoniensium,  in  qua  universi  regni  magnates  et  ipsi 
etiam  ipsius  provinciae  episcopi  jurare  coguntur.  Nunc  primum 
in  indulta  sibi  conjuratione  regno  regem  deesse  cognovit  Lon- 
donia,  quam  nee  rex  ipse  Ricardus,  nee  praedecessor  et  pater 
ejus  Henrlcus,  pro  mille  millibus  marcis  argenti  permisisset. 
Quanta  quippe  mala  ex  conjuratione  proveniant  ex  ipsa  poterit 
diffinitione  perpendi,  quae  talis  est,  '  Communia  est  tumor  plebis,  » 
timor  regni,  tepor  sacerdotii.' 

!  A.D.  1193.  ROG.  HOVEDEX,  iii.  210.  Auctoritate  igitur 
litterarum  istarum  (sc.  regis  de  redemptione  sua  tractantis) 
mater  regis  et  justitiarii  Angliae  statuerunt  quod  universi,  tarn 
clerici  quam  laici,  quartam  partem  redditus  sui  de  hoc  alTno" 
Parent  ad  redemptionem  domini  regis,  et  tantum  superadderent 
de  mobilibus  suis,  unde  rex  deberet  eis  grates  scire  :  et  de  uno- 
quoque  feodo  militis  viginti  solidos,  et  de  abbatiis  ordinis  Cister- 
ciensis  et  de  domibus  ordinis  de  Semplingham,  totam  lanam 
suam  de  hoc  anno ;  et  universum  aurum  et  argentum  eccle- 
siarum,  sicut  rex  in  mandato  suo  praeceperat. 

Ib.  p.  202.  Pdcardus  rex  Angliae  in  captione  Henrici 
Romanorum  imperatoris  detentus,  ut  captionem  illam  evacleret, 
consilio  Alienor  matris  suae,  deposuit  se  de  regno  Angliae  et 
tradidit  illud  imperatori  sicut  universorum  domino,  et  investivit 
eum  inde  per  pilleum  suum :  sed  imperator  sicut  praelocutum 
fuit,  statim  reddidit  ei,  in  conspectu  magnatum  Alemanniae  et 
Angliae,  regnum  Angliae  praedictum,  tenendum  de  ipso  pro 
quiuque  millibus  librarum  sterliugorum  singulis  annis  de  tribute 


V.]  Excerpts.  253 

solvendis,  et  investivit  eum  inde  imperator  per  duplicem  crucem 
de  auro.  Sed  idem  imperator  in  morte  sua  de  omnibus  his  et 
aliis  conventionibus  quietum  clamavit  ipsum  Ricardum  regem 
Angliae  et  haeredes  suos. 

A.D.  1194.  Ib.  p.  336.  Et  statim  (EC.  Feb.  10)  per  com- 
mune consilium  regni  definitum  est  quod  comes  Johannes 
dissaisiaretur  de  omnibus  tenementis  suis  in  Anglia,  et  ut 
castella  sua  obsidereutur. 

Ib.  p.  240.  Tricesima  die  mensis  Martii,  feria  quarta,  Ri- 
cardus  rex  Angliae  celebravit  priinum  concilii  sui  diem  apud 
Notingham ;  cui  interfuerunt  Alienor  regina  mater  ejus,  et 
Hubertus  Cantuariensis  archiepiscopus  qui  in  dextris  regis  sede- 
bat  in  concilio  illo,  et  Gaufridus  Eboracensis  archiepiscopus,  qui 
a  sinistris  ejus  sedebat,  et  Hugo  Dunelmensis  et  Hugo  Lincolni- 
ensis  et  Willelmus  Eliensis  regis  cancellarius  et  Willelmus  Here- 
fordensis  et  Henricus  Wigornensis  et  Henricus  Exoniensis  et 
Johannes  Candidae  Casae,  episcopi ;  et  comes  David  frater  regis 
Scotiae  et  Hamelinus  comes  de  Warenna,  et  Ranulfus  comes 
Cestriae  et  Willelmus  comes  de  Ferreres  et  Willelmus  comes  de 
Salesbiria  et  Rogerus  Bigot. 

Eodem  die  rex  dissaisivit  Gyrardum  de  Camvilla  de  castello  et 
vicecomitatu  Lincolniensi,  et  Hugonem  Bardolf  de  vicecomitatu 
Eboraci  sirae  et  de  castello  Eboraci  et  de  castello  de  Scardheburg, 
et  de  custodia  de  Westmerilande  ;  et  omnia  supradicta  exposuit 
venditioni.  Unde  factum  est,  quod  cum  cancellarius  conventio- 
nasset  se  daturum  regi  pro  vicecomitatu  Eboraci  sirae  et  pro 
vicecomitatu  Lincolniensi  et  pro  vicecomita,tu  Nordhamtesirae 
mille  et  quingentas  marcas  in  principio  conventionis,  et  singulis 
annis  de  unoquoque  praedictorum  comitatuum  centum  marcas 
de  incremento ;  Gaufridus  Eboracensis  archiepiscopus  obtulit 
regi  tria  millia  marcarum  pro  vicecomitatu  Eboracensi,  et  singulis 
annis  centum  marcas  de  incremento ;  et  sic  abjecto  cancellario, 
Eboracensis  archiepiscopus  obtinuit  vicecomitatum  Eboracensem 
et  ita  factus  est  regis  serviens  et  praecipitavit  se  in  potentias 
regias. 

Tricesima  prima  die  mensis  Martii,  scilicet  pridie  kalendas 
Aprilis,  rex  Angliae  celebravit  secundum  diem  concilii  sui ;  in 
quo  ipse  petiit  sibi  fieri  judicium  de  comite  Johaune  fratre  suo, 
qui  contra  fidelitatem  quam  ei  juraverat,  castella  sua  occupaverat 
et  terras  suas  transmarinas  et  cismarinas  destruxerat,  et  foedus 
cum  inimico  suo  rege  Franciae  contra  eum  inierat.  Similiter  et 
de  Hugone  de  Kunant,  Coventrensi  episcopo  sibi  fieri  judicium 
postulavit,  qui  secreti  sui  conscius  eum  reliquerat,  et  regi 


254  Richard  I.  [PART 

Franciae  et  comiti  Jolianni,  inimicis  suis,  aclhaeserat,  omne 
malum  in  perniciem  regni  sui  machinans.  Et  judicatum  est  quod 
comes  Johannes  et  episcopus  Coventrensis  peremptorie  scita- 
rentur ;  et  si  infra  quadragiuta  dies  non  venerint  nee  juri  stete- 
rint,  judicaveruut  comitem  Johaunem  demeruisse  regnum,  et 
episcopum  Coventrensem  subjacere  judicio  episcoporum  in  eo 
quod  episcopus  erat,  et  judicio  laicorum  in  eo  quod  ipse  vice- 
comes  rcgis  exstiterat. 

Kalendis  Aprilis,  prima  die  ejusdem  mensis,  praedictus  rex 
Angliae  celebravit  tertium  diem  colloquii  sui ;  in  quo  constituit 
sibi  dari  de  unaquaque  carucata  terrae  totius  Angliae  duos  soli- 
dos,  quod  ab  antiquis  nominatur  Temantale.  Deinde  praecepit 
quod  unusquisque  faceret  sibi  tertiam  partem  servitii  militaris, 
sicut  singulus  feodus  apportat,  ad  transfretandum  cum  illo  in 
Normanniam.  Deinde  exigebat  ab  monachis  ordinis  Cistrensis 
totam  lanam  suam  de  hoc  anno;  sed  quia  hoc  facere  erat  eis 
grave  et  importabile,  fecerunt  cum  eo  finem  pecuniarium. 

Secunda  die  mensis  Aprilis,  Sabbato,  celebravit  diem  quar- 
tum  et  ultimum  concilii  sui ;  in  quo  omnes  tarn  clerici  quam 
laici  qui  volebant  sibi  conqueri  de  archiepiscopo  Eboracensd, 
fecerunt  querimonias  multas  de  rapinis  et  injustis  exactiuuibus  : 
sed  archiepiscopus  nullum  dedit  eis  responsum.  Deinde  per 
consilium  et  ruachinationem  cancellarii,  ut  dicitur,  Girardus  de 
Camvilla  fuit  retatus  de  receptatione  praedonum  qui  rapuerunt 
bona  mercatorum  euntium  ad  nundinas  de  Stanford ;  et  ab  eo 
recesserunt  ad  rapinam  illam  faciendam  et  de  rapina  ilia  redie- 
runt  ad  eum.  Praeterea  appellaverunt  eum  de  laesione  regiae 
majestatis,  in  eo  quod  ipse  ad  vocationem  Justitiarum  regis 
venire  noluit,  nee  juri  stare  de  praedicta  receptatione  raptorum, 
neque  eos  ad  justitiam  regis  producere ;  sed  respondit  se  esse 
hominem  comitis  Johannis  et  velle  in  curia  sua  juri  stare. 
Praeterea  appellaverunt  eum  quod  ipse  fuit  in  vi  et  adjutorio 
cum  comite  Johanne  et  aliis  inimicis  regis  ad  castella  regis  de 
Notiugham  et  de  Tikehil  capienda.  Girardus  vero  de  Camvilla 
negavit  omnia  quae  objiciebantur  ei  ab  illis ;  et  illi  dederunt 
vadium  de  prosequendo,  et  Girardus  dedit  vadium  de  defendendo 
se  per  unum  de  liberis  hominibus  suis.  Eodem  die  statuit 
dominus  rex  diem  coronationis  suae  apud  Wintoniam  in  clauso 
Paschae. 

A.D.  1 196.  ROG.  HOVEDEN,  iv.  5.  Eodem  anno  rex  Angliae 
misit  Philippum  Dunelmensem  electum  et  abbatem  de  Cadamo 
in  Angliam,  ad  inquisitionem  faciendam  de  prisis  justitiariorum 
et  vicecomitum  et  ministrorum  suorum.  Cum  autem  praedictus 
abbas  de  Cadamo  in  Dominica  Passionis  Domini  pranderet  cum 


v.J  Excerpts.  255 

Huberto  Cantuariensi  archiepiscopo  totius  Angliae  summo 
justitiario,  aegrotavit  in  mensa  et  quinto  die  sequent!  obiit 
Londoniis. 

Ib.  Eodem  anno  orta  est  dissensio  inter  cives  Londoniarum. ' 
Frequentius  euim  solito.  propter  regis  captionem  et  alia  accidentia, 
imponebantur  eis  auxilia  non  modica,  et  divites  propriis  par- 
centes  marsupiis  volebant  ut  pauperes  solverent  universa.  Quod 
cum  quidam  legis  peritus,  videlicet  Willelmus  cum  barba,  filius 
Osberti,  videret,  zelo  justitiae  et  aequitatis  accensus,  factus  est 
pauperum  advocatus,  volens  quod  unusquisque  tarn  dives  quam 
pauper  secundum  mobilia  et  facultates  suas  daret  ad  universa 
civitatis  negotia. 

Ib.  iv.  12.  Eodem  anno  Hubertus  Cantuariensis  archiepi- 
scopus  totius  Angliae  primas  et  apostolicae  sedis  legatus  et 
totius  Angliae  summus  justitiarius,  saepe  et  multum  sollicitavit 
per  internuncios  suos  dominum  suum  Ricardum  regem  Angliae 
ut  eum  liberaret  a  regimine  regni,  ostendens  ipsum  non  posse 
sufficere  regimini  ecclesiae  et  regni.  Cum  igitur  rex  licet  in- 
vitus,  eo  quod  non  erat  inventus  similis  illi  qui  conservaret  leges 
et  jura  regni,  precibus  tamen  illius  inclinatus,  ilium  a  sollicitu- 
dine  regiminis  regui  removere  vellet ;  poenituit  eum  tale  fecisse 
regi  mandatum,  expertus  quod  in  custodiendis  illis  est  retributio 
multa ;  et,  inspectis  scriptis  et  computationibus  auditis,  mandavit 
regi,  quod  infra  biennium  proximo  praeteritum  adquisierat  ad 
opus  illius  undecies  centena  millia  marcarum  argenti  de  regno 
Angliae. 

f  A.D.  1198.  ROG.  HOVEDEN,  iv.  40.  Eodem  anno  Ricardus  rex 
Angliae  petiit  per  Hubertum  Cantuariensem  archiepiscopum,  ut 
homines  regni  Angliae  invenirent  ei  trecentos  milites  uno  anno 
moraturos  secum  in  servitio  suo,  vel  tantam  pecuniam  ei  darent 
unde  ipse  posset  per  unum  annum  trecentos  milites  in  servitio 
suo  retinere,  videlicet  unicuique  militi  tres  solidos  Anglicanae 
monetae  de  liberatione  in  die  :  ad  quod  faciendum  cum  ceteri 
omnes  proni  essent,  non  audentes  resistere  voluntati  regis,  solus 
Hugo  Lincolniensis  episcopus,  verus  Dei  cultor,  abstinens  se  ab 
omni  opere  pravo,  respondit  pro  se,  quod  ipse  in  hoc  voluntati 
regis  nequaquam  adquiesceret,  turn  quia  processu  temporis  iu 
ecclesiae  suae  detrimentum  redundaret,  turn  quia  successores  sni 
dicerent,  '  Patres  nostri  comederunt  uvam  acerbam,  et  dentes 
filiorum  obstupescunt.' 

YITA  MAGNA  S.  HUGONIS,  p.  248.  .  .  .  Coacta  est  vocante 
arcbiepiscopo  Cantuariense  Huberto  ad  generale  colloquium 


256  Eichard  I.  [PART 

universitas  magnatum  totius  Angliae  apud  Oxenefordiam.  Qui- 
bus  archiepiscopus,  qui  vice  regis  publicis  praesidebat  negotiis, 
regias  proposuit  necessitates ;  qui,  sumptibus  et  militantium 
copiis  inferior,  contra  regem  dimicaret  potentissimum,  ad 
suam  exhaeredationem  et  perniciem  totis  nisibus  aspirarrtem. 
Postulat  demum  quatenus  decernant  in  commune  quo  genere 
auxilii  domino  suo  in  arctis  posito  valeaut  subvenire.  Jam  vero 
praefinitum  erat  ab  his  qui  secum  regiis  ex  toto  nutibus  duce- 
bant  parendum,  ut  barones  Angliae  inter  quos  et  episcopi  cense- 
bantur,  trescentos  milites  regi  exhiberent,  qui  suis  sumptibus 
ei  per  annum  integrum  contra  hostes  transmarinos  indesinenter 
militarent. 

Requisite  super  hoc  in  coetu  illo  assensu  Lincolniensis  epi- 
scopi, ipse  tacitus  secum  deliberans  paulisper,  cum  prius  tarn 
primas  Cantuariensis  quam  Londiniensis  episcopus  Ricardus,  qui 
et  decanatus  privilegio  fungebatur  inter  episcopos,  se  suos  et  sua 
regiae  per  omnia  necessitati  exposituros  pronunciassent,  ita  citius 
respondit ;  '  Nostis'  ait  '  0  viri  prudentes  et  nobiles  qui  in  prae- 
sentiarum  adestis,  me  in  partibus  istis  advenam  esse,  et  de 
simplicitate  conversationis  eremiticae  ad  officium  episcopale  as- 
sumptum.  Cum  igitur  ecclesia  dominae  meae  Sanctae  Dei 
genitricis  Mariae  meae  dudum  imperitiae  ad  regendum  fuisset 
commissa,  consuetudines  illius  et  dignitates,  debita  etiam  et 
onera  solerter  addidici ;  in  quibus  conservandis  sive  exhibendis 
hactenus  fere  per  tredecim  annos  a  rectis  praedecessorum 
meorum  vestigiis  non  recessi.  Scio  equidem  ad  militare  ser- 
vitium  domino  regi,  sed  in  hac  terra  solummodo,  exhibendum 
Lincolniensem  ecclesiam  teneri;  extra  metas  vero  Angliae  nil 
tale  ab  ea  deberi.  Unde  mihi  consultius  arbitror  ad  natale 
solum  repedare,  et  eremum  more  solito  incolere,  quam  hie  pon- 
tificatum  gerere  et  ecclesiam  mihi  commissam,  antiquas  im- 
munitates  perdendo,  insolitis  angariis  subjugare/  Hoc  ejus 
responsum  archiepiscopus  satis  aegre  accipiens,  suppressa  paulu- 
lum  voce,  trementibus  pro  indignatione  labiis,  a  Saresbiriensi 
episcopo  nomine  Hereberto  inquirers  coepit,  quidnam  et  ipse 
animi  haberet  super  auxilio  regi  prospiciendo.  Qui  ad  inquisita 
sic  paucis  respondit,  '  Videtur  mihi  quia,  citra  ecclesiae  meae 
enorme  praejudicium,  aliud  a  me  dici  nequit  vel  fieri,  quam  quod 
faciendum  esse  ex  responsione  domini  Lincolniensis  modo 
audivi.'  Ad  haec  nimium  indignatus  archiepiscopus,  primum 
in  Lincolniensem  verbis  amarissimis  stomachatus,  soluto  con- 
cilio,  nunciavit  regi  per  ipsum  caruisse  effectu  negotium  illius. 

ROG.  HOVEDEN,  iv.  46.  Eodem  anno  Ricardus  rex  An- 
gliae cepit  de  unaquaque  cai'ucata  terrae  sive  hyda  totius 

-  f  fc  1  ».  I r\t^\    u  ^U  . 


v.]  "Excerpts.  257 

Angliae  quinqne  solidos  de  auxilio,  ad  quos  colligemlos  misit 
idem  rex  per  singulos  comitatus  Angliae  unum  clericum  et 
unum  militem,  qui  cum  vicecomite^  comitatus  ad  quern  mitte- 
bantur  et  legalibus  militibus  ad  hoc  electis,  praestito  juramento 
quod  fideliter  exsequerentur  negotium  regis,  fecerunt  venire 
coram  se  senescallos  baronum  illius  comitatus,  et  de  qualibet 
villa  dominum  vel  baillivum  villae  et  praepositum  cum  quatuor  0  v 
legalibus  hominibus  villae,  sive  liberis  sive  rusticis;  e$  duos  milites 
legaliores  de  humlmlo  ;  qui  juraverunt,  quod  fideliter  et  sine 
fnuide  dioereut  quot  carucarum  wannagia  fuerint  in  sin«,ailis  villis, 
quot  scilicet  in  dominico,  quot  in  villenagio,  quot  in  eleemosynis 
viris  religiosis  collatis,  quas  ipsi  donatores  vel  eorum  haeredes 
tenentur  warantizare  vel  adquietare,  vel  unde  viri  religiosi 
debent  servitium  facere ;  et  super  singula  carucarum  wannagia 
ponebant  ex  praecepto  regis  primo  duos  solidos,  et  postea  tres 
solidos ;  et  haec  omnia  in  scriptum  redigebantur ;  et  habebat 
inde  clericus  rotulum  unum  et  miles  rotulum  alterum,  vicecomes 
rotulum  tertium,  senescallus  baronum  rotulum  quartum  de 
terra  domini  sui.  Haec  pecunia  recipiebatur  per  manus  duorum 
legalium  militum  de  singulis  hundredis,  et  per  marium  ballivi 
de  hundredo ;  et  ipsi  iude  responderunt  vicecomiti,  et  per  prae- 
dictos  rotulos  respondebat  vicecomes  inde  ad  scaccarium  coram 
episcopis,  abbatibus,  et  baronibus  ad  hoc  assignatis.  Ad  poenam 
vero  juratorum,  qui  aliquid  contra  juramentum  suum  celaverint 
in  hoc  negotio,  statutum  erat,  quod  quicunque  rusticus  convictus 
fuisset  de  perjurio  claret  domino  meliorem  bovem  de  caruca  sua, 
et  insuper  responderet  de  proprio  ad  opus  domini  regis  tantum 
pecuniae  quantum  fuisset  declaratum  per  suum  perjurium  fuisse 
celatum.  Si  vero  liber  homo  convictus  fuisset,  esset  in  miseri- 
cordia  regis,  et  insuper  refunderet  de  proprio  ad  opus  domini 
regis  quantum  fuerit  per  eum  celatum,  sicut  et  rusticus. 

Statutum  etiam  fuit,  quod  quilibet  baro  cum  vicecomite 
faceret  districtiones  super  homines  suos,  et  si  per  defectum 
baronum  districtiones  factae  non  fuissent,  caperetur  de  do- 
minico baronum  quod  super  homines  suos  restaret  reddendum, 
et  ipsi  barones  ad  homines  suos  inde  caperent  :  et  libera  feoda 
ecclesiarum  parochialium  de  hoc  tallagio  excipiebantur,  et  omnes 
excaetae  baronum  quae  fuerunt  in  manu  domini  regis  communi- 
caverunt.  Serganteriae  vero  domini  regis,  quae  non  erant  d 
feodis  militum,  excipiebantur,  sed  tamen  imbreviabantur,  et 
numerus  carucatarum  terrae  et  valentiae  terrarum  et  nomina 
servientiuin  ;  et  omnes  servientes  illi  summonebantur  esse  apud 
Lundonias  in  octavis  clausi  Pentecostes,  audituri  et  facturi  prae- 
cepturn  domini  regis.  Ipsi  vero  qui  electi  fuerant  et  constituti 

8 


258  Richard  I. 

ad  hoc  negotmm  regis  faciendum,  statuerunt,  per  aestimationem 
legalium  hominum,  ad  uniuscujusque  carucae  wannagium  centum 
acras  terrae. 

Ib.  iv.  6 1.  Eodem  anno  Hugo  Bardulfi  et  magister  Rogerus 
Arundel  et  Gaufridus  Hachet,  quibus  commissae  fuerant  Lincoln- 
sire,  Notinghamsire,  Derebisire,  Everwicsire,  Norhumberlande, 
Westmerilande,  Cumberl ande,  Loncastre,  itinerantes  placitaverunt 
placita  coronae  regis.  .  .  .  'Et  capientur  coram  eis  electiones 
magnae  assisae  per  mandatum  domini  regis,  vel  ejus  capitalis 
Justitiae.' 

Ib.  p.  63.  His  igitur  et  talibus  vexationibus  sive  juste  sive 
injuste  tota  Anglia  a  mari  usque  ad  mare  redacta  est  ad  inopiam. 
Sed  his  nondum  finitis,  supervenit  aliud  genus  tormenti  ad  con- 
fusionem  hominum  regni,  per  Justitiarios  forestarum  regis  in 
Anglia,  videlicet  per  Hugonem  de  Nevilla  summum  justitiarium 
omnium  forestarum  regis  in  Anglia  qui  cognominatus  est  Cuvelu, 
et  per  Hugonem  Wac,  et  per  Ernisium  de  Neville.  Praedictis 
igitur  justitiariis  forestarum  itinerantibus  praeceptum  est  ex 
parte  regis,  ut  per  singulos  comitatus  per  quos  ipsi  ituri  essent, 
convenirent  coram  eis,  ad  placita  forestae,  archiepiscopi,  episcopi, 
comites,  et  barones,  et  omnes  libere  tenentes,  et  de  unaquaque 
villa  praepositus  et  quatuor  homines,  ad  audienda  praecepta 
regis.  .  .  . 

Ib.  iv.  66.     Eodem  anno  quia  viri  religiosi  noluerunt  dare 
regi  quinque  solidos  de  wauagio  carucae  sicut   ceteri  homines  -. 
regni  faciebant,  exiit  edictum  a  rege  ut  quicunque  in  regno  suo  4 
forisfecisset  clerico  aut  alii  viro  religioso  non  cogeretur  satis- 
facere  illi ;   sed  si  clericus  aut  alius  vir  religiosus  forisfecisset 
alicui  laico,  statim  compelleretur  ad  satisfaciendum  illi:   unde 
factum  est,  quod  viri  religiosi  ad  redemptionem  coacti  suiit. 


A.D.  1194.     FORM  OF  PROCEEDING  ON  THE  JUDICIAL 
VISITATION. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  agenda  of  the  '  iter'  of  the  jus- 
tices which  began  in  September  1194.  The  general  business  of 
the  visitation  is  of  the  usual  mixed  kind,  judicial  and  financial, 
and  should  be  compared  with  the  Inquest  of  Sheriffs  in  1170,  as 
well  as  with  the  Assizes  of  1166  and  1176.  The  introductory 
clause  is  important,  as  directing  the  election  of  the  grand  jury ; 


J 


T.J  Proceeding  on  the  Judicial  Visitation.  259 

and  the  zoth  capitulum,  as  instituting  the  coroner's  office,  also 
strictly  elective.  The  2ist  directs  that  a  sheriff  shall  not  be 
justice  in  his  own  county,  and  marks  a  distinct  middle  stage 
between  the  assize  of  1166,  in  which  the  sheriffs  share  the  office 
of  justice  with  the  itinerant  barons,  and  the  24th  clause  of 
Magna  Carta,  which  forbids  them  to  hold  pleas  of  the  crown. 
The  application  of  jury  inquest  to  the  ascertaining  of  the  king's 
rights,  in  cap.  23,  is  also,  like  the  inquest  of  1170,  a  precedent 
for  similar  acts  under  Henry  III ;  and  this  whole  chapter,  as 
well  as  cap.  24,  has  great  social  as  well  as  constitutional  signi- 
ficance. The  2  5th  article  seems  to  show  that  a  general  review 
of  the  whole  financial  system  was  contemplated,  such  as  was 
again  attempted  in  1 196,  but  was  prevented  by  the  death  of  the 
abbot  of  Caen  (Hoveden,  iv.  5  ;  W.  Newb.  lib.  v.  c.  19),  and  was 
possibly  connected  with  the  complaints  and  sedition  of  William 
Fitz-Osbert. 

Forma  procedendi  in  placitis  Coronae  Regis. 

In  primis  eligendi  sunt  quatuor  milites  de  tofocomitatu,  qui    »^J 
per  sacramentum  suum  eligant  duos  legales  milites  de  quolibet 
Hundredo    vel   Wapentaceo,    et    illi    duo   eligant   super   sacra- 
iiH'iitum  p'uum  x.  inilites  de  singulis  Hundredis  vel  "\Vapentaccis  ; 
vel,  si  milites  defuerint,  legales  et  liberos  homines,  ita  quod  illi 
xii.  in  simul  respondeant  de  omnibus  capitulis  de  toto  Hundredo  ^  * 
vel  Wapentaeco. 

Capitula  pladtorum  Coronae  Regis. 

1.  De  placitis  coronae  novis  et  veteribus  et  omnibus  quae 
nondum  sunt  finita  coram  justitiariis  domini  regis. 

2.  Item  de  omnibus  recognitionibus  et  omnibus  placitis  quae 
summonita  sunt  coram  justitiariis  per  breve  regis,  vel  capitalis 
justitiae,  vel  a  capitali  curia  regis  coram  eis  missa. 

3.  Item  de  eschaetis  quae  sint  et  quae  fuerint  postquam  rex 
arripuit  iter  versus  terram  Jerusalem ;  et  quae  fuerunt  tune  in 
manu  regis,  et  utrum  sint  modo  in  manu  ejus,  vel  non :  et  de 
omnibus  eschaetis  domini  regis  si  a  manu  sua  sint  remotae,    ' 
quomodo  et  per  quern  et  in  cujus  manus  devenerint,  et  qualiter 
et  quis  exitus  inde  habuerit,  et  quos,  et  quid  valuerint,  et  quid 
modo  valeant ;   et  si  aliqua   exchaeta   sit,   quae   ad  dominum    . 
regem  pertineat,  quae  in  manu  ejus  non  sit. 

4.  Item  de  ecclesiis  quae  sunt  de  donatione  domini  regis. 

8  2 


260  Richard  I.  [PART 

^-  *" 

5.  Item  de  custodiis  puerorum  quae  ad  dominum  regem  per- 
tinent. 

•      6.  Item   de   maritagiis    puellarum   vel  viduarum,   quae    ad 
dominum  regem  pertinent. 

7.  Item  de  malefactoribus  et  eorum  receptoribus  et  eis  con- 
sentientibus. 

8.  Item  de  falsonariis. 

9.  Item  de  interfectoribus  Judaeorum,  qui  sint ;  et  de  vadiis    ; 
Judaeorum  interfectorum,  et  catallis  et  terris  et  debitis  et  cartis  ;    i 
et  quis  ea  habuerit,  et  quis  quantum  eis  debuerit,  et  quae  vadia   ! 
habuerint,  et  quis  ea  teneat,  et  quantum  valeant,  et  q'uis  exitus 
inde  habuerit  et  quos ;  et  omnia  vadia  et  debita  Judaeorum  I 
interfectorum  capiantur  m  manu  regis ;   et  qui  ad  occisionem 
Judaeorum  fuerunt  et  non  fecerunt  finem  cum  domino  rege  vel 
justitiariis  suis,  capiantur  et  non  deliberentur  nisi  per  dominum 
regem  vel  justitiarios  suos. 

10.  Item  de  omnibus  auxiliis  datis  ad  redemptionem  domini 
regis  quis  quantum  promiserit  et  quantum  reddiderit  et  quan- 
tum a  retro  sit. 

11.  Item   de   fautoribus    comitis    Johannis,   qui   finem   cum 
domino  rege  fecerunt  et  qui  non. 

12.  Item  de  catallis  comitis  Johannis  vel  fautorum  ejus,  quae 
ad  usum  domini  regis  non  sunt  conversa,  et  quantum  vicecomites 
receperunt,  vel  baillivi  sui,  et  quis  aliquid  contra  autiquas  cou- 
suetudines  regni  dederit. 

13.  Item  de  omnibus  terris  comitis  Johannis,  de  dominicis  et 
wardis,  et  exchaetis,  et  de  donis  suis,  et  qua  de  causa  data  sunt ; 
et  ilia  dona,  et  omnia  dona  comitis  Johannis  capiantur  in  maim 
domini  regis  praeterquam  ilia  quae  per  regem  confirmata  sunt. 

14.  Item  de  debitis  et  finibus  quae  debentur  comiti  Johanni, 
et  qua  de  causa ;  et  omnia  exigantur  ad  opus  domini  regis. 

15.  Item  de  foeneratoribus  et  eorum  catallis,  qui  mortui  sunt. 

1 6.  Item  de  vinis  venditis  contra  assisam,  et  de  falsis  men- 
suris  tarn  vini  quam  aliarum  rerum. 

17.  Item  de  cruciatis  niortuis  ante  iter  suum  arreptum  versus 
Jerusalem,  et  quis  eorum  catalla  habuerit  et  quae  et  quanta. 

1 8.  Item  de  magnis  assisis,  quae  sunt  de  centum  solidatis 
terrae  et  infra. 

19.  Item  de  defaltis. 

20.  Praeterea  in  quolibet  comitatu  eligantur  tres  milites  et 
unus  clericus  custodes  placitorum  coronae. 

121.  Et  nullus  vicecomes  sit  justitiarius  in  vicecomitatu  suo, 
nee  in  comitatu  quern  tenuerit  post  primam  coronationeiu 
domini  regis. 


V.]  Proceeding  on  the  Judicial  Visitation.  261 

22.  Praeterea  tailleantur  omnes  civitates,  et  burgi  et  domi- 
nica  domrni  regis. 

"23.  Justitiarir  vero  nominati  una  cum  baillivis  TTillelmi 
de  Sanctae  Mariae  Ecclesia,  et  Graufridi  filii  Petri  et  Willelmi 
de  Chimelli,  et  Willelmi  Bruere  et  Hugonis  Bardulfi,  et 
vicecomitum  locorum,  summoneri  faciant  milites  in  comitatu 
in  rotulo  nominates,  ut  ad  diem  et  locum  quern  eis  scire  facient, 
veniant,  et  coram  eis  jurare  faciant  illos  quod  legale  posse 
suum  ponent  ad  wardas  et  exchaetas  domini  regis  instaurandas, 
et  appretiandas  ad  commodum  domini  regis,  nee  alicujus 
odio,  favore,  vel  gratia  illud  omittent :  et  quod  praedicti  milites 
nominati  super  sacrarnentum  suum  eligent  duodecim  legales 
milites,  vel  liberos  et  legales  homines,  si  milites  ad  hoc  inventi 
non  fuerint,  per  diversas  partes  singulorum  comitatuum  in 
itinere  praedictorum  justitiarum,  sicut  expedire  viderint :  qui 
similiter  jurent  quod  ad  wardas  et  excaetas  de  partibus  illis 
instaurandas  et  appretiandas  et  affirrnandas  suum  legale  posse  et 
consilium  et  auxilium  apponent  ad  commodum  regis,  ut  prae- 
dictum  est :  et  praedicti  jurati  supra  sacramentum  suum  eligent 
de  liberioribus  hominibus  excaetarum  et  wardarum  quot  et 
quales  noverint  esse  sibi  necessaries,  ad  praedicta  domini  regis 
negotia  sicut  melius  fieri  potest  ad  commodum  domini  regis 
exsequenda.  Et  sciendum  est,  quod  praedictae  wardae  et  ex- 
chaetae  instaurabuntur  de  exitibus  ex  eis  provenientibus  usque 
ad  festum  Sancti  Michaelis,  et  etiam  de  exitibus  ejusdem  terminL 
Et  si  haec  non  sufficiunt,  supplebitur  deficiens  de  telonio  domini 
regis,  ita  quod  illi  qui  tenebunt  wardas  et  exchaetas  illas  ad 
fij-mam,  respondebunt  inde  a  festo  Sancti  Michaelis  et  deinceps 
tanquam  de  stauratis.  Dominus  autern  rex  illis  qui  wardas  illas 
et  exchaetas  ad  firmam  tenebunt,  eas  usque  ad  terminum  suum 
de  anno  in  annum  warentizabit ;  ita  quod  licet  dominus  rex 
aliquam  illarum  alicui  dedisset,  firmarius  firmam  suam  tenebit 
usque  ad  finem  anni  per  firmam  ei  reddendam,  cui  earn  rex 
dederit,  quam  dominus  rex  inde  perceperit.  Justitia  vero  ex- 
ehaetae  quam  dederit  remaneat  domino  regi,  nisi  dominus  rex 
illud  nominatim  dederit.  Firmarius  etiam  cum  firmam  suam 
dimiserit,  instauramentum  suum  et  omnia  sua  quae  in  firmis 
posuerit,  ultra  instauramentum  regis,  libere  et  sine  diminutione 
habebit ;  et  inde  habebunt  litteras  domini  archiepiscopi  patentes, 
continentes  tenorem  cartae  domini  regis  super  hoc  factae. 

Inquiretur  etiam  diligentissime  quantus  sit  assisus  red- 
ditus  per  singula  maneria  in  demenio,  et  quantum  valeant  omnia 
alia  in  praedictis  maneriis  assisa,  et  quot  sunt  carucae,  et  quan- 
tum singulae  valeant,  non  aestimautes  eas  ad  pretium  xx.  soli- 


262  Richard  1.  [PAUT 

dorum  tantum,  sed  secundum  quod  terra  fuerit  vel  bona  vel 
mala,  crescat  vel  decrescat  pretium.  Illi  vero  qui  firmas  susci- 
pient,  firmas  suas  instaurabunt,  ut  praedictum  est,  secundum 
pretium  supradictum,  de  exitibus  exchaetarum  et  wardarum. 

Inquiratur  etiam  de  quot  bobus  et  averis  singulae  carucae 
valeant  instaurari,  et  quot  et  quantum  instauramentum  singula 
maneria  possint  sustinere.  Et  tune  aperte  et  distincte  in  scrip- 
turn  redigantur.  Erit  autem  pretium  bovis  iv.  solidi,  et  vaccae 
similiter,  et  averi  similiter :  et  ovis  crispae  x.  denarii ;  et  ovis 
lanae  grossioris  vi.  denarii ;  et  suis  xii.  denarii,  et  verris  xii. 
denarii :  et  cum  firmarii  firmas  suas  dimiserint,  de  praedicto 
pretio  respondebunt  vel  de  animalibus  pacabilibus  in  optione 
firmariorum ;  et  cum  omnia  praedicta  instaurata  fuerint  et 
appretiata,  omnia  inbrevientur  aperte  et  distincte  et  deferantur 
ad  scaccarium.  Excipiuntur  autem  de  hac  assisa  episcopatus  et 
abbatiae  et  terrae  baronum  qui  proximi  sunt  aetati. 

Inquiratur  etiam  per  sacramentum  praedictorum  de  omni- 
bus wardis  et  exchaetis  quae  non  sunt  in  manu  domini  regis ;  et 
capiantur  in  manu  domini  regis,  et  de  illis  fiat  sicut  de  aliis 
exchaetis  et  wardis. 

24.   Capitula  de  Judaeis. 

Omnia  debita  et  vadia  Judaeorum  inbrevientur.  terraer  domnft, 
redditus  et  possessiones.  Judaeus  vero,  qui  aliquid  horum  cela- 
verit,  sit  in  forisfactura  domini  regis  de  corpore  suo  et  concela- 
mento,  et  de  omnibus  possessionibus  suis  et  omnibus  catallis 
suis,  nee  unquam  concelamentum  Judaeo  recuperare  licebit. 

Item  provideantur  vi.  vel  vii.  loca  in  quibus  facient  praestita 
sua ;  et  provideantur  ii.  legales  Christiani,  et  ii.  legales  Judaei, 
et  ii.  legales  scriptores ;  et  coram  illis,  et  clerico  Willelmi  de 
Sanctae  Mariae  ecclesia  et  Willelmi  de  Chimilli  fiant  praestita, 
et  cartae  praestitorum  fiant  in  modum  chirographi ;  et  altera 
pars  remaneat  Judaeo  sigillata  sigillo  illius  cui  pecunia  traditur  ; 
et  altera  pars  remaneat  in  area  communi,  in  qua  sunt  tres  serrurae, 
unde  duo  Christiani  habent  unam  clavem,  et  duo  Judaei  unam,  et 
clericus  Willelmi  de  Sanctae  Mariae  ecclesia  et  magistri  Willelmi 
de  Chimilli  habeat  tertiam;  et  praeterea  tria  sigilla,  et  qui 
claves  habuerint  sigilla  apponent.  Clerici  autem  praedictorum 
Willelmi  et  Willelmi  habeant  rotulum  de  transcriptis  omnium 
cartarum,  et  sicut  cartae  mutabuntur  mutetur  et  rotulus;  de 
singulis  cartis  dentur  tres  denarii ;  medietas  a  Judaeo,  et 
medietas  ab  eo  cui  pecunia  creditur :  unde  duo  scriptores 
habeant  duos  denarios  et  custos  rotuli  tertium  ;  et  de  cetero 
nullum  fiet  praestitum,  nulla  Judaeis  fiet  solutio,  nulla  fiet 


v.]    Proclamation  for  the  Preservation  of  the  Peace.     263 

cartarum  mutatio,  nisi  coram  praedictis  vel  majori  parte,  si 
omnes  interesse  nequiverint.  Et  praedicti  duo  Christian!  habe- 
ant  unum  rotulum  de  recepta  Judaeorum  solutionis  eis  de  cetero 
faciendae ;  et  duo  Judaei  unum,  et  custos  rotuli  uiium. 

Item  quilibet  Judaeus  jurabit  super  rotulum  suum  quod 
omnia  debita  sua,  et  vadia,  et  redditus,  et  omnes  res  et  posses- 
siones  suas  inbreviari  faciet,  et  quod  nihil  celabit,  ut  praedictum 
est.  Et  si  scire  poterit  quod  aliquis  aliquid  celaverit,  illud 
justitiis  ad  eos  missis  secreto  revelabit,  et  quod  falsonarios  car- 
tarum et  retonsores  denariorum,  ubi  eos  scient,  detegent  et 
monstrabunt,  et  de  falsis  cartis  similiter. 

25.  Praeterea  inquisitio  quae  quaerenda  erat  de  prisis  et  tenseriis 
omnium  ballivorum  domini  regis,  tam  justitiarum  quam  vice- 
comitum  et  constabulariorum  et  forestariorum  et  eorum  servien- 
tium,  post  coronationem  domini  regis  Ricardi  primam,  et  quare 
prisae  illae  captae  fuerunt,  et  per  quern,  et  de  omnibus  catallis, 
donis,  et  promissis  factis  occasione  saisinae  factae  de  terris 
comitis  Johannis,  et  fautorum  suorum,  et  quis  ea  receperit,  et 
quae,  et  quantum, — dilationem  cepit  per  mandatum  Huberti 
Cantuariensis  archiepiscopi,  tune  temporis  capitalis  justitiarii 
regis. — (Hoveden,  iii.  262-267.) 


A.D.  1195.    PROCLAMATION  FOB  THE  PRESERVATION  OF 
THE  PEACE. 

Archbishop  Hubert  as  chief  justice  issued  in  1195  the  follow- 
ing order,  the  wording  of  which  is  partly  taken  from  the  Assize 
of  Clarendon  of  1 166,  but  which  is  further  a  remarkable  instance 
of  the  continuity  of  tone  in  this  depai'tment  of  law  from  the 
earliest  times ;  as  is  shown  by  the  enforcement  of  the  hue  and 
cry,  and  the  appointment  of  knights  to  receive  the  oaths  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  peace.  The  latter  is  probably  the  germ  of 
the  office  of  Conservator  of  the  Peace.  Knights  were  assigned  to 
maintain  the  peace  in  1253  and  1264  :  in  the  reign  of  Edward  I 
a  custos  of  the  peace  was,  occasionally  at  least,  elected  by  the 
county.  The  conservators  of  the  peace  were,  according  to  the 
ist  Edward  III.  c.  16,  assigned,  as  in  the  Act  before  us,  and 
nominated  by  the  Crown.  'The  statute  34  Edw.  III.  c.  i  gave 
them  the  power  of  trying  felonies,  and  then  they  acquired  the 
more  honourable  title  of  Justices  of  the  Peace.' — Blackstone, 
Comm.  i.  350. 


264  Richard  I.  [PART 


A.D.  1195.     E  dictum  Reg  mm. 

Eodem  anno  praedictus  archiepiscopus,  totius  Angliae  justi- 
tiarius,  misit  per  totam  Angliaru  hujusmodi  formarn  jurameuti, 
videlicet : — Quod  omnes  homines  regni  Angliae  pacem  domini 
regis  pro  posse  suo  servabunt ;  et  quod  nee  latrones  nee  robatores 
nee  eorum  receptatores  erunt,  nee  in  aliquo  eis  consentient ;  et 
quod  cum  hujusmodi  malefactores  scire  poterunt,  illos  pro  toto 
posse  suo  capient  et  vicecomiti  liberabunt,  qui  nullo  modo 
deliberentur  nisi  per  dominum  regem  vel  capitalem  Justitiam 
Buam ;  et  si  illos  capere  non  poterunt,  eos  ballivis  domini  regis, 
quicunque  fuerint,  scire  facient.  Levatp  autem  clam  ore  inse- 
quendi  utlagos,  robatores,  latrones,  aut  eorum  receptatores, 
omnes  sectam  illam  plene  facient  pro  toto  posse  suo  ;  et  si  quern 
viderint  vel  manifestum  fuerit  sectam  illam  non  fecisse,  vel  sine 
Hcentia  se  ab  ea  subtraxisse,  eos  tanquam  malefactores  ipsos 
capient  et  vicecomiti  liberabunt,  non  deliberandos  nisi  per  regem, 
aut  ejus  capitalem  Justitiam.  Milites  vero  ad  hoc  assigmiti 
facient  venire  omnes  de  ballia  sua  coram  se  a  quindecim  annis 
et  ultra ;  et  jurare  facient  quod  pacem  domini  regis,  ut  supra- 
dictum  est,  servabunt ;  et  quod  nee  utlagi,  nee  robatores,  nee 
latrones,  nee  eorum  receptatores  erunt,  nee  in  aliquo  eis  consen- 
tient; et  quod  sectam,  ut  praedictum  est,  plenam  facient;  et 
quod  si  cum  malefactione  aliquem  ceperint,  militibus  in  ballia 
sua  super  se  positis  et  ad  hoc  assignatis,  eum  liberabunt,  qui 
eum  vicecomiti  liberabunt  custodieudum ;  similiter,  si  aliquem 
viderint  vel  eis  notum  fuerit,  levato  clamore  insequendi  male- 
factores praedictos,  qui  sectam  non  fecerit,  vel  a  secta  ilia  se 
subtraxerit  sine  licentia,  eum  tanquam  malefactorem  ipsum 
capient,  et  militibus  praedictis  liberabunt,  vicecomiti  liberandum 
et  custodiendum  ut  ipsum  malefactorem;  nee  liberandum  nisi 
per  praeceptum  domini  regis  vel  ejus  capitalis  Justitiae. — 
(R.  Hoveden,  iii.  299.) 


CHARTERS  OF  TOWNS  GRANTED  BY.  RICHARD  I. 

Amongst  the  privileges  sold  by  Richard  I  to  every  class  of 
his  subjects,  none  were  more  important  than  those  which  were 
obtained  by  the  boroughs  in  their  charters.  These  were  gene- 
rally drawn  on  the  model  of  the  charters  of  Henry  II :  but  were 


v.]          CJuirters  of  Towns  granted  by  Richard  I.          265 

far  more  widely  diffused ;  and  in  the  later  years  of  the  reign 
contain  in  some  instances  a  clause  empowering  the  towns  to 
elect  their  own  reeves.  The  establishment  of  the  communa  of 
the  citizens  of  London,  which  is  recorded  by  the  historians  to 
have  been  specially  confirmed  by  the  barons  and  justiciar  on 
the  occasion  of  Longchamp's  deposition  from  the  justiciarship,  is 
a  matter  of  some  difficulty,  as  the  word  communa  is  not  found 
in  English  town  charters,  and  no  formal  record  of  this  act  of 
confirmation  is  now  preserved.  The  communa  of  the  French 
towns  was  a  municipal  constitution  founded  on  a  sworn  con- 
federacy of  the  citizens  and  subsequently  confirmed  by  charter. 
With  this  the  idea  the  English  merchant-guild  had  some  features 
in  common  although  it  was  established  for  mercantile  rather  than 
political  purposes  :  and  fhe  word  communa  seems  to  be  used  by 
Glanvill  as  equivalent  to  merchant-guild.  In  its  more  general 
meaning  however  it  must  be  understood  to  signify  a  corporate 
identity  of  the  municipality,  which  it  may  have  claimed  before, 
and  which  may  even  have  been  occasionally  recognised,  but  was 
now  firmly  established;  a  sort  of  consolidation  into  a  single 
organised  body  of  the  variety  of  franchises,  guilds,  and  other 
departments  of  local  jurisdiction.  It  was  connected  with,  and 
perhaps  implied  by,  the  nomination  of  a  Mayor,  who  now 
appears  for  the  first  time.  It  is  however  too  transitional  a  term 
to  be  defined  with  certainty;  and  the  later  application 'of  the 
word  communitas,  like  that  of  the  still  later  corporation,  is  some- 
times obscure  ;  meaning  primd  facie  the  whole  corporate  town, 
but  sometimes  only  the  magistracy  by  whom  the  corporate  rights 
were  exercised. 

A.D.  1190.     Charter  of  Richard  I  to  Winchester. 

RICARDUS,  Dei  gratia,  rex  Angliae,  dux  Normanniae,  etc. 
archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  abbatibus,  comitibus,  baronibus,  justiti- 
ariis,  vicecomitibus,  ministris  et  omnibus  baillivis  et  fidelibus  suis 
totius  terrae  suae  salutem.  Sciatis  nos  concessisse  civibus  nostris 
Wintoniae  de  gilda  mercatomm,  quod  nullus  eoruiu  placitet 
extra  muros"'ctfaiatis  \VlnMhiae  de  ullo  placito  praeter  placita 
de  tenuris  exterioribus,  exceptis  monetariis  et  miuistris  nostris. 


266  Richard  I.  [PART 

Concessimus  etiam  eis  quod  nullus  eorum  faciat  duellum,  et 
quod  de  placitis  ad  coronam  nostram  pertinentibus  se  possint 
diratiocinare  secundum  antiquam  consuetudinem  civitatis.  Haec 
etiam  eis  concessimus,  quod  cives  Wintoniae  de  gilda  mercatorum 
sint  quieti  de,  theloneo  et  lestagio  et  pontagio  in  feria  et  extra, 
et  per  portus  maris  omnium  terrarum  nostrarum,  citra  mare  et 
ultra ;  et  quod  nullus  de  misericordia  pecuniae  judicetur  nisi 
secundum  antiquam  legem  civitatis  quam  habuerunt  tempore 
antecessorum  nostrorum ;  et  quod  terras  et  tenuras  suas  et 
vadimonia  et  debita  omnia  juste  habeant,  quicunque  eis  debeat  ; 
et  de  terris  suis  et  tenuris  quae  infra  urbem  sunt,  rectum  eis 
teneatur  secundum  consuetudinem  civitatis ;  et  de  omnibus 
debitis  suis  quae  accommodata  fuerint  apud  Wintoniam  et  de 
vadimoniis  ibidem  factis,  placita  apud  Wintoniam  teneantur. 
Et  si  quis  in  tota  terra  nostra  theloneum  vel  consuetudinem  ab 
hominibus  Wintoniae  de  gilda  mercatorum  ceperit,  postquam 
ipse  a  recto  defecerit,  vicecomes  de  Suthantonia  vel  praepositus 
Wintoniae  namium  inde  apud  Wintoniam  capiat.  Insuper 
etiam  ad  emendandam  civitatem  eis  concessimus,  quod  omnes 
sint  quieti  de  jeresgieve  et  de  scotteshale,  ita  quod  si  vicecomes 
uoster  vel  aliquis  alius  baillivus  scotthale  faciat.  Has  praedictas 
consuetudines  eis  concedimus  et  omnes  alias  libertates  et  liberas 
consuetudines  quas  habuerunt  temporibus  antecessorum  nostro- 
rum quando  meliores  vel  liberiores  habuerunt ;  et  si  aliquae 
consuetudines  injustae  levatae  fuerint  in  guerra,  cassatae  sint ; 
et  quicunque  petierint  civitatem  Wintoniae  cum  mercatu  suo, 
de  quocunque  loco  sint,  sive  extranei  sive  alii,  veniant,  morentur 
et  recedant  in  salva  pace  nostra,  reddendo  rectas  consuetudines, 
et  nemo  eos  disturbet  super  hanc  cartam  nostram.  Quare 
volumus  et  firmiter  praecipimus  quod  ipsi  et  haeredes  eorum 
haec  omnia  praedicta  haereditarie  habeant  et  teneant  de  nobis  et 
haeredibus  nostris.  Testibus,  W.  Rothomagensi  archiepiscopo, 
R.  Bathoniensi,  H.  Coventrensi  episcopis,  Bertranno  de  Verdun, 
Johanne  Marescallo,  "Willelmo  Marescallo.  Datum  per  mamun 
Johannis  de  Alenconio  archidiaconi  Lexoviensis,  vicecancellarii 
nostri,  apud  Nunancurte,  XIV.  die  Martii,  anno  primo  regni 
nostri.— (Foedera,  i.  50.) 

A.D.  1194.     Charter  of  Richard  I  to  Lincoln. 

RICAKDUS,  Dei  gratia,  rex  Angliae,  dux  Normanniae  et 
Aquitanniae,  comes  Andegaviae,  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  abbati- 
bus,  comitibus,  baronibus,  justitiariis,  vicecomitibus,  ministris  et 
omnibus  fidelibus  suis,  tarn  Francis  quam  Anglis,  salutem. 


v.]  Charters  of  Towns.  267 

Sciatis  nos  concessisse  civibus   nostris  Lincolniae  quod    nullus 
eoruni    placitet    extra    civitatem    Lincolniae    de    aliijuo    pl.u-ito 
praeter  placita  de  tenuris   exterioribus,  exceptis   monetariis  et 
ministris  nostris.     Concessimus  etiam  eis  quietantiam    munlri 
infra  civitatem  et   in   portsocha,  et  quod   nullus    eorum  faciat  1 
duellutn,  et  quod  de  placitis  ad  coronam  pertinentibus  se  possint  I  ^ 
disrationare  secundum  consuetudinem  civium  civitatis  Lundoni-  •• 
arum,  et  quod  infra  civitatem  illam  nemo  capiat  hospitium  per 
vim  vel  per  liberationem  marescalli.     Hoc   etiam   concessimus 
quod  omnes  cives  Lincolniae  sint  quieti  de  theloneo  et  lestagio         ., 
per  totam  Angliam  et  per  portus  maris,  et  quod  nullus  de  ini-1     / 
sericordia  pecuniae  judicetur  nisi  secundum  legem  quam  habent  5 
cives  nostri  Lundoniarum  ;    et  quod   in  civitate  ilia   in   nullo 
placito  sit  miskenninga  ;  et  quod  burwaremot  semel  tantum  in 
hebdomada  teneatur ;  et  quod  terras  et  tenuras  et  vadia  sua  et 
debita  sua  omnia  juste  habeant,  quicunque  eis  debeat.     Et  de 
terris  suis  et  tenuris  quae  infra  civitatem  sint,  rectum  eis  tenea- 
tur secundum  consuetudinem  civitatis  ;    et  de  omnibus  debitis 
suis  quae  accommodata  fuerint  apud  Lincolniam,  et  de  vadiis 
ibidem  factis,  placita  apud  Lincolniam  teneantur.     Et  si  quis  in 
tota  Anglia  theloneum  vel    consuetudinem  ab  hominibus    Lin- 
colniae   ceperit,    postquam    ipse   a    recto  defecerit,   praepositus 
Lincolniae  namium  apud  Lincolniam  capiat.     Insuper  etiam  ad 
emendationem  illius  civitatis  illis  concessimus,  quod  sint  quieti 
de  bridtol,  et  de  childwite,  et  de  gieresgieve,  et  de  scothale,  ita 
quod  praepositus  nee  alius  ballivus  scothalam  faciat.     Has  prae- 
dictas  consuetudines  eis  concessimus  et  omnes  alias  libertates  et 
liberas  consuetudines,  quas   habuerunt  vel    habent  cives  nostri 
Lundoniarum  quando  melibres  vel  liberiores  habuerint,  secun- 
dum libertates  Lundoniarum  et  leges  civitatis  Lincolniae. 

Quare  volumus  et  firmiter  praecipimus  quod  ipsi  et  haeredes 
eorum  baec  omnia  praedicta  habeant  et  teneant  haereditarie  de 
nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris,  reddendo  per  annum  novies  viginti 
libras  numero  de  Lincolnia  cum  omnibus  pertinentiis  ad  scacca- 
rium  nostrum,  duobus  terminis,  ad  Pascham  scilicet  et  ad 
festum  Sancti  Michaelis  per  manum  praepositi  Lincolniae.  Et  C 
cives  Lincolniae  faciant  praepositum  quern  voluerint  de  se  per  (_  . 
annum,  qui  f-it  idoneus  nobis  et  eis.  Testibus  hiis  ;  H.  Can- 
tuariensi  arcliiepiscopo;  Willelmo  Marescallo ;  Gaufriilo  tilio 
Petri ;  Hugone  Bardulfi.  Datum  per  manum  Willelmi  Eliensis 
episcopi  cancellarii  nostri  apud  Wintoniam,  etc. — (Foedera, 
i.  53.) 


a68  John.  [PART 


AJX  1199-1216.     JOHN. 

Archbishops  of  Canterbury.     Hubert    Walter,     1193-1205 ;    Stephen 

Langton,  1207-1216. 
Chief  Justices.  Geoffrey  Fitz-Peter,  1199-1213;  Peter  des  Roches,  Bishop 

of  Winchester,  1214-1215  ;  Hubert  de  Burgh,  1215-1216. 
Chancellors.     Hubert  Walter,    1199-1205;    Walter   Grey,  1205-1213; 

Peter  des  Roches,    1213-1214;    Walter   Grey,   1214;    Richard  de 

Marisco,  1214-1216. 

WHETHER  the  account  given  by  Matthew  Paris  of  the  election 
of  John  be  true  or  false,  it  is  certain  that  he  succeeded  to  his 
brother's  throne  without  any  threat  of  opposition.  The  claim 
which  he  derived  from  Richard's  final  disposition  of  his  states 
was  strengthened  by  the  support  of  the  queen  mother,  and  the 
adherence  of  a  numerous  party  which  he  had  propitiated  during 
the  late  reign  ;  and  the  absence  of  any  feeling  in  favour  of 
Arthur  left  the  great  ministers,  and  the  .baronage  generally,  no 
other  course  than  to  accept  him  as  king.  He,  like  Richard,^ 
issued  no  coronation  charter,  but  took  the  usual  oaths. 

The  administration  of  the  country  was  managed  by  Arch- 
bishop Hubert  and  Geoffrey  Fitz-Peter  the  Justiciar,  during 
John's  early  years,  on  the  same  principles  as  it  had  been  during 
Richard's  reign;  it  is  to  them  that  we  must  ascribe  the  main- 
tenance of  such  constitutional  forms  as  continued  to  exist,  and 
of  the  peace  of  England.  The  amount  of  restraint  which  they 
exercised  on  John  may  be  calculated,  if  we  consider  that  imme- 
diately on  the  death  of  Hubert  his  quarrel  with  the  Church 
broke  out,  whilst  the  death  of  the  Justiciar  in  1213  coincides 
with  the  beginning  of  the  national  struggle  for  liberty  under  the 
barons.  But  these  ministers  were  not  able  to  control  altogether 
the  tyrannical  instincts  of  the  king.  His  constant  presence  in 
England  and  his  interference  with  the  machinery  of  administra- 
tion prevented  them  from  combining,  as  they  had  done  in 
Richard's  reign,  heavy  taxation  with  the  use  and  development 
of  principles  of  self-government ;  and  from  standing  between 


v.J  Excerpts.  269 

the  people  and  the  king,  at  the  cost  of  their  own  popularity. 
Close  acquaintance  with  John  disgusted  the  English,  who  had  not 
realised  the  more  distant  faults  of  Richard. 

Independently,  however,  of  personal  considerations,  the  reign 
was  a  critical  one.  That  of  Richard  had  witnessed  the  separa- 
tion of  the  royal  interest  from  that  of  the  people ;  that  of  John 
brought  the  interest  of  the  people  into  the  closest  harmony  with 
that  of  the  baronage.  The  baronage  was  now  composed,  to  a 
very  great  extent,  of  men  whose  fortunes  had  been  made  under 
the  influence  of  Henry  II,  whose  traditions  were  opposed  to 
feudalism,  and  whose  relations  with  Normandy  were  much  less 
close  than  those  of  the  older  nobility.  The  first  signs  of  the 
working  of  these  causes  are  to  be  found  in  the  default  of  any 
attempt  to  recover  Normandy  after  its  forfeiture  and  loss.  The 
English  barons  were  either  averse  to  such  an  attempt,  as  in- 
volving foreign  service,  a  fact  which  shows  that  their  own  stake 
in  the  duchy  was  but  small ;  or  incredulous  of  John's  intention 
to  make  the  effort,  as  they  might  justly  be,  when  he  was  so  ready 
to  commute  their  service  for  money ;  or  they  saw  no  hope  of 
success  under  a  sovereign  whose  ability  they  underrated,  whilst 
they  estimated  his  sincerity  at  its  true  value.  It  would  appear 
that  the  families  which  still  had  possessions  on  both  sides  the 
Channel  either  divided  their  estates,  or,  balancing  their  con- 
flicting interests  as  well  as  they  could,  chose  to  forfeit  a  part 
rather  than  to  fight  for  John. 

In  the  ecclesiastical  disputes,  which  are  the  next  feature 
of  the  reign,  John  had  to  contend  with  the  greatest  of  all 
the  successors  of  S.  Peter,  and  with  a  spirit  in  the  national 
Church  which  was  unquestionably  maintained  by  the  knowledge 
of  the  great  power  and  success  of  the  Pope  in  other  parts  of 
Christendom.  The  barons  refrained  from  taking  advantage  of 
these  peculiar  difficulties,  nor  did  their  overt  opposition  to  the 
king  begin  until  his  relations  with  the  papacy  had  changed.  As 
soon  as  the  papal  authority  begins  to  back  the  royal  tyranny, 
the  barons  determine  to  resist ;  and  the  Church  having  re- 
covered, in  Archbishop  Langton,  its  natural  leader,  resumes  its 
ordinary  attitude  as  the  supporter  of  freedom. 


270  John.  [PART 

The  country  saw  that  the  submission  of  John  to  Innocent 
placed  its  liberty,  temporally  and  spiritually,  at  his  mercy  ;  and 
immediately  demanded  safeguards.  These  demands  were  drawn 
up  on  the  ancient  plan  of  a  request  for  the  restoration  of  good 
customs,  and  on  the  model  of  the  charter  of  Henry  I.  The 
crisis,  delayed  by  John's  expedition  to  France  in  1214,  and  by 
his  attempts  to  dissolve  the  alliance  made  against  him  on  his 
return,  occurred  early  in  the  following  year.  Friends  and 
enemies  contributed  their  counsel  and  consent  to  the  granting 
of  the  great  Charter.  The  king's  attempts  to  rid  himself  of  the 
new  obligation,  and  the  support  given  to  them  by  the  Pope  in 
opposition  to  the  rights  of  the  Church  and  nation,  resulted  in  a 
determined  attempt  to  dethrone  him  by  foreign  aid  :  a  scheme 
which  owed  its  only  prospect  of  success  to  the  personal  hatreds 
which  John  had  inspired,  but  which  was  so  strong  in  that  re- 
spect that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  king's  death,  England  would 
have  most  probably  carried  out  a  change  in  dynasty,  the  possible 
issues  of  which,  both  for  herself  and  the  world  in  general,  are 
incalculable. 

It  seems  paradoxical  to  state  that  neither  John's  tyranny  nor 
its  overthrow  could  have  taken  the  form  they  took  without  the 
reforms  of  Henry  II,  but  such  seems  to  have  been  really  the 
case.  The  technical  principle  on  which  here,  as  often  else- 
where, so  much  that  owes  its  existence  to  very  different  causes 
seems  to  turn,  is  the  freedom  of  the  vassals  from  service  abroad : 
and  this  point  comes  into  prominence  during  the  thirteenth 
century  in  a  way  that  would  have  been  impossible  but  for 
the  decay  of  feudalism,  begun  and  developed  under  Henry  II, 
and  precipitated  by  the  separation  of  Normandy  from  England 
under  John. 

EXCERPTS. 

A.  D.  1199.  MATT.  PARIS  (ed.  Wats),  p.  197.  Dux  Nor- 
manniae  Johannes  transfretavit  in  Angliam  et  apud  Sorham 
applicuit  octavo  kalendas  Junii  ;  et  in  crastino,  in  vigilia  vide- 
licet Dominicae  Ascensionis,  Londonias  venit  ibidem  coronandus. 
Congregatis  itaque  in  adventu  ejus  archiepiscopis,  episcopis, 
comitibus  et  baronibus  atque  aliis  omnibus  qui  ejus  coro- 


v.]  Excerpts.  271 

/  liationi  interesse  debuerant  ;  archiepiscopus  stans  in  medio 
omnium  dixit,  '  Audite  universi.  Noverit  discretio  vestra  quod 
nullus  praevia  rations  alii  succedere  habet  in  regnum,  nisi  ab 
universitate  regni  unanimiter  invocata  Sancti  Spiritus  gratia 
electus,  et  secundum  morum  suorunj  eminentiam  praeelectus, 
ad  exemplum  et  similitudinem  Saul  primi  regis  inuncti,  quern 
praeposuit  Dominus  populo  Suo,  non  regis  filium  nee  de  regali 
stirpe  procreatum  ;  similiter  post  eum  David  Jessae  filium  ; 
hunc  quia  strenuum  et  aptum  dignitati  regiae,  ilium  quia  sanc- 
tum et  humilem  ;  ut  sic  qui  cuuctos  in  regno  supereminet 
strenuitate,  omnibus  praesit  et  potestate  et  regimine.  Verum 
si  quis  ex  stirpe  regis  defuncti  aliis  praepolleret,  pronius  et 
promptius  in  electionem  ejus  est  consentiendum.  Haec  idoirco 
diximus  pro  inclyto  comite  Johanne,  qui  praesens  est  frater 
illustrissimi  regis  nostri  Kicardi  jam  defuncti,  qui  haerede  caruit 
ab  eo  egrediente,  qui  providus  et  strenuus  et  manifesto  nobilis, 

V  quern  nos,  invocata  Spiritus  Sancti  gratia,  ratione  tarn  merito- 
rum  quam  sanguinis  regii  unanimiter  elegimus  universi.'  Erat 
autem  archiepiscopus  vir  profundi  pectoris  et  in  regno  singularis 
columna  stabilitatis  et  sapientiae  incomparabilis ;  nee  ausi  sunt 
alii  super  his  adhuc  ambigere,  scientes  quod  sine  causa  hoc  non 
sic  diffiuiverat.  Verum  comes  Johannes  et  omnes  hoc  accepta- 
bant,  ipsumque  comitem  in  regem  eligentes  et  assumentes  ex- 
clamant  dicentes  '  Vivat  rex.'  Interrogates  autem  postea  archi- 
episcopus Hubertus  quare  haec  dixisset,  respondit  se  praesaga 
mente  conjecturare  et  quibusdam  oraculis  edoctum  et  certifi- 
catum  fuisse,  quod  ipse  Johannes  regnum  et  coronam  Angliae 
foret  aliquando  corrupturus  et  in  magnarn  confusionem  prae- 
cipitaturus ;  et  ne  haberet  liberas  habenas  hoc  faciendi,  ipsum 
electione  non  successione  haereditaria  eligi  debere  affirmabat. 
Archiepiscopus  autem  imponens  capiti  ejus  coronam  unxit  eum 
in  regem  apud  Westmonasterium,  scilicet  in  ecclesia  principis 
apostolorum,  Dominicae  Ascensionis  die,  sexto  kalendas  Junii, 
Philippo  Dunelmensi  episcopo  appellante  sed  non  obtinente, 
ne  coronatio  ilia  fieret  in  absentia  Gaufridi  archiepiscopi 
Eboracensis.  In  hac  coronatione  rex  Johannes  triplici  involutus 
est  sacramento  ;  quod  videlicet  sanctam  ecclesiam  et  ejus  ordi- 
natos  diligeret  et  earn  ab  incursione  malignantium  indemnem 
conservaret,  et  quod,  perversis  legibus  destructis,  bonas  substi- 
tueret,  et  rectam  justitiam  in  regno  Angliae  exerceret.  Deinde 
adjuratus  est  ab  eodem  archiepiscopo  ex  parte  Dei  et  districte 
prohibitus  ne  honorern  hunc  accipere  praesumeret  nisi  in  mente 
habeat  opere  quod  juraverat  adimplere.  Ad  hoc  ille  respondens 
promisit  se  per  auxilium  Dei,  bona  fide,  ea  quae  juraverat  serva- 


272  John.  [PART 

turum.  .  .  .  Et  sic  brevissimam  in  Anglia  moram  faciens,  ea  quae 
statuenda  erant  in  regno  cum  consilio  magnatum  rite  peregit. 

A.D.  1 200.  HOG.  HOVEDEX,  iv.  107.  Interim  Johannes  rex 
Angliae  transfretavit  cle  Normannia  in  Angliam  et  cepit  de 

unaquaque  carucata  totius  Angliae  tres  solidos  de  auxilio 

Procedente  autem  tempore,  Johannes  rex  Angliae,  bonorum 
virorum  fretus  consilio  restituit  praenominato  archiepiscopo 
(Graufrido)  archiepiscopatum  suum  et  statuit  ei  diem  veniendi  in 
curia  sua  ad  monstrandum  quare  non  transfretavit  cum  illo  ad 
faciendam  pacem  cum  rege  Franciae,  quando  summonitus  erat, 
et  quare  non  permiserat  servientes  suos  capere  denarios  caru- 
carum  de  terra  sua  sicut  in  aliis  partibus  regni  factum  est  : 
et  %uare  verberaverat  servientem  vicecomitis  Eboraci  ;  et  ad 
reddendum  regi  tria  millia  marcarum  argenti  quae  ipse  debuit 
Ricardo  regi  Angliae  fratri  suo. 

HAD.  COGGESHALE  (ed.  Mart,  and  Dur.,  p.  860).  Ad  An- 
gliam regreditur,  auxilium  ab  omni  regno  expostulans 

Exiit  ergo  edictum  a  justitiariis  regis  per  universam  Angliam, 
ut  quaelibet  caruca  arans  tres  persolveret  solidos,  quae  nimirum 
gravis  exactio  valde  populum  terrae  extenuavit,  cum  antea  gravis 
exactio  scutagii  praecessisset  ;  nam  ad  scutum  duae  marcae 
persolvebantur,  cum  nunquam  amplius  quam  viginti  solid!  ad 
scutum  exigerentur. 

A.D.  1201.  ROG.  HOVEDEN,  iv.  160,  161.  Statim  post 
Pascha  praecepit  rex  ut  comites  et  barones  Angliae  essent  apud 
Portesmu  ad  Pentecosten,  parati  equis  et  armis  ad  transfretandum 
cum  illo Interim  comites  Angliae  convenerunt  ad  collo- 
quium inter  eos  habitum  apud  Leicestre,  et  ex  communi  consilio 
mandaverunt  regi  quod  non  transfretarent  cum  illo,  nisi  ille 
reddiderit  eis  jura  sua.  Rex  autem  malo  usus  consilio  petebat 
ab  eis  castella  sua.  .  .  . 

Ib.  p.  163.  In  hebdomada  Pentecostes  cum  barones  Angliae 
essent  congregati  apud  Portesmue  ad  transfretandum  cum  rege, 
rex  cepit  de  quibusdam  illorum  pecuniam  quam  expenderent 
in  servitio  suo,  et  permisit  eos  domum  redire. 

A.D.  1203.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  209.  In  die  Sancti  Nicolai  apud 
Portesmuthe  (rex)  applicuit.  Deinde  in  comites  et  barones 
occasiones  praeteudeutes  quod  ipsum  inter  hostes  reliquerant 
in  partibus  transmarinis,  unde  castella  et  terras  suas  pro  eoruiu 
defectu  amiserat,  cepit  ab  eis  septimam  partem  omnem  mobi- 
lium  suorum. 

A.D.  1204.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  209.  In  crastino  Circumcisionis 
convenerunt  ad  colloquium  apud  Oxouiam  rex  et  magnates 


y.]  Excerpts.  273 

Angliae,  ubi  concessa  sunt  regi  auxilia  militaria,  de  quolibet 
scuto  scilicet  duae  marcae  et  dimidia ;  nee  etiam  episcopi  et  ab- 
bates  sive  ecclesiasticae  personae  sine  promissione  recesserunt. 

A.D.  1205.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  212.  Circa  Pentecosten  rex 
Johannes  congregavit  exercitum  grandem  quasi  mare  transi- 
turura ;  et  prohibente  sibi  Cantuariensi  archiepiscopo  et  aliis 
multis,  apud  Portesmue  navium  multitudinem  copiosam  coadu- 
nari  fecit.  Deinde  rex  cum  parvo  comitatu,  idibus  Julii,  naves 
ascendit,  et  velis  patentibus  Neptuno  se  committens,  mutato 
consilio,  die  tertia  apud  Stodtlandt  juxta  Warrham  applicuit. 
Reversus  autem  rex  cepit  de  comitibus,  baronibus,  militibus,  et 
viris  religiosis  pecuniam  infinitam,  occasiones  praetendens  quod 
noluerunt  ipsum  sequi  ad  partes  transmarinas  ut  haereditatem 
amissam  recuperaret. 

A.D.  1207.  ANN.  WAVERL.  (ed.  Luard),  p.  258.  Rex  Jo- 
hannes post  reditum  suum  a  transmarinis,  convocatis  episcopis, 
abbatibus  et  prioribus,  comitibus  et  baronibus  et  magnatibus 
regni,  celebravit  concilium  Londoniis  in  octavis  Circumcisionis ; 
ibique  convenit  episcopos  et  abbates,  ut  permitterent  personas 
et  beneficiatos  ecclesiarum  dare  regi  certain  summam  reddituum 
suorum.  In  quod  cum  non  consentirent  praelati  ecclesiarum, 
data  est  dilatio  usque  ad  sequens  concilium  celebrandum  Oxoniae 
in  octavis  Purificationis  beatae  Mariae ;  ibique  congregata  in- 
finita  multitudine  praelatorum  ecclesiae  et  magnatum  regni, 
exegit  ab  episcopis  et  abbatibus  quod  prius  exegerat  ab  eis. 
Sed  consilio  inito,  omnes  tarn  Cantuarienses  quam  Eboracensesl 
metropolitani  unanimiter  responderunt,  Anglicanam  ecclesiamy 
nullo  modo  sustinere  posse  quod  ab  omnibus  saeculis  prius  fuit  J 
inauditum.  Rex  ergo  saniori  usus  consilio  exactionem  illain 
penitus  relaxavit.  Postea  generaliter  statuit  per  universum 
regnum,  ut  omnis  homo  de  cujuscunque  feudo  juraret  pretium 
catellorum  suorum  de  immobili  et  mobili,  et  de  his  daret  deci- 
mam  tertiam  partem  regi,  ad  recuperandam  haereditatem  suam 
in  Normannia  et  in  aliis  terris  suis.  Ad  quam  colligendam 
misit  ministros  suos  per  universes  comitatus  Angliae :  ab  hac 
exactioue  liber  erat  ordo  Cisterciensis.  .  . 

MATT.  PARIS,  p.  221.  Solus  Gaufridus  archiepiscopus  Ebora- 
censis  nou  consentiens  sed  plane  contradiceus  clanculo  recessit 
ab  Anglia. 

A.D.  1208.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  226.  Prima  die  Lunae  in 
Passione  Domini  quae  tune  contigit  decimo  kaleudas  Aprilis, 
sub  generali  interdicto  totam  Angliam  incluserunt. 

T 


H  John.  [PATIT 

ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  260.  Kex  igitur  hoc  edicto  generaliter  pro- 
nunciato  per  Angliam,  miro  modo  turbatus,  praecepit  confiscari 
per  universum  regnum  suum  omnes  possessiones  episcoporum 
et  clericorum  et  virorum  religiosorum,  et  omnia  bona  ecclesi- 
astica,  et  misit  per  singulas  provincias  ministros  suos  tarn 
clericos  quam  laicos  ad  confiscanda  bona  ecclesiarum.  Qui 
circueuntes  regionem  saisiaverunt  bona  clericorum  mobilia  et 
immobilia  intra  et  extra,  coinmittentes  curam  rerum  illarum 
in  singulis  villis  vicinis  hominibus,  per  quorum  manus  clerici 
perciperent  de  rebus  suis  necessaria. 

A.D.  1209.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  228.  Papa  Innocentius  .  . .  de 
consilio  fratrum  suorum  cardinalium  ad  exstirpandum  radicitus 
ecclesiae  scandalum,  Londoniensi,  Elyensi,  et  Wigorniensi  epi- 
scopis  dedit  in  mandatis,  ut  regem  memoratum  nominatim  ex- 
communicatum  pronunciarent. 

A.D.  1210.  ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  264.  Johannes  rex  sub  prae- 
textu  recuperandae  Normanniae  et  aliarum  terrarum  suarum 
quibus  eum  rex  Franciae  Philippus  spoliaverat,  inaestimabilem 
et  incomparabilem  fecit  pecuniae  numeratae  exactionem,  nullis 
viris  clericis  vel  laicis,  nulli  religioni  cujuscunque  ordinis 
parcens. 

MATT.  PARIS,  p.  230.  Deinde  (sc.  mense  Septembri)  Lon- 
donias  cum  festinatione  properans,  fecit  omnes  Angliae  praelatos 
in  sua  praesentia  convenire.  Venerunt  autem  ad  hauc  gene- 
ralem  convocationem  abbates,  priores,  abbatissae,  Templarii, 
Hospitalarii,  custodes  villarum  ordinis  Cluniacensis  et  aliarum 
regionum  transmarinarum  cujuscunque  dignitatis  et  ordinis ; 
qui  omnes  ad  tarn  gravem  compulsi  sunt  redemptionem  ac  re- 
rum  ecclesiarum  dilapidationem,  quod  summa  extortae  pecuniae 
excrevisse  fertur  ad  centum  millia  librarum  sterlingorum.  Albi 
quoque  monachi  de  regno  Angliae,  aliis  exceptis,  quadraginta 
millia  librarum  argenti  in  hoc  tallagio,  vellent  nollent,  cassatis 
privilegiis  regi  persolverunt. 

A.D.  12 1 1.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  230.  Eex  Johannes  cepit  a 
militibus  qui  exercitui  in  Wallia  non  interfueruut  de  quolibet 
scuto  duas  marcas  argenti.  .  .  . 

Ib.  p.  231.  Habuit  autem  rex  hac  interdicti  tempestate  con- 
siliarios  iniquissimos,  quorum  nomina  pro  parte  hie  ponere  non 
omittam  : — Willelmus  .  .  .  frater  regis  et  comes  Saresburiensis, 
Albericus  de  Ver  comes  Oxoniensis,  Gaufridus  Filius  Petri 
Angliae  Justifciarius ;  tres  episcopi  curiales,  Philippus  Dunelmen- 
sis,  Petrus  Wintoniensis  et  Johannes  Norwicensis  ;  Bicardus  de 


v.]  Excerpts.  275 

Marisco  regis  cancellarius,  Hugo  de  Nevilla  protoforestarius, 
Willelmus  de  "Wrotham  custos  portuum  maris,  Robertus  de 
Veteri  ponte  et  Yvo  frater  ejus,  Brienus  de  Insula,  et  Gaufridus 
de  Luci,  Hugo  de  Bailul,  et  Bernardus  frater  ejus,  Willelmus  de 
Cantelu  et  Willelmus  filius  ejus,  Fulco  de  Cantelu,  et  Reginaldus 
de  Cornhelle  vicecomes  Cantiae,  Robertus  de  Braibroc  et  Hen- 
ricus  filius  ejus,  Philippus  de  Ulecotes,  et  Johannes  de  Bassing- 
burne,  Philippus  Marci  castellanus  de  Notingham,  Petrus  de 
Maulei  et  Robertus  de  Gaugi,  Gerardus  de  Atie  et  Ingelardus 
nepos  ejus,  Fulco  [de  Breaute,]  et  Willelmus  Briuere,  Petrus 
filius  Hereberti  et  Thomas  Basset,  et  alii  multi  quos  longum 
esset  enumerare  ;  qui  regi  in  omnibus  placere  cupientes,  con-  \ 
silium  non  pro  ratione  sed  pro  voluntate  dederunt.  ^^ 

ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  266.  Post  festum  Sancti  Jacobi  venerunt 
in  Angliam  Pandulfus  et  Durandus,  nuncii  domini  papae,  ad 
faciendam  pacem  inter  regem  et  archiepiscopum. 

Ib.  p.  268.  Die  Martis  proxima  post  festum  Sancti  Bartho- 
lomaei  venientes  nuncii  domini  papae  apud  Norhamton,  scilicet 
Pandulfus  et  Durandus  coram  rege  convocatis  omnibus  comi- 
tibus  et  baronibus  Angliae,  dominum  regem  alloquuntur.  .  .  . 
Rex,  '  Quid  magis  ? '  Pandulfus,  '  Absolvimus  omnes  unani- 
miter  comites,  barones,  milites,  francos,  clericos,  laicos  et  omnes 
Christianae  fidei  per  terras  tuas  tibi  subjectas,  a  fidebitatibus  suis 
et  homagio.'  .  .  .  Pandulfus  vero  discessit  et  transfretavit. 

A.D.  1212.  MATT.  PAKIS,  p.  232.  Rex  autem  cum  talia 
audisset  (sc.  de  proditione  provisa)  perturbatus  est  valde  et 
animo  consternatus,  atque  cum  intellexisset  magnates  Angliae  a 
sua  esse  fidelitate  absolutes,  majorem  litteris  sibi  destinatis  fidem 
adhibuit.  Unde  propositum  utiliter  commutans  jussit  omnem 
exercitum  ad  propria  remeare,  veniensque  ad  urbem  Londoni- 
arum  misit  nuncios  ad  magnates  universos  sibi  de  fidelitate 
suspectos,  exigens  obsides  ab  eis,  ut  probaret  qui  vellent  et  qui 
nollent  ejus  obtemperare  praeceptis.  llli  vero,  regiis  jussionibus 
resistere  non  audentes,  remiserunt  filios,  nepotes,  et  cognatos  ad 
libitum  regis,  et  sic  indignatio  ejus  aliquantulum  conquievit. 
Veruntamen  Eustachius  de  Vesci  et  Robertus  Filius  Walter!  de 
proditione  memorata  accusati,  et  regi  nirnis  suspecti,  recesserunt 
ab  Anglia,  Eustachius  videlicet  in  iScotiarn,  et  Robertus  ad  Gal- 
lias  divertentes.  .  .  . 

Tune  papa  gravi  moerore  propter  desolationem  regni  Angliae 
confectus,  de  consilio  cardinalium,  episcoporum,  et  aliorum 
virorum  prudentium,  sententialiter  definivit  ut  rex  Angloruin 
Johannes  a  solio  regni  deponeretur,  et  alius,  papa  procurante, 

T  2 


276  John.  [PART 

succederet  qui  dignior  haberetur.  Ad  hujus  quoque  sententiae 
executionem  scripsit  dominus  papa  potentissimo  regi  Francorum 
Philippe,  quatenus  in  remissionem  omnium  suorum  peccaminum 
hunc  laborem  assumeret,  et  rege  Anglorum  a  solio  regni  expulso, 
ipse  et  successores  sui  regnum  Angliae  jure  perpetuo  possi- 
derent. 

A.D.  1213.  Ib.  p.  233.  Mense  Januario  redierunt  a  curia 
Romana  Stephanus  Cantuariensis  archiepiscopus,  Willelmus 
Londonieusis  et  Eustacliius  Elyensis  episcopi,  et,  habito  in 
partibus  transmarinis  concilio,  regi  Francorum  et  episcopis 
Gallicanis  cum  clero  et  populo  sententiam,  quae  in  regem 
Anglorum  Romae  pro  contumacia  lata  fuerat,  solemniter  pro- 
mulgarunt. 

Ib.  p.  235.  Convenerunt  apud  Doveram  decima  tertia  die 
Maii,  videlicet  die  Lunae  proxima  ante  Ascensionem  Domini, 
Rex  et  Pandulfus,  cum  comitibus,  baronibus  et  turba  multa 
nimis,  ubi  in  ...  pacis  formam  unanimiter  consenserunt. 

Ib.  p.  236.  .  .  .  Convenerunt  iterum  rex  Anglorum  et  Pan- 
dulfus cum  proceribus  regni  apud  domuin  militum  Templi 
juxta  Doveram,  decimo  quinto  die  Maii,  in  vigilia  scilicet 
Dominicae  Ascensionis,  ubi  idem  rex  juxta  quod  Romae  fuerat 
sententiatum  resignavit  coronam  suam  cum  regnis  Angliae  et 
Hiberniae  in  mauus  doinini  papae,  cujus  tune  vices  gerebat 
Pandulfus.  .  .  . 

Ib.  p.  239.  .  .  .  Stephanus  Cantuariensis  archiepiscopus,  ~ 
"Willelmus  Londoniensis,  Eustachius  Elyensis,  Hugo  Lincol- 
niensis,  Aegidius  Herefordensis  episcopi,  cum  ceteris  clericis 
et  laicis  causa  interdict!  exulantibus,  .  .  .  apud  Doveram 
XVII0  kalendas  Augusti  applicantes,  in  die  beatae  Margaretae 
Virginia  "Wintoniam  ad  regem  venerunt  .  .  .  ilium  absolveruut. 
Et  haec  absolutio  facta  fuit  in  capitulo  Wintoniensi.  In  hac 
autem  absolutione  juravit  rex,  tactis  sacrosanctis  evangeliis, 
quod  sanctam  ecclesiam  ej  usque  ordinatos  diligeret,  defenderet 
et  manuteneret  contra  omnes  adversaries  suos  pro  posse  suo ; 
quodque  bonas  leges  antecessorum  suorum  et  praecipue  leges 
Edwardi  regis  revocaret,  et  iniquas  destrueret,  et  omnes 
homines  suos  secundum  justa  curiae  suae  judicia  judicaret, 
quodque  singulis  redderet  jura  sua.  .  .  . 

In  crastino  autem  misit  rex  litteras  ad  omnes  vicecomites 
regni  Angliae,  praecipiens  ut  de  singulis  dominicorum  suorum 
villis  ^quatuor  legales  hommSS  cum  pfaeposito  apud  Sanctum 
Albanum  pridie  nonas  Augusti  facerent  convenire,  ut  per  illos 
et  alios  ministros  suos  de  damnis  singulorum  episcoporum  et 
ablatis  certitudinem  inquireret,  et  quid  singulis  deberetur.  .  .  . 


v.]  Excerpts.  277 

Interfuerunt  concilio  apud  Sanctum  Albanum  Galfridus  Filius 
Petri  et  episcopus  Wintoniensis  cum  archiepiscopo  et  episcopis 
et  magnatibus  regni,  ubi  cunctis  pace  regis  denunciata  ex  ejus- 
dem  regis  parte  firmiter  praeceptum  est,  quatenus  leges  Henrici 
avi  sui  ab  omnibus  in  regno  custodirentur,  et  omnes  leges  ini- 
quae  penitus  enervarentur.  Denunciatum  est  praeterea  vice- 
comitibus,  forestariis,  aliisque  ministris  regis,  sicut  vitam  et 
membra  sua  diligunt,  ne  a  quoquam  aliquid  violenter  extor- 
queant,  vel  alicui  injuriam  irrogare  praesumant,  aut  scotalla 
alicubi  in  regno  faciant,  sicut  facere  consueverunt 

RAD.  COGGESHALE,  p.  872.  Hex  Angliae  parato  navigio  in 
Pictaviam  barones  Northanhumbrenses  invitavit  ut  secum 
transfretarent ;  at  illi  pari  animo  eademque  sententia  contra- 
dixerunt,  asserentes  non  in  hoc  ei  obnoxios  esse  secundum  munia 
terrarum  suarum,  sed  in  expeditionibus  Anglicanis  se  nimis 
exhaustos  et  vehementer  attenuates.  Hex  igitur  indignatus 
collectis  militum  copiis  ipsos  atterere  voluit,  sed  tandem  archi- 
episcopus  eum  rationabiliter  arguens  impetum  ipsius  compescuit 

MATT.  PAEIS,  p.  240.  Eodem  anno  octavo  kalendas  Sep- 
tembris  convenerunt  in  civitate  Londoniarum  apud  Sanctum 
Paulum  Stephanus  Cantuariensis  archiepiscopus  cum  episcopis, 
abbatibus,  prioribus,  decanis  et  baronibus  regni.  ...  In  hoc 
colloquio,  ut  fama  refert,  archiepiscopus  memoratus,  convocatis 
seorsum  quibusdam  regni  proceribus,  coepit  affari  eos  secretius 
in  hunc  modum ;  '  Audistis '  inquit  '  quomodo  ipse  apud  Win- 
toniam  regem  absolvi,  et  ipsum  jurare  compulerim  quod  leges 
iniquas  destrueret  et  leges  bonas,  videlicet  leges  Edwardi,  revo- 
caret  et  in  regno  faceret  ab  omnibus  observari.  Inventa  est 
quoque  nunc  carta  quaedam  Henrici  primi  regis  Angliae  per 
quam,  si  volueritis,  libertates  diu  amissas  poteritis  ad  statum 
pristinum  revocare.'  .... 

ANN.  "WAVERL.  pp.  277,  278.  Dominus  Nicolaus,  episcopus 
Tusculanensis  et  cardinalis  ....  qxiinto  kalendas  Octobris  veniens 
legatus  in  Angliam,  quinto  nonas  Octobris  apud  Londoniam  homa- 
gium  domini  Johannis  suscepit.  ...  In  festo  Sancti  Nicolai  per 
praeceptum  Nicolai  legati  et  archiepiscopi  congregati  sunt  apud 
Redinges  omnes  ecclesiastic!  praelati  certissime  sperantes  ali- 
quam  restitutionem  .  .  .  infecto  negotio  .  .  .  remearunt. 

I  WALT.  Co  VENT.  ii.  217.  Dissensio  orta  est  inter  Johannem 
I  regem  Angliae  et  quosdam  de  proceribus  pro  scutagio  quod 
petebat  ab  illis  qui  non  ierant,  nee  miserant  cum  ipso  in 
IPictaviam.  Dantibus  enim  illud  plurimis,  contradixerunt  ex 
\Aquilonaribus  nonnulli,  illi  videlicet  qui  anno  praeterito  regem 


John.  [PAKT 

ne  in  Pictaviam  transire.t  impedierunt,  dicentes  se  propter  terras 
quas  in  Anglia  tenent  non  debere  regem  extra  regnum  sequi  nee 
ipsum  euntem  scutagio  juvare.  E  contra  rege  id  tanquam 
debitum  exigente  eo  quod  in  diebus  patris  sui  necnon  et  fratris 
sic  fieret,  res  ulterius  processisset  nisi  legati  praescntia  obsti- 
tisset. 

A.D.  1214.  MATT.  PARIS,  pp.  249,  252,  253.  Nicolaus  Thus- 
culanensis  episcopus  et  apostolicae  sedis  legatus  in  die  aposto- 
lorum  Petri  et  Pauli  in  ecclesia  cathedrali  (Sancti  Pauli)  relaxavit 
sententiam  solemniter  interdicti.  .  .  .  Rex  Anglorum  Johannes 
expletis  agendis  suis  in  partibus  transmarinis  rediit  in  Angliam 
XIV0  kalendas  Novembris.  Sub  eadem  tempestate  convenerunt 
ad  colloquium  apud  Sanctum  Eadmundum  comites  et  barones 
Angliae  quasi  orationis  gratia,  licet  in  causa  aliud;  fuisset.  Nam 
cum  diu  simul  et  secretius  tractare  coepisseut,  producta  est  in 
medium  carta  quaedam  regis  Henrici  primi,  quam  idem  barones 
a  Stephano  Cantuariensi  archiepiscopo,  ut  praedictum  est,  in 
urbe  Londoniarum  acceperant.  .  .  .  Itaque  convenerunt  uni- 
versi  ad  ecclesiam  Sancti  Eadmundi,  et  incipientibus  majoribus 
juraverunt  super  majus  altare,  quod  si  rex  leges  et  libertates  jam 
dictas  concedere  diffugeret,  ipsi  ei  guerram  tamdiu  moverent  ut 
ab  ejus  fidelitate  se  subtraherent,  donee  eis  per  cartam  sigillo  suo 
munitam  confirmaret  ornnia  quae  petebant.  Atque  in  hoc 
tandem  communiter  consenserunt,  ut  post  Natale  Domini  simul 
omnes  ad  regem  venientes,  libertates  praescriptas  sibi  peterent 
confirmari ;  atque  interim  in  equis  sibi  et  armis  taliter  provi- 
derent,  quod,  si  forte  rex  a  proprio  vellet  juramento,  quod  bene 
credebant,  resilire,  propter  suam  duplicitatem,  ipsi  protenus  per 
captionem  castrorum  suorurn  eum  ad  satisfactionem  compel- 
lerent. 

A.D.  1215.  MATT.  PARIS,  pp.  253-255. .  .  Rex  tenuit  curiam 
suam  ad  Natale  Domini  apud  Wigorniam  vix  per  spatium  unius 
diei ;  deinde  cum  festinatione  Londonias  veniens  apud  Novum 
Templum  hospitio  sese  recepit.  Venientesque  ad  regem  ibi  supra- 
dicti  magnates,  in  lascivo  satis  apparatu  militari,  petierunt 
quasdam  libertates  et  leges  regis  Eadwardi  cum  aliis  libertatibus 
sibi  et  regno  Angliae  et  ecclesiae  Anglicanae  concessis  confirmari, 
prout  in  carta  regis  Henrici  primi  et  legibus  praedictis  asscriptae 
continentur.  .  .  .  Audiens  autem  rex  .  .  .  postulabat  inducias 
usque  ad  clausum  Pascha.  .  .  .  Rex  autem  interim  volens  sibi 
praecavere  in  posterum,  fecit  sibi  soli  contra  oinnes  homines 
fidelitatem  per  totam  Angliam  jurare,  et  homagia  renovare ;  et 
ut  sibi  melius  provideret,  in  die  Purificationis  beatae  Mariae 


v.]  Excerpts. 

Crucem  Domini  suscepit In  hebdomada  Paschae  con- 

venerunt  apud  Stamford  magnates.  .  .  .  Aestimati  autem  suut 
in  exercitu  illo  duo  millia  militum,  praeter  equites  servientes  et 
pedites.  .  .  .  Fuerunt  autem  principes  .  .  .  Eobertus  Filius 
Walter!,  Eustachius  de  Vesci,  Ricardus  de  Percy,  Robertus  de 
Ros,  Petrus  de  Bruis,  Nicolaus  de  Stutevilla,  Saerus  comes  Win- 
toniensis,  Ricardus  comes  de  Clare,  Henricus  comes  de  Hereford, 
R.  comes  Bigod,  Willelmus  de  Munbrey,  Rogerus  de  Creissi, 
Ranulfus  filius  Roberti,  Robertus  de  Ver,  Fulco  Filius  Warini, 
Willelmus  Mallet,  Willelmus  de  Monte  Acuto,  Willelmus  de 
Bello  campo,  Simon  de  Kyme,  Willelmus  juvenis  Marescallus, 
Willelmus  Mauduit,  Rogerus  de  Monte  Begonis,  Johannes  filius 
Roberti,  Johannes  filius  Alani,  G.  de  Laval,  O.  Filius  Alani, 
W.  de  Hobnig,  0.  de  Vallibus,  G.  de  Gant,  Mauricius  de  Gant, 
R.  de  Brakele,  R.  de  Muntfichet,  W.  de  Lanvalei,  G.  de  Mande- 
ville  conies  Essexiae,  Willelmus  frater  ejus,  Willelmus  de 
Huntiufeld,  Robertus  de  Greslei,  G.  Constabularius  de  Meutum, 
Alexander  de  Pointun,  Petrus  Filius  Johannis,  Alexander  de 
Sutuna,  Osbertus  de  Bobi,  Johannes  Constabularius  Cestriae, 
Thomas  de  Multune,  Conanus  Filius  Heliae,  et  alii  multi.  .  .  . 
Stephanum  Cantuariensem  archiepiscopum  capitalem  conseuta- 
neum  habuerunt.  Erat  autem  rex  eo  tempore  apud  Oxoniam. .  . . 
Die  Lunae  ....  proxima  post  octavas  Paschae  barones  me- 

morati  in  villa  de  Brakeleie  pariter  convenerunt (Rex) 

misit  ad  eos  archiepiscopum  Cantuariensem  et  Willelmum 
Marescallum  comitem  de  Peubrock  .  .  .  sciscitans  ab  eis  quae 
essent  leges  et  libertates  quas  quaerebant.  At  illi  nunciis  .  .  . 
schedulam  porrexerunt  quae  ex  parte  maxima  leges  antiquas  et 
regni  consuetudines  continebat.  .  .  .  Tune  archiepiscopus  cum 
sociis  suis  schedulam  illam  ad  regem  deferens  capitula  singula 
coram  ij)so  memoriter  recitavit.  .  .  .  Cum  itaque  Archiepi- 
scopus et  Willelmus  Marescallus  regem  ad  consensum  inducere 
nullatenus  potuissent,  ad  jussionem  regis  ad  barones  sunt 
reversi.  .  .  .  Magnates  .  .  .  constituerunt  Robertum  Filium 
Walteri  principem  militiae,  ...  et  sic  ...  versus  Norham- 
tunam  acies  direxerunt  .  .  .  infecto  negotio  ad  castrum  de 
Bedeforde  perrexerunt.  .  .  .  Venerunt  itaque  ad  eos  ibidem 
nuncii  ab  urbe  Londoniarum,  secretius  eis  indicantes,  quod  si 
vellent  urbis  ingressum  habere  cum  festinatione  illuc  venirent. 
.  .  .  Ad  Wares  usque  venerunt.  .  .  .  Nono  kalendas  Junii  .  . 
Londoniensium  civitatem  sine  aliquo  tumultu  intraverunt.  .  .  . 
Et  a  civibus  jam  dictis  accepta  securitate,  miserunt  litteras  ad 
comites,  barones  et  milites  illos  qui  adhuc  per  Angliam  regi, 
licet  ficte,  adhaerere  videbautur.  .  .  .  Haec  autem  in  parte 


280  John.  [PAUT 

eorum  nomina  sunt  qui  nondum  juraverunt  libertates  praeclictas  ; 
— Willelmus  Marescallus  comes  de  Penbrock,  Ranulfus  comes 
Cestrensis,  Willelmus  comes  Saresbiriensis,  Willelmus  comes 
Warennae,  Willelmus  comes  Albemarlensis,  H.  comes  Cornubiae, 
W.  de  Albineto,  Robertus  de  Veteri  Ponte,  Petrus  Filius 
Hereberti,  Brienus  de  Insula,  G.  de  Luci,  Gr.  de  Furnival, 
Thomas  Basset,  Henricus  de  Braibrock,  Johannes  de  Bassinge- 
burne,  Willelmus  de  Cantelu,  Henricus  de  Cornhulle,  Johannes 
Filius  Hugonis,  Hugo  de  Nevile,  Philippus  de  Albineio,  Johannes 
Marescallus,  Willelmus  Bruwerre.  Hi  omnes  cum  mandatum 
baronum  accepissent,  maxima  pars  eorum  Londonias  profecti, 
confoederati  sunt  magnatibus  supradictis,  regem  penitus  relin- 
quentes.  .  .  .  Statuerunt  regi  diem  ut  veniret  contra  eos  ad 
colloquium  in  pratum  inter  Stanes  et  Wincllesores  situm,  decimo 
quinto  die  Junii.  Convenerunt  itaque  .  .  .  Tandem  igitur 
cum  in  varia  sorte  tractassent,  rex  Johannes,  vires  suas  baronum 
viribus  impares  intelligens,  sine  difficultate  leges  .  .  .  et  liber- 
tates concessit. 

MATT.  PARTS,  p.  264.  Rex  ...  ad  Vectam  insulam  latenter 
confugit  .  .  .  misit  ad  curiam  Romanam  Pandulfum  .  .  .  ut 
baronum  propositum  auctoritate  apostolica  irritarent.  .  .  Papa 
.  .  .  cartam  .  .  .  cassavit  .  .  .  Anagniae,  IX.  kalendas  Septembris. 

Ib.  p.  276.  Summus  pontifex  barones  .  .  .  excommunicavit 
nominatim  et  in  specie.  .  .  .  Laterani,  XVII.  kalendas  Januarii. 

ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  283.  Interim  applicuerunt  in  Anglia 
alienigenae  barbari  et  magna  multitude  diversarum  linguarum 
errorem  regis  pertinaciter  confoventes.  His  autem  visis,  super- 
diet!  magnates  obstinationem  regis  punire  desiderantes,  com- 
muni  consilio  Lodowicum  filium  regis  Franciae  in  principem 
Anglicanae  insulae  unanimiter  elegerunt.  .  .  .  Tune  temporis 
Johannes  rex  omnia  castella  et  munitiones  habebat  sub  manu 
sua,  sub  custodia  tamen  alienigenarum,  qui  frequenter  peram- 
bulabant  terram  vastantes  earn  et  praedam  ubicunque  poterant 
capientes. 

A.D.  1216.  ANN.  WAVERL.  pp.  285,  286.  In  mense  Maio 
.  .  .  XII.  kalendas  Junii,  Lodowicus  .  .  .  venit  primo  in 
Angliam.  .  .  .  Mense  Octobri,  scilicet  XIV.  kalendas  Novembris, 
rex  Johannes  ...  in  fata  discessit  apud  castrum  de  Newerc.  .  . 


V.]  Summons  to  Arms.  281 

A.  D.   I2O5.     TVEIT  FOE  THE  LEVYING  OF  A  FOBCE  FOE  THE 
DEFENCE  OF  THE  KINGDOM. 

This  Act,  although  only  an  occasional  expedient  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  country,  has  considerable  interest  as  proceeding 
from  the  '  Commune  Consilium  regni.'  In  its  material  aspect  it 
is  an  advance  on  the  Assize  of  Arms,  which  had  directed  the 
arming  of  the  whole  population  according  to  a  fixed  scale,  for 
the  same  purpose.  The  first  provision  bears  on  the  military 
tenants  only ;  the  plan  of  raising  a  force  by  the  contribution  of 
the  knights  had  been  tried  by  Henry  II  in  1157:  'circa  festi- 
vitatem  S.  Johannis  Baptistae,  rex  Henricus  praeparavit  maxi- 
mam  expeditionem,  ita  ut  duo  milites  de  tota  Anglia  tertium 
pararent  ad  opprimendum  Guallenses  terra  et  mari.'  R.  de 
Monte.  But  although  the  following  document  is  feudal  in  form, 
it  bears  distinct  traces  of  connexion  with  the  older  militia 
system  :  it  is  clearly  intended  that  the  whole  population  should 
be  armed  to  resist  invasion,  and  we  learn  from  Gervase  that  the 
organisation  of  the  communa  in  arms  was  to  be  carried  out  by 
local  constables  ;  the  penalties  for  neglect  or  treachery  carry  us 
back  to  the  laws  of  Ethelred  (p.  73) ;  and  the  whole  act  should 
be  compared  with  the  statement  of  the  Berkshire  custom  in 
Domesday  Book  (above,  p.  9!).  The  ancient  fyrd  was  the 
folkmoot  in  arms :  the  feudal  levy  was  the  Norman  baronage 
performing  the  service  due  by  tenure.  The  process  now  going 
on  was  a  consolidation  of  the  whole  into  the  form  which  it  took 
later  under  the  writs  of  Henry  III  and  Edward  I  for  a  general 
arming  of  the  nation,  addressed  to  each  of  the  greater  vassals 
separately,  and,  for  the  assembling  of  the  lesser  ones,  to  the 
sheriffs. 

EEX,  etc.  Yicecomiti  Roielandae,  etc,  Scias  quod  provisum 
est  cum  assensu  archiepiscoporum,  episcoporum,  comitum,  ba- 
ronum  et  omnium  fidelium  nostrorum  Angliae,  quod  novem 
milites  per  totam  Angliam  invenient  decimum  militem  bene 
paratum  equis  et  armis  ad  defensionem  regni  nostri;  et  quod 
illi  novem  milites  inveniant  decimo  militi  qualibet  die  ii.  solidos 
ad  liberationem  suam.  Et  ideo  tibi  praecipimus  quod,  sicut 


282  John.  [PART 

/  teipsum  et  omnia  tua  diligls,  provideas  quod  decimi  milites  de 
'  ballia  tua  sint  apud  Londonias  a  die  Paschae  in  tres  septimanas, 
bene  parati  equis  et  armis,  cum  liberationibus  suis  sicut  prae- 
dictum  est,  parati  ire  in  servitium  nostrum  quo  praeceperimus 
et  existere  in  servitio  nostro  ad  defensionem  regni  nostri  quan- 
tum opus  fuerit.  Provisum  est  etiam  quod  si  alienigenae  in 
terrain  nostram  venerint,  omnes  unanimiter  eis  occurrant  cum 
forcia  et  armis  sine  aliqua  occasione  et  dilatione,  auditis  rumori- 
bus  de  eorum  adventu.  Et  si  quis  miles  vel  serviens  vel  alius 
terrain  tenens  inventus  fuerit,  qui  se  inde  retraxerit,  dummodo 
tanta  non  fuerit  gravatus  infirmitate  quod  illuc  venire  non  pos- 
sit,  ipse  et  haeredes  sui  in  perpetuum  exhaeredabuntur,  et 
feodum  suum  remanebit  domino  fundi  ad  faciendum  inde  volun- 
tatem  suam ;  ita  quod  exhaeredatus  vel  haeredes  sui  nunquam 
inde  aliquam  habeant  recuperationem.  Si  qui  vero  milites,  ser- 
vientes,  vel  alii  qui  terrain  lion  habent,  invent!  fuerint  qui  se 
slmiliter  retraxerint,  ipsi  et  Haeredes  sui  servi  fient  in  per- 
petuum, reddendo  singulis  annis  iiii.  denarios  de  capitibus  suis, 
nee  pro  paupertate  omittant  ad  praedictum  negotium  venire 
cum  illud  audierint,  quia  ex  quo  ad  exercitum  venerint,  pro- 
videbitur  unde  sufficienter  in  servitio  nostro  poterunt  susten- 
tari.  Si  vero  vicecomes  vel  ballivus  vel  praepositus  illos  qui 
se  retraxerint  nobis  per  breve  vel  per  scriptum  vel  viva  voce 
non  ostenderint,  dicti  vicecomes  vel  ballivus  vel  praepositus 
remanebit  in  misericordia  nostra  de  vita  et  membris.  Et  ideo 
tibi  praecipimus  quod  sub  festinatione  haec  omnia  proclamari 
facias  in  foris  per  totam  balliam  tuam,  et  in  mercatis  et 
\  nundinis  et  alibi,  et  ita  te  de  negotio  illo  faciendo  intromittas 
\  quod  ad  te  pro  defectu  tui  capere  non  debeamus.  Et  tu  ipse 
\  sis  apud  Londonias  ad  praefatum  terminum,  vel  aliquem  dis- 
\  cretum  ex  parte  tua  naittas,  et  facias  tune  nobis  scire  nomina 
Vdecimorum  militum,  et  habeas  ibi  hoc  breve.  Teste  me  ipso 
apud  Wintoniam  III  die  Aprilis. — (Patent  Rolls,  i.  55.) 


A.D.  1205.     SUMMONS  TO  A  GREAT  COUNCIL. 

REX  episcopo  Sarisburiensi.  Mandamus  vobis  rogantes  qua- 
tenus  omni  occasione  et  dilatione  postpositis,  sicut  nos  et 
honorem  nostrum  diligitis,  sitis  ad  nos  apud  Londonias  die 
Dominica  proxima  ante  Ascensionem  Domini,  nobiscum  trac- 
taturi  de  magnis  et  arduis  negotiis  nostris  et  communi  regni 
nostri  utilitate,  quoniam  super  hiis  quae  a  rege  Franciae  per 


V.]  Assessment  of  an  Aid.  283 

nuncios  nosfros  et  suos  nobis  mandate  sunt,  unde  per  Dei 
gratiam  bonum  speramus  proveuire,  vestrum  expedit  habere 
consilium  et  aliorum  magnatum  terrae  nostrae  quos  ad  diem 
ilium  et  locum  fecimus  convocari ;  vos  etiam  ex  parte  nostra  et 
vestra  abbates  et  priores  conventuales  totius  diocesis  vestrae 
citari  faciatis  ut  concilio  praedicto  nobiscum  intersint,  sicut 
diligunt  nos  et  communem  regni  utilitatem. — (Report  on  the 
Dignity  of  a  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  i.) 


A.D.  1207.     WRIT  FOR  THE  ASSESSMENT  OF  THE 
THIRTEENTH. 

The  'thirteenth*  was  exacted  by  John,  notwithstanding  the 
debate  and  the  opposition  of  the  clergy,  at  the  council  of  Oxford, 
February  9,  1207.  It  appears  from  the  Annals  of  Waverley 
(above,  p.  273)  that  a  fixed  sum  was  originally  demanded  and 
refused ;  and  that  the  king  withdrew  the  demand,  but  sub- 
stituted for  it  the  present  exaction.  The  process  of  assessment 
differs  from  that  adopted  by  Henry  II  and  Eichard  I  (above, 
pp.  160,  257),  excluding  the  action  of  the  juries,  and  adopting 
a  plan,  which  was  probably  the  earlier  practice,  of  a  more  in- 
quisitorial character.  The  system  of  assessment  by  jury  reappears 
in  the  next  reign. 

A.D.  1207.  REX  omnibus,  etc.  Sciatis  quod  per  commune 
consilium  et  assensum  concilii  nostri  apud  Oxoniam,  provisum 
est  ad  defensionem  regni  nostri  et  recuperationem  juris  nostri  [et] 
concessum  est,  quod  quilibet  laicus  homo  totius  Angliae  de  cujus- 
cunque  feodo  sit,  qui  habet  in  Anglia  redditus  et  catalla,  det 

nobis  in  auxilium  de  unaquaque  mercata  redditus  sui  annualis   . - 

xii.  denarios,  et  de  unaquaque  cujuslibet  maneriei  catalli  mobilis 
quod  habuit  in  octavis  Purificationis  Beatae  Mariae,  scilicet  ad 
terminum  concilii,  xii.  denarios,  et  sic  secundum  plus  et  minus. 
\  Et  omnes  senescalli  et  ballivi  comitum  et  baronum  jurabunt 
\coram  Justitiis  nostris  de  valentia  reddituum  et  catallorum 
mobilium  dominorum  suorum  et  de  suis  propriis  similiter. 
Et  quilibet  homo  praeter  comites  et  barones  jurabit  de  suis 
propriis  redditibus  et  catallis  secundum  quod  Justitiae  nostri 
ad  hoc  transmissi  utilitati  nostrae  melius  viderint  expedire. 
Et  si  aliquis  convictus  fuerit  quod  ad  evitandum  commodum 
nostrum  fraudulenter  amoverit  catalla  sua,  vel  in  aliquo  loco 


284  John.  [PAET 

celaverit,  vel  in  alicujus  alterius  potestate  posuerit,  vel  minus 
quam  valuerint  appretiaverit,  omnia  catalla  ejus  capientur  ad 
opus  nostrum  quieta  et  corpus  ejus  in  prisonam  nostram  pone- 
tur  donee  per  nos  deliberetur.  Quodlibet  autem  hundredum  in 
comitatu  vestro  imbrevietur  per  se  et  quaelibet  parochia  in 
quolibet  hundredo  per  Be,  ita  quod  Justitiae  nostri  sciaiit  de 
qualibet  villa  per  se  respondere.  Cum  autem  Justitiae  nostri 
auxilium  istud  in  quolibet  hundredo,  civitate,  vel  villa  assederint, 
statim  transcribere  facient  a  rotulis  suis  omnes  particulas  auxilii 
assisi,  et  liberentur  vicecomiti  colligendum  per  terminum  quin- 
denae  in  quindenam  cum  omni  festinatione,  et  Justitiae  nostri 
rotulos  suos  salvo  penes  se  custodiant  donee  ad  nos  eos  afferant. 
Statutum  est  etiam  quod  omnes  clerici  nostri  et  omnes  Justitiae 
nostri  et  clerici  eorum  et  omnes  qui  se  in  aliquo  de  negotio  isto 
intromittent,  jurabunt  quod  fideliter  ex  toto  posse  suo  hoc  nego- 
tium  facient,  sicut  constitutum  est  et  quod  pro  nulla  re  hoc 
omittent.  Praecipimus  autem  super  vitam  et  membra  quod 
quilibet  denarius  bonus  et  de  legali  pondere  capiatur  quamvis 
non  sit  novus,  tarn  ad  opus  nostrum  quam  ad  omnium  alionim 
regni  nostri.  Ad  hoc  autem  auxilium  in  comitatu  vestro  assi- 
dendum  mittimus  loco  nostro  Robertum  de  Berkele,  Ricai'dum 
de  Mucegros,  Willelmum  de  Falesia,  magistrum  B,.  de  Glocestre, 
Walterum  de  Aura,  Ad.  filium  Nigelli,  etc.  Et  vobis  praecipi- 
mus  quod  eis  de  hoc  tanquam  nobis  sitis  intendentes.  T.  me 
ipso  apud  Norhamton,  XVII.  die  Februarii. — (Patent  JRolls, 
i.  72.) 


A.D.  1213.     JOHN'S  CONCESSION  OP  THE  KINGDOM 
TO  THE  POPE. 

This  act  of  submission  was  made  to  Pandulf  at  Dover,  on 
the  1 5th  of  May,  1213;  and  renewed  to  Nicolas  Bishop  of 
Tusculum  at  London  on  the  3rd  of  October  with  a  golden 
bulla,  and  with  the  actual  performance  of  liege  homage  here 
promised  to  the  Pope. 

JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hiberniae,  dux 
Normanniae,  et  Aquitanniae,  comes  Andegaviae,  omnibus 
Christi  fidelibus  praesentem  cartam  inspecturis,  salutem.  Uni- 
versitati  vestrae  per  hanc  cartam  nostram  sigillo  nostro  munitam 
volumus  esse  notum,  quia  cum  Deum  et  matrem  nostram  sanc- 
tam  ecclesiam  offenderimus  in  mult-is  et  proinde  Divina  miseri- 


v-l  Gift  °f  ^e  Kingdom  to  the  Pope.  285 

cordia  plurimum  indigere  noscamur,  nee  quid  digne  offerre 
possimus  pro  satisfactione  Deo  et  ecclesiae  debita  facienda, 
nisi  nos  ipsos  et  regna  nostra  humiliemus  : — Volentes  nos  ipsos^N 
bumiliare  pro  Illo  Qui  Se  pro  nobis  humiliavit  usque  ad  mortem,  \ 
gratia  Sancti  Spiritus  inspirante,  non  vi  inducti  nee  timore  \ 
coacti,  sed  nostra  bona  spontaneaque  voluntate  ac  communi 
consilio  baronum  nostrorum,  offerimus  et  libere  concedimus 
Deo  et  sanctis  apostolis  Ejus  Petro  et  Paulo  et  sanctae  Romanae 
ecclesiae  matri  nostrae,  ac  domino  nostro  papae  Innocentio 
ejusque  catholicis  successoribus,  totum  regnum  Angliae  et  - 1 
totum  regnum  Hiberniae,  cum  omni  jure  et  pertinentiis  suis,  \ 
pro  remissione  peccatorum  nostrorum  et  totius  generis  nostri 
tarn  pro  vivis  quam  defunctis ;  et  amodo  ilia  a  Deo  et  ecclesia 
Eomana  tanquam  feodatarius  recipientes  et  tenentes,  in  prae- 
sentig__prudenti8  viri  Pandulfi,  domini  papae  subdiaconi  et 
?ainiliari57  fldeliiatcm-  cxttnie~praedicto  domino  nostro  papae 
Innocentio,  ejusque  catbolicis  successoribus  et  ecclesiae  Romanae, 
secundum  subscriptam  formani  facimus  et  juramus,  et  homa- 
gium  ligium  in  praesentia  domini  papae,  si  coram  eo  esse 
poterimus,  eidem  faciemus ;  successores  et  haeredes  nostros 
de  uxore  nostra  in  perpetuum  obligantes,  ut  simili  modo 
summo  pontifici  qui  pro  tempore  fuerit,  et  ecclesiae  Romanae, 
sine  contradictione  debeant  fidelitatem  praestare  et  homagium 
recognoscere.  Ad  indicium  autem  hujus  perpetuae  nostrae 
obligationis  et  concessionis  volumus  et  stabilimus,  ut  de  pro- 
priis  et  specialibus  redditibus  praedictorum  regnorum  nostro- 
rum, pro  omni  servitio  et  consuetudine  quod  pro  ipsis  facere 
deberemus,  salvo  per  omnia  denario  beati  Petri,  ecclesia  Rx>- 
mana  mille  marcas  sterlingorum  percipiat  annuatim,  scilicet  in 
festo  Sancti  Michaelis  quingentas  marcas  et  in  Pascha  quin- 
gentas  marcas ;  septingentas  scilicet  pro  regno  Angliae  et  tre- 
centas  pro  regno  Hiberniae  :  sal  vis  nobis  et  baeredibus  nostris 
justitiis,  libertatibus,  et  regalibus  nostris,  quae  omnia,  sicut 
supradicta  sunt,  rata  esse  volentes  perpetuo  atque  firma,  obliga- 
mus  nos  et  successores  nostros  contra  non  venire.  Et  si  nos  vel  j 
aliquis  successorum  nostrorum  hoc  attemptare  praesumpserit, 
quicunque  fuerit,  ille,  nisi  rite  commonitus  resipuerit,  cadat  a 
jure  regni,  et  haec  carta  obligationis  et  concessionis  nostrae 
semper  firma  permaneat. 

Form  of  the  oath  of  fealty. 

Ego  Johannes,  Dei  gratia,  rex  Angliae  et  dominus  Hiberniae, 
ab  hac  bora  inantea  fidelis  ero  Deo  et  beato  Petro  et  ecclesiae 
Romanae  ac  domino  meo  papae  Innocentio  ejusque  successoribus 


285  Jo/tn.  [PART 

catholice  intrantibus  :  non  ero  in  facto,  dicto,  consensu  vel  con- 
silio,  ut  vitam  perdant  vel  membra,  vel  mala  captione  capiantur. 
Eorum  damnum,  si  scivero,  impediam  et  removere  faciam  si 
potero  :  alioquin  quam  citius  potero,  intimabo  vel  tali  personae 
dicam  quam  eis  credam  pro  certo  dicturam.  Consilium  quod 
mihi  crediderint,  per  se  vel  per  nuncios  suos  seu  per  litteras 
suas,  secretum  tenebo  et  ad  eorum  damnum  nulli  pandam,  me 
sciente.  Patrimonium  beati  Petri  et  specialiter  regnum  Angliae 
et  regnum  Hiberniae,  adjutor  ero  ad  tenendum  et  defendendum 
contra  omnes  homines  pro  posse  meo.  Sic  Deus  me  adjuvet 
et  haec  sancta  Evangelia. 

Teste  me  ipso  apud  domum  Militiae  Templi  juxta  Doveriam, 
coram  domino  H.  archiepiscopo  Dublinensi,  domino  J.  Norwy- 
censi  episcopo;  Gr.  Filio  Petri  comite  Essexiae  justitiario  nostro; 
W.  comite  Saresberiensi  fratre  nostro ;  W.  Marescallo  comite 
Penbrociae  ;  R.  comite  Boloniensi  ;  W.  comite  Warenniae  ; 
S.  comite  Wintoniae ;  "W.  comite  Arundelli ;  W.  comite  de  Fer- 
reriis  ;  "W.  Briwer ;  Petro  filio  Hereberti ;  Warino  filio  Geroldi ; 
XV°  die  Maii,  anno  regni  nostri  XIVto. — (Foedera,  i.  111,112.) 


A.D.  1213.    SUMMONS  TO  A  GREAT  COUNCIL. 

After  making  submission  to  the  legate  at  Dover,  May  I5th, 
John  remained  in  Kent,  Sussex,  and  Hampshire,  preparing  for 
an  expedition  to  France,  on  which,  as  he  was  still  excommuni- 
cate, the  barons  refused  to  accompany  him.  Archbishop  Langton 
landed  at  Dover  July  i6th,  and  absolved  the  king  at  Winchester 
on  the  2oth,  he  having  sworn  to  make  restitution  to  the  Church, 
and,  moreover,  renewed  his  coronation  oath.  Having  summoned 
a  council  to  meet  at  S.  Alban's  on  the  4th  of  August,  he  made 
a  second  attempt  to  induce  the  barons  to  embark.  This  was 
defeated  by  the  determination  of  the  nobles  of  Northern  Eng- 
land, who  had  benefited  the  most  by  the  legal  measures  of 
Henry  II,  and  whose  descendants  formed  the  bulk  of  the  Lan- 
castrian party  of  later  constitutional  history.  Whilst  the  council 
of  S.  Alban's  was  learning  from  the  justiciar  the  extent  of  the 
rights  to  which  John  had  sworn,  and  the  archbishop  was 
instructing  the  barons  at  S.  Paul's  in  the  laws  of  Henry  I 
(Aug.  25th),  John  was  preparing  for  a  journey  to  the  Xorth 


V.]  Grant  of  Freedom  of  Election.  287 

to  punish  the  recalcitrant  nobles.  The  archbishop  hastened  to 
Nottingham  and  prevailed  on  him  to  take  judicial  steps;  but  he 
proceeded  as  far  as  Durham  (Sept.  I4th),  whence  he  returned 
equally  rapidly  to  meet  the  legate  and  renew  his  submission 
(Oct.  3rd)  at  London.  The  following  document  is  a  summons 
for  a  council  at  Oxford,  of  whose  proceedings  there  is  no  record : 
it  is  the  first  writ  in  which  the  '  four  discreet  men'  of  the  county 
appear  as  representatives ;  the  first  instance  of  the  summoning 
of  the  folkmoot  to  a  general  assembly  by  the  representative 
machinery  already  used  for  judicial  purposes.  The  four  men 
and  the  reeve  had  from  time  immemorial  represented  the  town- 
ship in  the  shiremoot ;  now  the  four  men  and  the  sheriff  repre- 
sent the  shiremoot  in  the  national  council. 

REX  Yicecomiti  Oxon.  salutem.  Praecipimus  tibi  quod 
omnes  milites  baillivae  tuae,  qui  summoniti  fuerunt  esse  apud 
Oxoniam  ad  nos  a  die  Omnium  Sanctorum  in  quiudecim  dies 
venire  facias  cum  armis  suis  ;  corpora  vero  baronum  sine  armis 
similiter  :  e^quatuor_discretos  homines_de_coniitatu.  tuo  .ilhic, 
venire  facias  ad  nos  ad  eundem  terminum  ad  loquendum  nobis- 
cum  de  negotiis  regni  nostri.  Teste  me  ipso  apud  Wytten.  VII. 
die  Novembris. 

Eodem  modo  scribitur  omnibus  vicecomitibus. — (Report  on 
the  Dignity  of  a  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  2.) 


A.D.  1214.  GKAKT  OF  FREEDOM  OF  ELECTION  TO  CHURCHES. 

The  winter  of  1213  was  spent  in  comparative  quietness, 
and  early  in  February,  1214,  John  went  abroad.  He  returned 
on  the  1 5th  of  October.  During  this  time  the  damages  of  the 
Church  were  assessed  and  the  Interdict  relaxed  (June  29th). 
The  king  was  met  on  his  return  by  the  news  that  the  barons  at 
S.  Edmund's  had  sworn  to  demand  the  charter  of  Henry  I,  and 
were  prepared  after  Christmas  to  force  him  to  grant  their  claims. 
It  was  probably  as  an  attempt  to  separate  the  clergy  from  the 
barons  that  he  issued  the  following  charter  on  the  2ist  of 
November.  It  was  reissued  on  the  isth  of  January,  1215,  and 


a88  John.  [PART 

confirmed  by  the  Pope ;  but  it  failed  to  sow  dissension  in  the 
national  party. 

The  right  of  the  chapters  to  elect  their  bishops,  and  of  the 
monasteries  to  elect  their  abbots,  although  strictly  canonical, 
had  long  been  lost  sight  of  in  England.  In  the  eighth  and 
ninth  centuries  several  cases  of  election  to  bishoprics  may  be 
found,  in  which,  the  national  Church  being  stronger  than  the 
heptarchic  king,  the  choice  was  probably  free.  But  under  the 
West-Saxon  kings  the  appointments  were  generally  made  in  the 
Witenagemot,  and  under  the  Normans  by  the  king  in  his  great 
courts.  The  form  of  election  was  restored  under  Henry  I, 
the  great  Roger  of  Salisbury  being,  it  is  said,  the  first  bishop 
canonically  chosen ;  but  the  process  took  place  under  the  eye 
of  the  king  or  justiciar,  and  was  only  nominally  free.  This  was 
(taken  in  connexion  with  the  royal  claims  to  the  revenue  of  a 
see  during  its  vacancy,  a  vacancy  which  the  king  could  prolong 
at  his  pleasure)  a  very  heavy  grievance ;  and  it  was  probably 
with  a  view  of  propitiating  Archbishop  Langton  that  the  reform 
was  now  proposed. 

Carlo,  Jokannis  Regis  ut  liberae  sint  electiones  totius 
Angliae. 

JOHANNES  Dei  gratia  rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hiberniae,  dux 
Normanniae  et  Aquitanniae,  comes  Andegaviae,  archiepiscopis, 
episcopis,  comitibus,  baronibus,  militibus,  ballivis  et  omnibus 
has  litteras  visuris  vel  audituris  salutem.  Quoniam  inter  nos  et 
venerabiles  patres  nostros  Stephanum  Cantuariensem  archiepi- 
scopum  totius  Angliae  primatem  et  Sanctae  Romanae  Ecclesiae 
Cardinalem,  Willelmum  Londoniensem,  Eustachium  Elyensem, 
Aegydium  Herefordensem,  Joscelinum  Bathoniensem  et  Glasto- 
niensem,  et  Hugonem  Lincolniensem  episcopos,  super  dampnis 
et  ablatis  tempore  interdicti,  per  Dei  gratiam  de  rnera  et  libera 
voluntate  utriusque  partis  plene  convenit ;  volumus  non  solum 
eis  quantum  secundum  Deum  possumus  satisfacere,  verum  etiam 
toti  ecclesiae  Anglicanae  salubriter  et  utiliter  in  perpetuum 
providere  :  inde  est  quod  qualiscunque  consuetude  temporibus 
hostris  et  praedecessorum  nostrorum  hactenus  in  ecclesia  Angli- 
cana  fuerit  observala,  et  quicquid  juris  nobis  hactenus  vendi- 
caverimus  in  electionibus  quorumcunque  praelatorum,  nos  ad 


Articles  of  the  Barons.  289 

petitioned  ipsorum  pro  salute  animae  nostrae  et  praedecesso- 
rum  ac  successorum  nostrorum  regum  Angliae,  liberaliter  mera 
et  spontanea  voluntate,  de  communi  consensu  baronum  nostro- 
rum, concessimus  et  constituimus  et  hac  praesenti  carta  nostra 
coufirmavimus,  ut  de  cetero  in  universis  et  singulis  ecclesiis  et 
monasteriis  cathedralibus  et  conventualibus  totius  regni  nostri 
Angliae,   liberae   sint  in  perpetuum  electiones  quorumcunque 
praelatorum  majorum  et  minorum  ;  salva  nobis  et  haeredibus 
nostris  custodia  ecclesiarum  et  monasteriorum  vacantium  quae 
ad  nos  pertinent.     Promittimus  etiam  quod  nee  impediemus  nee 
impediri  permittemus  per  nostros  nee  procurabimus,  quin  in 
singulis  et  universis  ecclesiis  et  monasteriis  memoratis,  postquam 
vacaverint  praelaturae,  quandocunque  voluerint,  libere  sibi  prae- 
ficiant  electores  pastorem ;  petita  tamen  prius  a  nobis  et  hae- 
redibus nostris  licentia  eligeudi,  quam  non  denegabimus,  nee 
differemus.  Et  si  forte,  quod  absit,  denegaremus  vel  difierremus, 
procedant  nibilominus  electores  ad  electionem  canonicam  facien- 
dam  :  et  similiter  post  celebratam  electionem  noster  requiratur 
assensus,  quern  similiter  non  denegabimus  nisi  aliquid  rationa- 
bile  proposuerimus  et  legitime  probaverimus,  propter  quod  non 
debeamus  consentire.     Quare  volumus  et  firmiter  inhibemus  ne 
quis  vacantibus  ecclesiis  vel  monasteriis  contra  hanc  nostram 
concessionem  et  constitutionem  in  aliquo  veniat  vel  venire  prae- 
sumat.    Si  quis  vero  contra  hoc  aliquo  unquam  tempore  venerit, 
maledictionem   Omnipotentis   Dei  et  nostram   incurrat.      Hiis 
testibus,  Petro  Wintoniensi  episcopo,  Willelmo  Mariscallo  comite 
Penbrokiae,  Willelmo  comite  Warenniae,  Eandulfo  comite  Ces- 
triae,  Saherio  comite  Wintoniae,  Gaufrido  de  Mandevilla  comite 
Gloucestriae  et  Essexiae,  Willelmo  comite  de  Ferreriis,  Willelmo 
Brewer,  Warino  filio  Geroldi,  Willelmo  de  Cantilupo,  Hugone 
de  Nevilla,  Roberto  de  Ver,  Willelmo  de  Huntingfeld.    Data  per 
manum   magistri  Eicardi  de  Marisco,  Cancellarii  nostri,  apud 
Novum   Templum   Londoniis,  vicesimo   primo    die  Novembris 
anno  regni  nostri  sexto  decimo. — (Statutes  of  the  Realm,  C/tar- 
ters  of  Liberties,  p.  5.) 


A.D.  1215.     ABTICLES  OF  THE  BAEONS. 

On  the  feast  of  the  Epiphany,  1215,  the  barons  made  known 
their  claims  to  the  king.  John,  after  attempting  by  personal 
solicitation  to  break  up  the  party,  promised  an  answer  after 
Easter.  He  then  reissued  the  charter  to  the  clergy  (Jan.  i5th); 

U 


290  John.  [PART 

directed  the  oath  of  fealty  and  homage  to  be  taken  throughout 
England  ;  and  enlisted  himself  as  a  Crusader ;  both  parties  in 
the  meantime  consulting  the  Pope.  On  the  2"7th  of  April,  the 
day  fixed  for  the  king's  answer,  the  barons  assembled  in  force  at 
Brackley.  The  king,  who  was  at  Oxford,  sent  to  ask  the  details 
of  their  claims ;  and  whilst  refusing  to  grant  them,  proposed 
(May  roth)  an  arbitration  to  be  made  by  the  pope  and  eight  per- 
sons, four  chosen  by  himself  and  four  by  the  barons.  But  before 
this  was  done  they  had  (May  5th),  at  Reading  or  at  Wallingford, 
renounced  their  allegiance  to  John,  and  begun  to  attack  the 
royal  castles.  On  the  24th  of  May  they  were  received  at 
London,  and  the  king's  remaining  friends  began  to  negotiate 
with  them.  A  meeting  was  agreed  on  for  the  pth  of  June,  but 
postponed  to  the  i5th,  when  the  barons  presented  the  following 
Articles,  and  the  Great  Charter,  in  which  the  king  accepted  the 
terms,  was  executed. 

Ista  sunt  Capitula  quae  Barones  petunt  et  dominus  Rex  concedit. 

1.  Post  decessum  antecessorum  haeredes  plenae  aetatis  habe- 
bunt  haereditatem  suam  per  antiquum  relevium  exprimendum 
in  carta. 

2.  Haeredes  qui  infra  aetatem  sunt  et  fuerint  in  custodia. 
cum  ad  aetatem  pervenerint  habebunt  haereditatem  suam  sine 
relevio  et  fine. 

3.  Gustos  terrae  haeredis  capiat  rationabiles  exitus,   con- 
Buetudines,    et   servitia,    sine    destructione    et   vasto   hominum 
et  rerum  suarum,  et  si  custos  terrae  fecerit  destructionem  et 
vnstum,  amittat  custodiam  ;  et  custos  sustentabit  domos,  parcos, 
vivaria,  stagna,  molendina  et  cetera,  ad  terram  illam  pertinentia, 
de  exitibus  terrae  ejusdem ;   et  ut  haeredes  ita  maritentur  ne 
disparagentur  et  per  consilium  propinquorum  de  consanguini- 
tate  sua. 

4.  Ne  vidua  det  aliquid  pro  dote  sua,  vel  maritagio,  post 
decessum  mariti  sui,  sed  maneat  in  domo  sua  per  xl.  dies  post 
mortem  ipsius,  et  infra  terminum  ilium  assignetur  ei  dos ;  et 
maritagium  statim  habeat  et  haereditatem  suam. 

5.  Rex  vel  ballivus  non  saisiet  terram  aliquam  pro  debito 
dum  catalla  debitoris   sufficiunt  ;    nee  plegii  debitoris  distrin- 
gantur,  dum  capitalis  debitor  sufficit  ad  solutionem  ;    si  vero 
capitalis  debitor  defecerit  in  solutione,  si  plegii  voluerint,  habeant 


•V."]  Articles  of  the  Barons.  291 

terras  debitoris  donee  debitum  illud  persolvatur  plene,  nisi 
capitalis  debitor  monstrare  poterit  se  esse  inde  quietum  erga 
plegios. 

6.  Rex  non  concedet   alicui   baron  i  quod  capiat   auxilium 
de  liberis  homiuibus  suis,  nisi  ad  corpus  suum  redimendum, 
et   ad  faciendum   primogenitum  filium    suum   militem,   et   ad 
primogenitain  filiam  suam  semel  rnaritandain,  et  hoc  faciet  per 
rationabile  auxilium. 

7.  Ne  aliquis  majus  servitium  faciat  de  feodo  militis  quam 
inde  debetur. 

8.  Ut  communia  placita  non  sequantur  curiam  domini  regis 
sed  assignentur  in  aliquo  certo  loco ;  et  ut  recognitiones  capi- 
antur  in  eisdem  comitatibus,  in  hunc  modum  ;  ut  rex  mittat 
duos  justiciaries  per  iiiior  vices  in  anno,  qui  cum  iiiior  militibus 
ejusdem  comitatus   electis   per  comitatum,  capiant   assisas  de 
nova  dissaisina,  morte  antecessoris,  et  ultima  praesentatione,  nee 
aliquis  ob  hoc  sit  summonitus  nisi  juratores  et  duae  partes. 

9.  Ut  liber  homo  amercietur  pro  parvo  delicto  secundum 
modum  delicti,  et  pro  magno  delicto  secundum  magnitudinem 
delicti,  salvo  continemento  suo  ;   villanus  etiam  eoclem  modo 
amercietur,   salvo  waynagio    suo  ;    et   mercator  eodem    modo, 
salva    marcandisa,    per  sacramentum    proborum   hominum   de 
visneto. 

10.  Ut  clericus   amercietur  de  laico   feodo   suo   secundum 
modum   aliorum   praedictorum,  et  non   secundum   beneficium 
ecclesiasticum. 

11.  Ne  aliqua  villa  amercietur  pro  pontibus  faciendis  ad 
riparias,  nisi  ubi  de  jure  antiquitus  esse  solebant. 

12.  Ut  mensura  vini,  bladi,  et  latitudines  paunorum  et  rerum 
aliarum,  emendetur  ;  et  ita  de  ponderibus. 

13.  Ut  assisae  de  nova  dissaisina  et  de  morte  antecessoris 
abbrevientur ;  et  similiter  de  aliis  assisis. 

14.  Ut  nullus  vicecomes  intromittat  se  de  placitis  ad  corona m  ' 
pertinentibus  sine  coronatoribus ;  et  ut  comitatus  et  hundreds 
sint  ad  antiquas  firmas  absque  nullo  incremento,  exceptis  domi- 
nicis  maneriis  regis. 

15.  Si  aliquis  tenens  de  rege  moriatur,  licebit  vicecomiti  vel 
alii  ballivo  regis  seisire  et  imbreviare  catallum  ipsius  per  visum 
legalium  hominum,  ita  tamen  quod  nihil  inde  amoveatur,  donee 
plenius  sciatur  si  debeat  aliquod  liquidum  debitum  domino  regi; 
et  tune  debitum  regis  persolvatur,  residuum  vero  relinquatur 
executoribus  ad  faciendum  testamentum  defuncti ;    et  si  nihil 
regi  debetur  omnia  catalla  cedant  defuncto. 

1 6.  Si  aliquis  liber  homo  intestatus  decesserit,  bona  sua  per 

u  2 


292  John.  [PART 

manum   proximorum   parentum   suorum  et   amicorum  et   per 
visum  ecclesiae  distribuantur. 

1 7.  Ne  viduae  distringantur  ad  se  maritandum,  dum  volu- 
erint  sine  marito  vivere ;    ita  tamen  quod  securitatem  facieut 
quod  non  maritabunt  se  sine  assensu  regis,  si  de  rege  teneaut, 
vel  dominorum  suorum  de  quibus  tenent. 

1 8.  Ne  constabularius  vel  alius  ballivus  capiat  blada  vel  alia 
catalla,  nisi  statim  denarios  inde  reddat,  nisi  respectum  babere 
possit  de  voluntate  venditoris. 

19.  Ne  constabularius  possit  distringere  aliquem  militem  ad 
dandum  denarios  pro  custodia  castri,  si  voluerit  facere  custo- 
diam  illam  in  propria  persona  vel  per  alium  probum  hominem,  si 
ipse  earn  facere  non  possit  per  rationabilem  causam ;  et  si  rex 
eum  duxerit  in  exercitum,  sit  quietus  de    custodia   secundum 
quantitatem  temporis. 

20.  Ne  vicecomes,  vel  ballivus  regis,  vel  aliquis  alius,  capiat 
equos  vel  carettas  alicujus  liberi  hominis  pro  cariagio  faciendo, 
nisi  ex  voluntate  ipsius. 

21.  Ne  rex  vel  ballivus  suus  capiat  alienum  boscum  ad  castra 
vel  ad  alia  agenda  sua,  nisi  per  voluntatem  ipsius  cujus  boscus 
ille  fuerit. 

22.  Ne  rex  teneat  terrain  eorum  qui  fuerint  convicti  de 
felonia,  nisi  per  unum  annum  et  unum  diem,  sed  tune  reddatur 
domino  feodi. 

23.  Ut  omnes  kidelli  de  cetero  penitus  deponantur  de  Tamisia 
et  Medewaye  et  per  totam  Angliam. 

24.  Ne  breve  quod  vocatur  praecipe  de  cetero  fiat  alicui  de 
aliquo  tenemento  unde  liber  homo  amittat  curiam  suam. 

25.  Si  quis  fuerit  disseisitus  vel  prolongatus  per  regem  sine 
judicio  de  terris,  libertatibus,  et  jure  suo,  statim  ei  restituatur  ; 
et  si  contentio  super  hoc  orta  fuerit,  tune  inde  disponatur  per 
judicium    xxv.   baronum  ;    et  ut  illi  qui  fuerint  dissaisiti  per 
patrem   vel  fratrem  regis  rectum   habeant   sine  dilatione  per 
judicium  parium  suorum  in  curia  regis  ;  et  si  rex  debeat  habere 
terminum   aliorum   cruce   signatorum,   tune   archiepiscopus    et 
episcopi   faciant  inde  judicium   ad  certum  diem,  appellatione 
remota. 

26.  Ne  aliquid  detur  pro  brevi  inquisitionis  de  vita  vel  mem- 
bris,  sed  libere  concedatur  sine  pretio  et  non  negetur. 

27.  Si  aliquis  tenet  de  rege  per  feodi  firmam,  per  sokagium, 
vel  per  burgagium,  et  de  alio  per  servitium  militis,  dominus  rex 
non   habebit  cnstodiam    militum    de  feodo   alterius,   occasione 
burgagii    vel   sokagii,    nee   debet   habere   custodiam   burgagii, 
sokagii,  vel   feodi   finnae  ',   et  quod  liber  homo   non  amittat 


v.]  Articles  of  the  Barons*  293 

militiam  suam  occasione  parvarum  sergantisariim,  siciiti  de  illis 
qui  tenent  aliquod  tenementuin  reddendo  inde  cuttellos  vel 
sagittas  vel  hujusmodi, 

28.  Ne  aliquis   ballivus   possit   ponere   aliquem   ad   legem 
simplici  loquela  sna  sine  testibus  fidelibus. 

29.  Ne   corpus   liberi   hominis    capiatur,  nee   imprisonetur, 
nee  dissaisietur,  nee  utlagetur,  nee  exuletur,  nee  aliquo  modo 
destruatur,  nee  rex  eat  vel  mittat  super  eum  vi,  nisi  per  judi- 
cium  parium  suorum  vel  per  legem  terrae. 

30.  Ne  jus  vendatur  vel  differatur  vel  vetitum  sit. 

3 1 .  Quod  mercatores  liabeant  salvum  ire  et  venire  ad  emen- 
dum  vel  vendendum,  sine  omnibus  malis  toltis  per  antiquas  et 
rectas  consuetudines. 

32.  Ne  scutagium  vel  auxilium  ponatur  in  regno,  nisi  per 
commune  consilium  regui,  nisi  ad  corpus  regis  redimendum,  et 
primogenitum  filium  suum  militem  faciendum,  et  filiam  suam 
primogenitam  semel  maritandam  ;  et  ad  hoc  fiat  rationabile  aux- 
ilium.    Simili  modo  fiat  de  taillagiis  et  auxiliis  de  civitate  Lon- 
doniarum,  et  de  aliis  civitatibus  quae  inde  habent  libertates ; 
et  ut  civitas  Londoniarum  plene  habeat  antiquas  libertates  et 
liberas  consuetudines  suas,  tarn  per  aquas,  quam  per  terras. 

33.  Ut  liceat  unicuique  exire  de  regno  et  redire,  salva  fide 
domini  regis,  nisi  tempore  werrae  per  aliquod  breve  tempus 
propter  communem  utilitatem  regni. 

34.  Si  quis  mutuo  aliquid  acceperit  a  Judaeis  plus  vel  minus, 
et  moriatur  antequam  debitum  illud  solvatur,  debitum  non  usu- 
rabit   quamdiu    haeres    fuerit   infra    aetatem,    de    quocumque 
teneat ;  et  si  debitum  illud  incident  in  manum  regis,  rex  non 
capiet  nisi  catallum  quod  continetur  in  carta. 

35.  Si  quis  moriatur  et  debitum  debeat  Judaeis,  uxor  ejus 
habeat  dotem  suam;  et  si  liberi  remanserint,  provideantur  eis 
necessaria  secundum  tenementum  ;  et  de  residue  solvatur  debi- 
tum salvo  servitio  dominorum  ;  simili  modo  fiat  de  aliis  debitis ; 
et  ut  custos  terrae  reddat  haeredi,  cum  ad  plenam  aetatem  per- 
venerit,  ten-am  suam  instauratam  secundum  quod  rationabiliter 
poterit  sustinere  de  exitibus  terrae  ejusdem  de  carucis  et  wain- 
nagiis. 

36.  Si   quis  tenuerit    de    aliqua   eskaeta,   sicut   de    honore 
Walingefordiae,   Notingeham,  Bononiae,   et  Lankastriae,  et  de 
aliis  eskaetis  quae  sunt  in  manu  regis  et  sunt  baroniae,  et  obierit, 
haeres  ejus  non  dabit  aliud  relevium  vel  faciet  regi  aliud  servi- 
tium  quam  faceret  baroni ;  et  ut  rex  eodem  modo  earn  teneat 
quo  baro  earn  tenuit. 

37.  Ut  fines  qui  facti  sunt  pro  dotibus,  maritagiis,  haeredi- 


294  John.  [PART 

tatibus,  et  amerciamentis,  injuste  et  contra  legem  terrae,  omnlno 
condonentur ;  vel  fiat  inde  per  judicium  xxv.  baronum,  vel  per 
judicium  majoris  partis  eorumdem,  una  cum  archiepiscopo  et 
aliis  quos  secum  vocare  voluerit,  ita  quod,  si  aliquis  vel  aliqui  de 
xxv.  fuerint  in  simili  querela,  amoveantur  et  alii  loco  illorum 
per  residues  de  xxv.  substituantur. 

38.  Quod  obsides  et  cartae  reddantur,  quae  liberatae  fuerunt 
regi  in  securitatem. 

39.  Ut  illi  qui  fuerint  extra  forestam  non  veniant  coram  jus- 
ticiariis  de  foresta  per  communes  summonitiones,  nisi  sint  in 
placito  vel  plegii  fuerint ;  et  ut  pravae  consuetudines  de  forestis 
et   de   forestariis,   et   warenniis,  et   vicecomitibus,   et   rivariis, 
emendentur  per  xii.  milites  de  quolibet  comitatu,  qui  debent 
eligi  per  probos  homines  ejusdem  comitatus. 

40.  Ut  rex  amoveat  penitus   de  balliva  parentes  et  totam 
sequelam   Gerardi    de  Atyes ;    quod   de   cetero    balliam    non 
habeaut;   scilicet  Engelardum,  Andream,   Petrum,  et    Gyonem 
de  Cancellis,  Gyonem  de  Cygoniis,  Matthaeum  de  Martiny,  et 
fratres  ejus ;  et  Galfridum  nepotem  ejus  et  Philippum  Mark. 

41.  Et  ut  rex  amoveat  alienigenas  milites  stipendiarios  balis- 
tarios,  et  ruttarios,  et  servientes  qui  veniunt  cum  equis  et  arruis 
ad  nocumentum  regni. 

42.  Ut  rex  faciat  justiciaries,  constabularies,  vicecomites,  et 
ballivos,  de  talibus  qui  sciant  legem  terrae  et  earn  bene  velint 
observare. 

43.  Ut  baron es  qui  fundaverunt  abbatias,  unde  habent  cartas 
regum  vel  antiquam  tenuram,  habeant  custodiam  eavum  cum 
vacaverint. 

44.  Si  rex  "Walenses  dissaisierit  vel  elongaverit  de  terris  vel 
libertatibus,  vel  de  rebus  aliis  in  Anglia  vel  in  Wallia,  eis  statim 
sine  placito  reddantur;   et  si  fuerint  dissaisiti  vel  elongati  de 
tenementis  suis  Angliae  per  patrem  vel  fratrem  regis  sine  judicio 
parium  suorum,  rex  eis  sine  dilatione  justiciam  exhibebit,  eo 
modo  quo  exhibet  Anglicis  justiciam  de  tenementis  suis  Angliae 
secundum  legem  Angliae,  et  de  tenementis  Walliae  secundum 
legem  "Wallia  e,   et   de   tenementis   marchiae   secundum   legem 
marchiae  ;  idem  facient  Walenses  regi  et  suis. 

45.  Ut  rex  reddat  filium  Lewelini 
et  praeterea  omnes  obsides  de  Wallia, 


et  cartas  quae  ei  liberatae  fuerunt  in 
Becuritatem  pacis, 


•judicium  archiepiscopi  et 
mam  quam  facit  baronibus  Angliae, ... 


46.  Ut  rex  faciat  regi  Scottorum       ,. 
j      i    .-,.,  ,,      •,.    '      ,    ,.,  ahorum  quos  secum  vo- 

de  obsidibus  reddendis,  et  de  hberta-  ,  *  ., 

,.,  ,  •  j       r          care  voluerit. 

tibus  suis,  et  jure  suo,  secundum  for- 


nisi  aliter  esse  debeat  per 
cartas  quas  rex  habet,  per 


V.]  Articles  of  the  Barons.  395 

47.  Et  omnes  forestae  .quae  sunt  aforestatae  per  regem  tem- 
pore  suo  deafforestentur,  et  ita  fiat  de  ripariis  quae  per  ipsum 
regem  sunt  in  defense. 

48.  Omnes  autem  istas  consuetudines  et  libertates  quas  rex 
concessit  regno   tenendas   quantum  ad  se  pertinet  erga   suos, 
omnes  de  regno  tarn  clerici  quam  laici  observabunt  quantum  ad 
se  pertinet  erga  suos. 

49.  Haec  est  forma   securitatis  ad   observandum   pacem  et 
libertates  inter  regem  et  regnum.     Barones  eligent  xxv.  barones 
de  regno  quos  voluerint,  qui  debent  pro  totis  viribus  suis  obser- 
vare,    tenere,   et    facere    observari,    pacem    et    libertates    quas 
dominus  rex  eis  concessit  et  carta  sua  confirmavit ;  ita  videlicet 
quod  si  rex,  vel  justiciarius,  Tel  ballivi  regis,  vel  aliquis  de 
ministris  suis,  in  aliquo  erga  aliquem  deliquerit,  vel  aliquem 
articulorum  pacis  aut  securitatis  transgressus  fuerit,  et  delictum 
ostensum  fueiit  iiii01'  baronibus  de  praedictis  xxv.  baronibus,  illi 
iiiior  barones  accedent  ad  dominum  regem,  vel  ad  justiciarium 
suum,  si  rex  fuerit   extra  regnum,  proponentes  ei  excessum  : 
petent  ut  excessum  ilium  sine  dilatione  faciat  emendari ;  et  si 
rex  vel  justiciarius   ejus  illud  non   emendaverit,  si  rex  fuerit 
extra  regnum,  infra  vationabile  tempus  determinanduin  in  carta, 
praedicti  iiii°r  referent  causam  illain  ad  residues  de  illis  xxv. 
baronibus,  et  illi  xxv.  cum  communa  totius  terrae  distringent  et 
gravabunt  regem  modis  omnibus  quibus  poterunt,  scilicet  per 
captionem  castrorum,  terrarum,    possessionum,    et   aliis  modis 
quibus  poterunt,  donee  fuerit  emendatum  secundum  arbitrium 
eorum,   salva   persona   domini   regis   et   reginae   et   liberorum 
suorum ;    et,  cum   fuerit   ernendatum,  inteudant   domino   regi 
sicut  prius ;  et  quicumque  voluerit  de  terra  jurabit  se  ad  prae- 
dicta  exsequenda  pariturum  mandatis  praedictorum  xxv.  baro- 
num,  et  gravaturum  regem  pro  posse  suo  cum  ipsis ;   et  rex 
publice   et  libere  dabit  licentiam  jurandi   cuilibet  qui  jurare 
voluerit,  et  nulli  umquam  jurare  prohibebit ;  omnes  autem  illos 
de  terra  qui  spoute  sua  et  per  se  uoluerint  jurare  xxv.  baroiiibus 
de  distringendo  et  gravando  regem  cum  eis,  rex  faciet  jurare 
eosdem  de  mandate  suo  sicut  praedictum  est.     Item  si  aliquis 
de  praedictis  xxv.  baronibus  decesserit,  vel  a  terra  recesserit, 
vel  aliquo  modo  alio  impeditus  fuerit,  quo  minus  ista  praeclicta 
possint  exsequi,  qui  residui  fuerint  de  xxv.  eligent  alium  loco 
ipsius  pro  arbitrio   suo,  qui  simili  modo   erit  juratus  quo  et 
ceteri.     In  omnibus  autem  quae  istis  xxv.  baronibus  commit- 
tuntur  exsequenda,  si  forte  ipsi  xxv.  praesentes  fuerint  et  inter 
se  super  re  aliqua  discord averint,  vel  aliqui  ex  eis  vocati  nolint 
vel  nequeaut  interesse,  ratum  habebitur  et  firmum  quod  major 


John.  [PART 

pars  ex  eis  providerit  vel  praeceperitfc  ac  si  omnes  xxv.  in  hoc 
consensissent ;  et  praedicti  xxv.  jurabunt  quod  omnia  antedicta 
fideliter  observabunt  et  pro  toto  posse  suo  facient  observari. 
Praeterea  rex  faciet  eos  secures  per  cartas  archiepiscopi  et  epi- 
scoporum  et  magistri  Pandulfi,  quod  nihil  impetrabit  a  domino 
papa  per  quod  aliqua  istarum  conventionum  revocetur  vel  rninu- 
atur,  et,  si  aliquid  tale  impetraverit,  reputetur  irritum  et  inane 
et  nuuquam  eo  utatur. —  (Blackstone's  CJiarters,  pp.  1-9.) 


A.D.  1215.     GREAT  CHARTER  OF  LIBERTIES. 

The  whole  of  the  Constitutional  History  of  England  is  a  com- 
mentary on  this  charter ;  the  illustration  of  which  must  be 
looked  for  in  the  documents  that  precede  and  follow. 

JOHANNES  Dei  gratia  rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hyberniae,  dux 
Normanniae  et  Aquitanniae,  comes  Andegaviae,  archiepiscopis, 
episcopis,  abbatibus,  comitibus,  baronibus,  justiciariis,  forestaviis, 
vicecomitibus,praepositis,  ministris  et  omnibus  ballivis  et  fidelibus 
suis  salutem.  Sciatis  nos  intuitu  Dei  et  pro  salute  animae  nostrae 
et  omnium  antecessorum  et  haeredum  nostrorum,  ad  honorem 
Dei  et  exaltationem  sanctae  ecclesiae,  et  emendationem  regni 
nostri,  per  consilium  venerabilium  patrum  nostrorutn,  Stephani 
Cantuariensis  archiepiscopi  totius  Angliae  primatis  et  sanctae 
Romanae  ecclesiae  cardinal  is,  Henrici  Dublinensis  archiepi- 
scopi, Willelmi  Londoniensis,  Petri  Wintoniensis,  Joscelini 
Bathoniensis  et  Glastoniensis,  Hugonis  Lincolniensis,  Walteri 
Wygornensis,  Willelmi  Coventrensis,  et  Benedicti  Roffensis  epi- 
scoporum ;  magistri  Pandulfi  domini  papae  subdiaconi  et  fami- 
liaris,  fratris  Eymerici  magistri  militiae  templi  in  Anglia ; 
et  nobilium  virorum  Willelmi  Mariscalli  comitis  Penbrok, 
Willelmi  comitis  Saresberiae,  Willelmi  comitis  Warenniae,  Wil- 
lelmi comitis  Arundelliae,  Alani  de  Galweya  constabularii 
Scottiae,  Warini  filii  Geroldi,  Petri  filii  Hereberti,  Huberti  de 
Burgo  senescalli  Pictaviae,  Hugonis  de  Nevilla,  Mathei  filii 
Hereberti,  Thomae  Basset,  Alani  Basset,  Philippi  de  Albiniaco, 
Roberti  de  Roppelay,  Johannis  Mai-iscalli,  Joharmis  filii  Hugonis 
et  aliorum  fidelium  nostrorum  ; 

i.  In  primis  concessisse  Deo  et  hac  praesenti  carta  nostra 
confirmasse,  pro  nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris  in  perpetuum,  quod 
Anglicana  ecclesia   libera  sit,   et  habeat  jura   sua  integra,   et 
libertates  suas  illaesas  ;  et  ita  volumus  observari ;  q  uodapparet__ 
ex  eo  quod  libertatem  electionum,  quae  maxima  et  magis  neces- 


V.]  Magna  Car  la.  297 

saria  reputatur  ecclesiae  Anglicanae,  mera  et  spontanea  volun-  i 
tate,    ante   discordiam   inter   nos   et   barones    nostros   motam,  j 
concessirnus  et  carta  nostra  confirrnavimus,  et  earn  optinuimus 
a  domino  papa  Innocentio  tertio  confirmari ;  quam  et  nos  ob- 
eervabimus  et  ab  haeredibus  nostris  in  perpetuum   bona  fide 
volumus  observari.     Concessimus  etiam  omnibus  liberis  homini- 
bus  regni  nostri,  pro  nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris  in  perpetuum, 
omnes  libertates  subscriptas,  habendas  et  tenendas,  eis  et  haere- 
dibus suis,  de  nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris ; 

2.   Si   quis  comitum  vel  baronum  nostrorum,   sive   aliorum  \ 
tenentium  de  nobis  in  capite  per  servitium  militare,  mortuus  I 
fuerit,  et  cum  decesserit  haeres  suus  plenae  aetatis  fuerit  et 
relevium  debeat,  habeat  haereditatem  suam  per  antiquum  re- 
levium ;  scilicet  haeres  vel  haeredes  comitis  de  baronia  comitis 
<*"   Integra   per   centum   libras  ;    haeres   vel    haeredes   baronis    de 
*  '  baronia  Integra  per  centum  libras ;  haeres  vel  haeredes  militis 
de  feodo    militis  integro  per  centum  solidos  ad  plus ;   et  qui 
minus  debuerit  minus  det  secundum  antiquam  consuetudinem 
feodorum. 

13.  Si  autem  haeres  alicujus  talium  fuerit  infra  aetatem  et 
fuerit  in  custodia,  cum  ad  aetatem  pervenerit,  habeat  haeredi- 
tatem suam  sine  relevio  et  sine  fine. 

g  ,  4.  Gustos  terrae  hujusmodi  haeredis  qui  infra  aetatem  fuerit, 
non  capiat  de  terra  haeredis  nisi  rationabiles  exitus,  et  rationa- 
biles  consuetudines,  et  rationabilia  servitia,  et  hoc  sine  destruc- 
tione  et  vasto  hominum  vel  rerum ;  et  si  nos  commiserimus 
custodiam  alicujus  talis  terrae  vicecomiti  vel  alicui  alii  qui  de 
exitibus  illius  nobis  respondeve  debeat,  et  ille  destructionem  de 
custodia  fecerit  vel  vastum,  nos  ab  illo  capiemus  emendam,  et 
terra  committatur  duobus  legalibus  et  discretis  hominibus  de 
feodo  illo,  qui  de  exitibus  respondeant  nobis  vel  ei  cui  eos 
assignaverimus  ;  et  si  dederimus  vel  vendiderimus  alicui  cus- 
todiam alicujus  talis  teiTae,  et  ille  destructionem  inde  fecerit  vel 
vastum,  amittat  ipsam  custodiam,  et  tradatur  duobus  legalibus 
et  discretis  hominibus  de  feodo  illo  qui  similiter  nobis  respon- 
deant sicut  praedictum  est. 

l»  5.  Gustos  autem,  quamdiu  custodiam  terrae  habuerit,  sus- 
tentet  domos,  parcos,  vivaria,  stagna,  molendina,  et  cetera  ad 
terram  illam  pertinentia,  de  exitibus  terrae  ejusdera ;  et  reddat 
haeredi,  cum  ad  plenam  aetatem  pervenerit,  terram  suam  totam 
instauratam  de  carrucis  et  wainnagiis  secundum  quod  tempus 
wainnagii  exiget  et  exitus  terrae  rationabiliter  poterunt  sus- 
tinere. 
j  6.  Haeredes  maritentur  absque  disparagatione,  ita  tamen 


298  John.  [PAUT 

I  quod,  antequam  contrahatur  matrimonium,  ostendatur  propin- 
I  quis  de  consanguinitate  ipsius  haeredis. 

7.  Vidua  post  mortem  mariti  sui  statim  et  sine  difficultate 
habeat  maritagium  et  haereditatem  suam,  nee  aliquid  det  pro 
dote   sua,   vel   pro  maritagio   suo,  vel   haereditate   sua   quam 
haereditatem  maritus  suus  et  ipsa  tenuerint  die  obitus  ipsius 
mariti,  et  maneat  in  domo  mariti  sui  per  quadraginta  dies  post 
mortem  ipsius  infra  quos  assignetur  ei  dos  sua. 

8.  Nulla  vidua  distringatur  ad  se  maritandum  dum  voluerit 
vivere  sine  marito,  ita  tamen  quod  securitatem  faciat  quod  se 
non  maritabit  sine  assensu  nostro,  si  de  nobis  tenuerit,  vel  sine 
asseusu  domini  sui  de  quo  tenuerit,  si  de  alio  tenuerit. 

r      9.   Nee  nos  nee  ballivi  nostri  seisiemus  terram  aliquam  nee 
/    redditum  pro  debito  aliquo,  quamdiu  catalla  debitoris  sufficiunt 
ad  debitum  reddendum ;    nee  pleggii  ipsius  debitoris  distrin- 
I    gantur  quamdiu  ipse  capitalis   debitor   sufficit    ad    solutionem 
]    debiti ;  et  si  capitalis  debitor  defecerit  in  solutione  debiti,  non 
habens  unde  solvat,  pleggii  respondeant  de  debito  ;  et,  si  voluerint, 
habeant  terras  et  redditus  debitoris  donee  sit  eis  satisfactum  de 
debito  quod  ante  pro  eo  solverint,  nisi  capitalis  debitor  monstra- 
verit  se  esse  quietum  inde  versus  eosdem  pleggios. 

10.  Si  quis  mutuo  ceperit  aliquid  a  Judaeis,  plus  vel  minus, 
et  moriatur   antequam   debitum   ilium    solvatur,   debitum   non 
usuret    quamdiu   haeres  fuerit   infra   aetatem,    de    quocumque 
teneat ;  et  si  debitum  illud  incident  in  manus  nostras,  nos  non 
capiemus  nisi  catallum  contentum  in  carta. 

11.  Et  si   quis  moriatur,  et  debitum  debeat  Judaeis,  uxor  I 
ejus  habeat  dotem  suam,  et  nihil  reddat  de  debito  illo;   et  si  j 
liberi  ipsius  defuncti  qui  fuerint   infra   aetatem   remanserint, 
provideantur  eis  necessaria  secundum  tenementum  quod  fuerit 
defuncti,   et   de   residue    solvatur   debitum,  salvo    servitio    do- 
minorum  ;  simili  modo  fiat  de  debitis  quae  debentur  aliis  quam 

t  Judaeis. 

12.  Nullum  scutagium  vel  auxilium  ponatur  in  regno  nostro,' 
nisi  per  commnne  consilium  regni  nostri,  nisi  ad  corpus  nos-\ 
trunT'recIimendum,   et  primogenitum   filium  nostrum   militem  | 

i  faciendum,  et  ad  filiam  nostram  primogenitam  semel  maritan- 
dam,  et  ad  haec  non  fiat  nisi  ratipnabile  auxilium  :  simili  modo 
fiat  d<'  anxiliis  de  dvitate  Londoniarum. 

13.  Et  civitas  Londoniarum  habeat  omnes  antiquas  libertates 
et  liberas  consuetudines  suas,  tarn  per  terras,  quam  per  aquas. 
Praeterea  volumus  et  concedimus  quod  omnes  aliae  civitates,  et 
burgi,  et  villae,  et  portus,  habeant  omnes  libertates  et  liberas 
consuetudines  suas. 


V.]  Magna  Carta.  299 

/          14.  Et  ad  habendum  commune  consjlium^  regnl,  de  auxilio/ 
assidendo  aliter  quam  in  tribus^casibus  praedlcfiaTvel  de  scu-( 
tagio  assidendo,  summoneri  faciemus  archiepiscopos,  episcoposA 
abbates,   comites,   et   majores    barones,    sigillatim   per   litteras  1 
nostras ;    et   praeterea~~Ta"ciemus    summoneri   in   general!,   per 
vicecomites  et  ballivos  nostros,  omnes  illos  qui  de  nobis  tenent    0  "***•• 
in  capite ;   ad  certum  diem,  scilicet  ad  terminum  quadraginta 
dierum  ad  minus,  et  ad  certum  locum  ;  et  in  omnibus  litteris 
illius  summonitionis  causam  summonitionis  exprimemus ;  et  sic 
facta   summonitione   negotium    ad    diem   assignatum   procedat 
secundum    consilium   illorum  qui   praesentes   fuerint,   quamvis 
Vnon  omnes  summoniti  venerint. 

15.  Nos  non  concedemus  de  cetero  alicui  quod  capiat  auxi- 
linm  de  liberis  hominibus  suis,  nisi  ad  corpus  suum  redimendum,   u  **** 
et  ad  faciendum  primogenitum  filium  suum  militem,  et  ad  pri- 
mogenitam  filiatn  suam  semel  maritandam,  et  ad  haec  non  fiat        — 
nisi  rationabile  auxilium. 

1 6.  Kullus  distringatur  ad   faciendum    majus   servitium  de 
feodo  militis,  nee  de  alio  libero  tenemento,  quam  inde  debetur. 

17.  Communia  placita  non  sequantur  curiam   nostram  sed 
teneantur  in  aliquo  loco  certo. 

1 8.  Recognitiones  de  nova  dissaisina,  de  morte  antecessori?, 
et  de  ultima  praesentatione,  non  capiantur  nisi  in  suis  comitati- 
bus  et  hoc  modo ;  nos,  vel  si  extra  regnum  fuerimus,  capitalis 
justiciarius  noster,  mittemus  duos  justiciaries  per  unumquemque 
comitatum  per  quatuor  vices  in  anno,  qui,  cum  quatuor  mili- 
tibus   cujuslibet   comitatus    electis   per   comitatum,  capiant  in 
comitatu  et  in  die  et  loco  comitatus  assisas  praedictas. 

19.  Et  si  in  die  comitatus  assisae  praedictae  capi  non  possint, 
tot  milites  et  libere  tenentes  remaneant  de  illis  qui  interfuerint 
comitatui  die  illo,  per  quos  possint  judicia  sufficienter  fieri,  se- 
cundum quod  negotium  fuerit  majus  vel  minus. 

r       20.  Liber  homo  non  amercietur  pro  parvo  delicto,  nisi  secun-  j 
dum  modum  delicti ;  et  pro  magno  delicto  amercietur  secundum  i 
magnitudinem    delicti,  salvo    contenemento   suo ;    et   mercator  I 
eodem  modo  salva  mercandisa  sua ;    et  villauus  eodem  modo  j 
amercietur  salvo  wainnagio  suo,  si  inciderint  in  misericordiam 
nostram ;  et  nulla  praedictarum  misericordiarum  pouatur,  nisi 
per  sacramentum  proborum  hominum  de  visneto. 

21.  Comites  et  barones  non  amercientur  nisi  per  pares  suos, 
et  non  nisi  secundum  modum  delicti. 

22.  Nullus  clericus  amercietur  de  laico  tenemento  suo,  nisi 
secundum   modum    aliorum   praedictorum,   et    nou    secundum 

,    quantitatem  beneficii  sui  ecclesiastic!. 


300  John.  [PART 

23.  Nee  villa  nee  homo  distringatur  facere  pontes  ad  riparias, 
nisi  qui  ab  antique  et  de  jure  facere  debent. 

24.  Nullus  vicecomes,    constabularius,    coronatores,   vel   alii 
ballivi  nostri,  teneant  placita  coronae  nostrae. 

25.  Omnes   comitatus,    hundredi,   wapentakii,    et   trethinjjii, .  .... 
sint  ad  antiquas  firmas  absque  ullo  incremento,  exceptis  do-U     ^ 
minicis  maneriis  nostris. 

26.  Si  aliquis  tenens  de  nobis  laicum  feodum  moriatur,  et 
vicecomes  vel  ballivus  noster  ostendat  litteras  nostras  patentes 
de  summonitione  nostra  de  debito  quod  defunctus  nobis  debuit, 
liceat   vicecomiti   vel   ballivo    nostro   attachiare   et   inbreviare 
catalla  defuncti  inventa  in  laico  feodo,  ad  valentiam  illius  debiti, 
per  visum  legalium  hominum,  ita  tamen  quod  nihil  inde  amo- 
veatur,  donee  persolvatur  nobis  debitum  quod  clarum  fuerit ;  et 
residuum  relinquatur  executoribus  ad  faciendum  testamentum 
defuncti ;   et,   si  nihil  nobis   debeatur  ab   ipso,  omnia    catalla 
cedant  defuncto,  salvis  uxori  ipsius  et  pueris  rationabilibus  par- 
tibus  suis.  tf 

27.  Si  aliquis  liber  homo  intestatus  decesserit,  catalla  sua  per    ; 
manus  propinquorum  parentum  et  amicorum  suorum,  per  visum 
ecclesiae  distribuantur,  salvis  unicuique  debitis  quae  defunctus 
ei  debebat. 

28.  Nullus  constabularius,  vel  alius  ballivus  noster,  capiat 
blada  vel  alia  catalla  alicujus,  nisi  statim  inde  redd  at  denarios, 
aut  respectum  inde  habere  possit  de  voluntate  venditoris. 

29.  Nullus  constabularius  distringat  aliquem  militem  ad  dan-   } 
dum  denarios  pro  custodia  castri,  si  facere  voluerit  custodiam 
illam  in  propria  persona  sua,  vel  per  alium  probum  hominem,  si 
ipse  earn  facere  non  possit  propter  rationabilem  causam ;  et  si 
nos  duxerimus  vel  miserimus  eum  in  exercitum,  erit  quietus 
de  custodia,  secundum  quantitatem  temporis  quo  per  nos  fuerit 
in  exercitu. 

30.  Nullus  vicecomes,  vel  ballivus  noster,  vel  aliquis  alius, 
'capiat  equos  vel   caretas  alicujus   liberi  hominis  pro  cariagio 

faciendo,  nisi  de  voluntate  ipsius  liberi  hominis. 

31.  Nee  nos  nee  ballivi  nostri  capiemus  alienum  boscum  ad 
castra,  vel  alia  agenda  nostra,  nisi  per  voluntatem  ipsius  cujus 
boscus  ille  fuerit. 

32.  Nos  non  tenebimus  terras  illorum  qui  convicti  fuerint  de  i 
felonia,  nisi  per  unum  annum  et  unum  diem,  et  tune  reddantur 
terrae  dominis  feodorum. 

33.  Omnes  kydelli  de  cetero  deponantur  penitus  de  Thamisia, 
et  de   Medewaye,  et  per   totam  Angliam,  nisi   per   costeram 
maris. 


v.]  Magna  Car  fa.  301 

34.  Breve  quod  vocatur  Praecipe  de  cetero  non  fiat  alicui 
de  aliquo  tenemento  unde  liber  homo  amittere  possit  curiam 
suam. 

35.  Una  mensura  vini  sit  per  totum  regnum  nostrum,  et  una 
mensura  cervisiae,  et  una  mensura   bladi,   scilicet   quarterium 
Londoniense,  et   una   latitude  pannorum   tinctorum  et  russet- 
torum  et  halbergettorum,   scilicet  duae  ulnae  infra  listas ;   de 
ponderibus  autem  sit  ut  de  mensuris. 

36.  Nihil   detur  vel    capiatur   de   cetero   pro   brevi   inqui- 
sitionis    de   vita  vel   membris,   sed   gratis    concedatur   et   non 
negetur. 

37.  Si  aliquis  teneat  de  nobis  per  feodifirmam,  vel  per  soka- 
gium,  vel  per  burgagium,  et  de  alio  terrani  teneat  per  servitium 
militare,  nos  non  habebimus  custodiam  haeredis  nee  terrae  suae 
quae    est   de    feodo   alterius,   occasione    illius   feodifirmae,   vel 
sokagii,  vel  burgagii ;    nee  habebimus   custodiam   illius  feodi- 
firmae,  vel    sokagii,  vel   burgagii,   nisi   ipsa  feodifirma   debeat 
servitium  militare.     Nos  non  habebimus  custodiam  haeredis  vel 
terrae  alicujus,  quam  tenet  de  alio  per  servitium  militare,  occa- 
sione alictijus  parvae  sergenteriae  quam  tenet  de  nobis  per  servi- 
tium reddendi  nobis  cultellos,  vel  sagittas,  vel  hujusmodi. 

38.  Nullus  ballivus  ponat  de  cetero  aliquem  ad  legeru  simplici 
loquela  sua,  sine  testibus  fidelibus  ad  hoc  inductis. 

39.  Nullus  liber  homo   capiatur,  vel   imprisonetur,  aut  dis- 
saisiatur,  aut  utlagetur,  aut  exuletur,  aut  aliquo  modo  destruatur, 
nee  super  eum  ibimus,  nee  super  eum  mittemus,  nisi  per  legale 
judicium  parium  suorum  vel  per  legem  terrae. 

40.  Nulli  vendemus,  nulli  negabimus,  aut  difleremus,  rectum 
aut  justiciam. 

41.  Omnes  mercatores  habeant  salvum  et  securum  exire  de 
Anglia,  et  venire  in  Angliam,  et  morari  et  ire  per  Angliam,  tarn 

•  per  terrain  quam  per  aquam,  ad  emendum  et  vendendum,  sine 
1  omnibus  malis  toltis,  per  antiquas  et  rectas  consuetudines,  prae- 
i  terquam  in  tempore  gwerrae,  et  si  sint  de  terra  contra  nos 

J  gwerrina ;  et  si  tales  inveniantur  in  terra  nostra  in  principle 
\  gwerrae,  attachieutur  sine  dampno  corporum  et  rerum,  donee 
I  sciatur  a  nobis  vel  capitali  justiciario  nostro  quomodo  merca- 
!  tores  terrae  nostrae  tractentur,  qui  tune  invenientur  in  terra 

.1   contra  nos  gwerrina;  et  si  nostri  salvi  sint  ibi,  alii  salvi  sint  in 

i  \^terra  nostra. 

42.  Liceat  unicuique  de  cetero  exire  de  regno  nostro,  et  redire, 
salvo  et  secure,  per  terrain    et   per   aquam,  salva  fide  nostra,U 

-  '      nisi  tempore  gwerrae  per  aliquod  breve  tempus,  propter  com- 
munem    utilitatem    regni,   exceptis    imprisonatis    et    utlagatis 


302  John.  [PART 

secundum  legem  regni,  et  gente  de  terra  contra  nos  gwerrina, 
et  mercatoribus  de  quibus  fiat  sicut  praedictum  est. 

43.  Si    quis   tenuerit   de    aliqua    escaeta,    sicut   de    honore 
Walingeford,  Notingeham,  Bononiae,  Lainkastriae,  vel  de  aliis 
eskaetis,  quae  sunt  in  manu  nostra,  et  sunt  baroniae,  et  obierit, 
haeres  ejus  non  det  aliud  relevium,  nee  faciat  nobis  aliud  ser- 
vitium  quam  faceret  baroni  si  baronia  ilia  esset  in  manu  baronis  ; 
et  nos  eodem  modo  earn  tenebimus  quo  baro  earn  tenuit. 

44.  Homines  qui   manent   extra   forestam   non   veniant   de 
cetero  coram  justiciariis  nostris  de  foresta  per  communes  sum- 
monitiones,  nisi  sint  in  placito,  vel  pleggii  alicujus  vel  aliquorum, 
qui  attachiati  sint  pro  foresta. 

45.  Nos  non  faciemus  justiciaries,  constabularies,  yjcecomites^  «•> 
vel  ballivos,  nisi  de  talibus  qui  sciant  legem  regni  et  earn  bene 
velint  observare. 

46.  Omnes  barones  qui  fundaverunt  abbatias,  unde   habent 
cartas  regum  Angliae,  vel   antiquam  tenuram,  habeant  earum 
custodiam  cum  vacaverint,  sicut  habere  debent. 

47.  Omnes  forestae  quae   aforestatae    sunt   tempore   nostro, 
statim  deafforestentur  ;  et  ita  fiat  de  ripariis  quae  per  nos  tem- 
pore nostro  positae  sunt  in  defenso. 

48.  Omnes  rnalae  consuetudines  de  forestis  et  warennis,  et  de 
forestariis   et   warennariis,    vicecomitibus   et   eorum   ministris, 
ripariis  et   earum    custodibus,  statim   inquirantur   in   quolibet 
comitatu  per  duodecim  milites  juratos  de  eodem  cqmitatu^^ui 
debent  eligi  per  probos    homines    ejusdem   comitatus,  et    infra 
quadraginta  dies  post  inquisitionem  factam,  penitus,  ita  quod 
numquam  revocentur,  deleantur  per  eosdem,  ita  quod  nos  hoc 
bciamus  prius,  vel  justiciarius  noster,  si  in  Anglia  non  fuerimus. 

49.  Omnes  obsides  et  cartas  statim  reddemus  quae  liberatae 
fuerunt   nobis    ab   Anglicis    in    securitatem    pacis   vel   fidelis 
servitii. 

50.  Nos  amovebimus  penitus  de  balliis  parentes  Gerardi  de 
Athyes,  quod  de   cetero   iiullam   habeant   balliam   in   Anglia ; 
Engelardum  de  Cygouiis,  Andream,  Petrum  et  Gyonem  de  Can- 

,  cellis,  Gyonem  de  Cygoniis,  Galfridum  de  Martyni  et  fratres  ejus, 
\  Philippum  Mark  et  fratres  ejus,  et  Galfridum  nepotem  ejus,  et 
jtotam  sequelam  eorumdem. 

51.  Et  statim  post  pacis  reformationem  amovebimus  de  regno 
omues  alienigenas  milites,  balistarios,  servientes,  stipendiaries, 
qui  venerint  cum  equis  et  armis  ad  nocumentum  regni. 

52.  Si  quis  fuerit  disseisitus  vel  elongatus  per  nos  sine  legali 
judicio  parium  suorum,  de  terris,  castallis,  libertatibus,  vel  jure 
suo,  statim  ea  ei  restituemus ;  et  si  contentio  super  hoc  orta 


v.]  Magna  Carta.  303 

fuerit,  tune  inde  fiat  per  judicium  viginti  quinque  baronum,  de 
quibus  fit  mentio  inferius  in  securitate  pacis  :  de  omnibus  autem 
illis  de  quibus  aliquis  disseisitus  fuerit  vel  elongatus  sine  legal! 
judicio  parium  suorum,  per  Henricum  regem  patrem  nostrum  vel 
per  Kicardum  regem  fratrem  nostrum,  quae  in  manu  nostra 
habemus,  vel  quae  alii  tenent,  quae  nos  oporteat  warantizare, 
respectum  habebimus  usque  ad  communem  terminum  crucesigna- 
torum ;  exceptis  illis  de  quibus  placitum  motum  fuit  vel  inqui- 
sitio  facta  per  praeceptum  nostrum,  ante  susceptiouem  crucis 
nostrae  :  cum  autem  redierimus  de  peregrinatione  nostra,  vel  si 
forte  remanserimus  a  peregrinatione  nostra,  statim  inde  plenam 
justiciam  exhibebimus. 

53.  Eundem  autem  respectum  habebimus,  et  eodem  modo,  de 
justicia  exhibenda   de   forestis    deafforestandis   vel   remansuris 
forestis,  quas  Henricus  pater  noster  vel  Ricardus  frater  noster 
afforestaverunt,  et  de  custodiis  terrarum  quae  sunt  de   alieno 
feodo,  cujusmodi  custodias  hucusque  habuimus  occasione  feodi 
quod  aliquis  de  nobis  tenuit  per  servitium  militare,  et  de  abbatiis 
quae  fundatae  fuerint  in  feodo  alterius  quam  nostro,  in  quibus 
dominus  feodi  dixerit  se  jus  habere ;  et  cum  redierimus,  vel  si 
remanserimus  a  peregrinatione  nostra,  super  hiis  conquerentibus 
plenam  justiciam  statim  exhibebimus. 

54.  Nullus    capiatur    nee    imprisonetur    propter    appellum 
foeminae  de  morte  alterius  quam  viri  sui. 

55.  Omnes  fines  qui  injuste  et  contra  legem  terrae  facti  sunt 
nobiscum,  et  omnia  amerciamenta  facta  injuste  et  contra  legem 
terrae,  omnino  condonentur,  vel  fiat  inde  per  judicium  viginti 
quinque  baronum  de  quibus  fit  mentio   inferius   in   securitate 
pacis,  vel  per  judicium  majoris  partis  eorumdem,  una  cum  prae- 
dicto  Stephano  Cantuariensi  archiepiseopo,  si  interesse  poterit, 
et  aliis  quos  secum  ad  hoc  vocare  voluerit :   et  si  interesse  non 
poterit,  nihilominus   procedat   negotium   sine   eo,  ita   quod,  si 
aliquis  vel  aliqui  de  praedictis  viginti  quinque  baronibus  fuerint 
in  simili  querela,  amoveantur  quantum  ad  hoc  judicium,  et  alii 
loco  illorum   per   residues  de   eisdem  viginti  quinque,  tantum 
ad  hoc  faciendum  electi  et  jurati  substituantur. 

56.  Si  nos  dissaisivimus  vel  elongavimus  Walenses  de  terris 
vel  libertatibus  vel  rebus  aliis,  sine  legali  judicio  parium  suorum, 
in  Anglia  vel  in  "Wallia,  eis  statim  reddantur ;  et  si  contentio 
super  hoc  orta  fuerit,  tune  inde  fiat  in  marchia  per  judicium 
parium  suorum,  de  tenementis  Angliae  secundum  legem  Angliae, 
de  tenementis  Walliae  secundum  legem  Walliae,  de  tenementis 
inarchiae  secundum   legem   marchiae.     Idem  facient  Walenses 
nobis  et  nostris. 


304  John.  [PART 

57.  De  omnibus   autem   ill  is  de  quibus   aliquis    "Walensium 
dissaisitus  fuerit  vel  elongatus  sine  legali  judicio  parium  suorum, 
per   Henricum   regem   patrem   nostrum   vel    Bicardum  regem 
fratrem  nostrum,  quae  nos  in  manu  nostra  habemus,  vel  quae 
alii  tenent  quae  nos  oporteat  warantizare,  respectum  babebimus 
usque  ad  communem  terminum  crucesignatorum,  illis  exceptis 
de  quibus  placitum  motum  fuit  vel  inquisitio  facta  per  prae- 
ceptum  nostrum  ante  susceptionem  crucis  nostrae  :  cum  autem 

,  redierimus,  vel  si  forte  remanserimus  a  peregrinatione  nostra, 
statim  eis  inde  plenam  justiciam  exhibebimus,  secundum  leges 
Walensium  et  partes  praedictas. 

58.  Nos  reddemus  filium  Lewelini  statim,  et  omnes  obsides  de 
Wallia,  et  cartas  quae  nobis  liberatae  fuerunt   iu   securitatem 

/     pacis. 

59.  Nos  faciemus  Allexandro   regi    Scottorum  de   sororibus 
suis,  et  obsidibus  reddendis,  et  libertatibus  suis,  et  jure    suo, 

.  secundum  formam  in  qua  faciemus  aliis  baronibus  nostris  Angliae, 
nisi  aliter  esse  debeat  per  cartas  quas  habemus  de  Willelmo  patre 
\     ipsius,  quondam  rege    Scottorum ;     et    hoc   erit   per  judioium 
v  parium  suorum  in  curia  nostra. 

60.  Omnes  autem  istas  consuetudines  praedictas  et  libertates 
quas  nos  concessimus  in  regno  nostro  tenendas  quantum,  ad  nos 
pertinet  erga  nostros,  omnes  de  regno  nostro,  tarn  clerici  quani 
laici,  observant  quantum  ad  se  pertinet  erga  suos. 

6 1.  Cum  autem  pro  Deo,  et  ad  emendationem  regni  nostri, 
et  ad  melius  sopiendum  discordiam  inter  nos  et  barones  nostros 
ortam,  haec  omnia  praedicta  concesserimus,  volentes  ea  integra 
et  firma  stabilitate  gaudere  in  perpetuum,  facimus  et  concedimus 
eis    securitatem   subscriptam ;    videlicet  quod   barones   eligant 
viginti  quinque  barones  de  regno  quos  voluerint,  qui  debeant 
pro   totis   viribus   suis    observare,  tenere,  et   facere   observari, 
pacem  et  libertates  quas  eis  concessimus,  et  hac  pi-aesenti  carta 
nostra  confirmavimus,  ita  scilicet  quod,  si  nos,  vel  justiciarius 
noster,  vel   ballivi   nostri,  vel   aliquis  de   ministris  nostris,  in 
aliquo  erga  aliquem  deliquerimus,  vel  aliquem  articulorum  pacis 
aut  securitatis  transgressi  fuerimus,  et  delictum  ostensum  fuerit 
quatuor  baronibus  de  praedictis  viginti  quinque  baronibus,  illi 
quatuor  barones  accedant  ad  nos  vel  ad  justiciarium  nostrum,  si 
fuerimus  extra  regnum,  proponentes  nobis  excessum  :  petent  ut 
excessum  ilium  sine  dilatione  faciamus    emendari.     Et   si    nos 
excessum  non  emendaverimus,  vel,  si  fuerimus  extra  regnum, 
justiciarius  noster  non  emendaverit   infra   tempus  quadraginta 
dierum  computandum  a  tempore  quo  monstratum  fuerit  nobis 
vel  justiciario  nostro  si  extra  regnum  fuerimus,  praedicti  quatuor 


v.]  Magna  Carta.  305 

• 

barones  referant  causam  illam  ad  residues  de  viginti  quinque 
baronibus,  et  illi  viginti  quinque  barones  cum  communa  totius 
terrae  distringent  et  gravabunt  nos  modis  omnibus  quibus  pote- 
runt,  scilicet  per  captionem  castrorum, 'ten-arum,  possessionum, 
et  aliis  modis  quibus  poterunt,  donee  fuerit  emendatum  secun- 
dum  arbitrium  eorum,  salva  persona  nostra  et  reginae  nostrae 
et  liberorum  nostrorum ;  et  cum  fuerit  emendatum  intendent 
nobis  sicut  prius  fecerunt.  Et  quicumque  voluerit  de  terra 
juret  quod  ad  praedicta  omnia  exsequenda  parebit  mandatis  prae- 
dictorum  viginti  quinque  baronum,  et  quod  gravabit  nos  pro 
posse  suo  cum  ipsis,  et  nos  publice  et  libere  dainus  licentiam 
jurandi  cuilibet  qui  jurare  voluerit,  et  nulli  umquam  jurare  pro- 
hibebimus.  Omnes  autem  illos  de  terra  qui  per  se  et  sponte 
sua  uoluerint  jurare  viginti  quinque  baronibus,  de  distringendo 
et  gravando  nos  cum  eis,  faciemus  jurare  eosdem  de  mandate 
nostro,  sicut  praedictum  est.  Et  si  aliquis  de  viginti  quinque 
baronibus  decesserit,  vel  a  terra  recesserit,  vel  aliquo  alio  modo 
impeditus  fuerit,  quo  minus  ista  praedicta  possent  exsequi,  qui 
residui  fuerint  de  praedictis  viginti  quinque  baronibus  eligant 
alium  loco  ipsius,  pro  arbitrio  suo,  qui  simili  modo  erit  juratus 
quo  et  ceteri.  In  omnibus  autem  quae  istis  viginti  quinque 
baronibus  committuntur  exsequenda,  si  forte  ipsi  viginti  quinque 
praesentes  fuerint,  et  inter  se  super  re  aliqua  discordaverint, 
vel  aliqui  ex  eis  summoniti  nolint  vel  nequeant  interesse,  ratum 
habeatur  et  firmum  quod  major  pars  eorum  qui  praesentes 
fuerint  providerit,  vel  praeceperit,  ac  si  omnes  viginti  quinque 
in  hoc  consensissent ;  et  praedicti  viginti  quinque  jurent  quod 
omnia  antedicta  fideliter  observabunt,  et  pro  toto  posse  &uo 
facient  observari.  Et  nos  niliil  impetrabimus  ab  aliquo,  per 
nos  nee  per  alium,  per  quod  aliqua  istarum  concessionuin  et 
libertatum  revocetur  vel  minuatur  ;  et,  si  aliquid  tale  impetra- 
tuni  fuerit,  irritum  sit  et  inane  et  numquam  eo  utemur  per  uos 
nee  per  alium. 

62.  Et  omnes  malas  voluntates,  indignationes,  et  rancores, 
ortos  inter  nos  et  homines  nostros,  clericos  et  laicos,  a  tempore 
discordiae,  plene  omnibus  remisimus  et  condonavimus.  Prae- 
terea  omnes  transgressiones  factas  occasione  ejusdem  discordiae, 
a  Pascha  anno  regni  nostri  sextodecimo  usque  ad  pacem  refor- 
matam,  plene  remisimus  omnibus,  clericis  et  laicis,  et  quantum 
ad  nos  pertinet  plene  condonavimus.  Et  insuper  fecimus  eis 
fieri  litteras  testimoniales  patentes  domini  Stephaui  Cantuariensis 
archiepiscopi,  domini  Henrici  Dublinensis  archiepiscopi,  et 
episcoporum  praedictomm,  et  magistri  Pandulfi,  super  securitate 
ista  et  concessionibus  pi'aefatis. 

x 


306  /       John.  [PART 

63.  Quare  volumus  et  firmiter  praecipimus  quod  Anglicami 
ecclesia  libera  sit  et  quod  homines  in  regno  nostro  habeant  et 
teneant  omnes  praefatas  libertates,  jura,  et  concessiones,  bene  et 
in  pace,  libere  et  quiete,  plene  et  integre,  sibi  et  haeredibus  suis, 
de  nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris,  in  omnibus  rebus  et  locis,  in  per- 
petuum,  sicut  praedictum  est.  Juratum  est  autem  tarn  ex  parte 
nostra  quam  ex  parte  baronum,  quod  haec  omnia  supradicta 
bona  fide  et  sine  malo  ingenio  observabuntur.  Testibus  supra- 
dictis  et  multis  aliis.  Data  per  manum  nostram  in  prato  quod 
vocatur  Runingmede,  inter  "Wimlelesorum  et  Staues,  quinto 
decimo  die  Junii,  anno  regni  nostri  septimo  decimo. 

MATT.  PARIS,  p.  262.     Hi  autem  sunt  xxv.  barones  electi, 

Comes  de  Clare.  Major  de  Lundoniis. 

Comes  Albemarlae.  WTTtelrnus  3e"Eanvalay. 

Comes  Gloverniae.  Robertas  de  Ros. 

Comes  Wintoniensis.  Constabularius  Cestriae. 

Comes  Herefordensis.  Ricardus  de  Perci. 

Comes  Rogerus  (Bigot).  Johannes  Filius  Roberti. 

Comes  Robertus  (de  Vere).  Willelmus  Malet. 

Willelmus  Marescallus,  Junior.  Gaufridus  de  Say. 

Robertus  Filius  Walteri,  Senior.  Rogerus  de  Mumbezon. 

Gilbertus  de  Clare.  Willelmus  de  Huntingfeld. 

Eustachius  de  Vesci.  Ricardus  de  Muntfichet. 

Hugo  Bigod.  Willelmus  de  Albineio. 
Willelmus  de  Munbrai. 


A.D.  1215.     ORDER  FOR  INQUIRY  INTO  EVIL  CUSTOMS. 

This  letter,  which  was  issued  immediately  after  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Great  Charter,  is  important  as  showing  the  method 
of  election  in  the  county  court,  which  must  be  understood  as 
ruling  the  cases  in  which  such  representation  of  the  county  for 
diverse  purposes  is  directed  without  the  mention  of  election. 

Rex  vicecomiti,  warennariis,  custodibus  ripariarum  et  om- 
nibus baillivis  suis  in  comitatu — salutem.  Sciatis  pacem  fir- 
inam  esse  reformatam  per  Dei  gratiam  inter  nos  et  barones 
et  liberos  homines  regni  nostri,  sicut  audire  poteritis  et 
videre  per  cartam  nostram  quam  inde  fieri  fecimus,  quam 
etiam  legi  publice  praecepimus  per  totam  bailliam  vestram  et 
firmiter  teneri;  volentes  et  districte  praecipientes  quod  tu  vice- 
comes  omnes  de  baillia  tua  secundum  formam  cartae  praedictae 


v.]  Charters  of  Towns.  307 

jurare  facias  xxv.  baronibus  de  quibus  mentio  fit  in  carta  prae-  / 
dicta,  ad  mandatum  eorundem  vel  majoris  partis  eorum,  coram 
ipsis  vel  illis  quos  ad  hoc  atornaverint  per  litteras  suas  patentes,!  y^ 
et  ad  diem  et  locum  quos  ad  hoc  faciendum  praefixerint  praedictiT  . 
barones  vel  atornati  ab  eis  ad  hoc.    Voluinus  etiam  et  praecipimus 
quod^xiLjnilites  d^^^pn'tnin  t"Q,  .qui  eligentur  de  ipso  comitatu 
in  priino  comitatu  qui  tenebitur  post  susceptionem  litterarum   * 
istarum  in  ^partibus  tuis,  jurent  de  inquirendis  pravis  consuetudi-^T::^>k 
nibus  tarn  de  vicecomitibus  quam  eorum  ministris,  forestis,  fores-    v 
tariis,  warennis  et  warennariis,  ripariis  et  earum  custodibus,  et  eis  O    I 
delendis,  sicut  in  ipsa  carta  continetur.     Vos  igitur  omnes  sicut"^"* 
nos  et  honorem  nostrum  diligitis,  et  pacem  regni  nostri,  omnia 
in  carta  contenta  inviolabiliter  observetis  et  ab  omnibus  obser- 
vari  faciatis,  ne  per  defectum  vestri,  aut  per  excessum  vestrum, 
pacem  regni  nostri,  quod  Deus  avertat,  iterum  turbari  contingat. 
Et  tu,  vicecomes,  pacem  nostram  per  totam  bailliam  tuain  cla- 
mari  facias  et  firmiter  teneri  praecipias.     Et  in  hujus,  etc.  vobis 
mittimus.     T.  me  ipso  apud  Runimede,  XIX.  die  Junii,  anno 
regni  nostri  xviimo. — (Patent  Rolls,  i.  180.) 


CHARTERS  OF  CITIES  ANTD  BOROUGHS  GRANTED  BY  JOHN. 

The  Charter  Rolls  of  John  afford  specimens  of  every  sort  of 
charter  granted  to  boroughs  in  every  stage  of  growth.  The 
following  are  a  selection  illustrating  the  various  points  to  which 
reference  has  been  made  in  the  earlier  portions  of  this  book  : — • 

1.  The  grant  of  the  Firma  burgi ;  Helleston,  no.  9. 

2.  The  grant  of  freedom  ;  Helleston,  no.  8. 

3.  The  grant  of  free  customs  on  the  model  of  a  more  ancient 

borough  ;  Hartlepool,  no.  6. 

4.  The  confirmation  of  free  customs  to  a  typical  town  ;  York, 

no.  5. 

5.  The   confirmation  of  former  charters,  with  the  grant  of 

election   of  reeve  to  the  borough  at  large ;    Lincoln, 
no.  4. 

6.  Similar  grant  with  special  reference  to  the  merchant  guild ; 

Nottingham,  no.  i. 

7.  Similar  grant ;  with  reference  of  the  choice  of  reeve  to  the 

sheriff  of  the  county ;  Northampton,  no.  2. 
x  a 


308  John.  [PART 

8.  Grant  of   special  privileges   exempting  from   shiremoot 

and  hundredmoot ;  Dunwich,  no.  3. 

9.  Foundation  of  a  Communa ;  Niort,  no.  7. 

10.  Grant  to  the  Londoners  of  the  privilege  of  choosing  their 

Mayor;  no.  10. 

The  last  of  these  must  be  regarded  as  conferring  the  crowning 
privilege  on  the  community  and  constituting  it  a  perfect  muni- 
cipality. The  mayoralty  of  London  dates  from  the  earliest 
years  of  Richard  I,  probably  from  the  foundation  of  that  com- 
muna  which  was  confirmed  on  the  occasion  of  William  Long- 
champ's  downfall.  The  name  of  the  officer,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
communa  itself,  is  French.  That  the  incorporation  under  this 
form  was  held  to  imply  very  considerable  municipal  independ- 
ence may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  one  of  the  charges 
brought  by  William  Fitz-Osbert  against  Richard  Fitz-Osbert,  was 
that  he  had  not  forbidden  the  saying  'quodcunque  eat  vel  veniat, 
quod  nunquam  habeant  Londonienses  alium  regem  quam  ma- 
jorem  Londoniarum.'  The  terms  'major'  and  ' coinmunitas '  go 
together ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  '  aldermannus '  belongs  to  the 
guild,  not  to  the  municipality  as  such  :  the  '  praepositus/  again, 
belongs  to  the  more  ancient  system  of  the  leet.  How  long  the 
portreeve  of  London  continued  to  exist  is  not  known ;  he  may 
have  subsisted  until  he  was  merged  in  the  '  major,'  or  he  may 
have  been  extinguished  when  the  ancient  English  Cnihtengild 
surrendered  to  the  priory  of  the  Holy  Trinity  its  lands  and 
jurisdictions,  which  were  subsequently  formed  into  the  ward  of 
Port-Soken.  This  surrender  was  made  early  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  I. 

(i)     A.D.  1 200.     Charter  of  Nottingham. 

JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  etc.  Sciatis  nos  concessisse  et  prae- 
senti  carta  nostra  confirmasse  burgensibus  nostris  de  Notingam 
omnes  illas  liberas  consuetudines  quas  habuerunt  tempore  Hen- 
rici  regis  proavi  nostri,  et  tempore  Henrici  regis  patris  nostri, 
sicut  carta  Henrici  ejusdem  patris  nostri  testatur;  scilicet  toll  et 
them,  et  infangenthef,  et  tolonea  a  Thormodeston  usque  ad 
Neuwerc,  et  de  omnibus  Trentam  transeuntib'us,  ita  plenarie  ut 


v/]  Charters  of  Towns.  309 

in  burgo  de  Notingam,  et  ex  alia  parte  a  Duto  ultra  Rempeston 
usque  ad  aquam  de  Redeforde  in  North,  et  de  Bikedesdic.  Ho- 
mines etiam  de  Notiugamsire  et  de  Derbisire  venire  debent  ad 
burgum  de  Notingam  die  Veneris  et  Sabbati  cum  quadrigis 
et  summagiis  suis ;  nee  aliquis  infra  decem  leucas  in  circuitu 
de  Notingam  tinctos  pannos  operari  debet  nisi  in  burgo  de 
Notingam  ;  et  si  aliquis  undecunque  sit  in  burgo  de  Notingam 
manserit  uno  die  et  uno  anno  tempore  pacis  et  absque  caluinp- 
nia,  nullus  postea  nisi  rex  in  eum  jus  habebit.  Et  quicunque 
burgensium  terrain  vicini  sui  emerit  et  possederit  per  annum 
integrum  et  diem  unum  absque  calumpnia  parentum  vendentis 
si  in  Anglia  fuerint,  postea  earn  quietam  possidebit ;  neque  prae- 
posito  burgi  de  Notingam  aliquem  burgensium  calumpnianti 
respondeant  nisi  aliquis  fuerit  accusator  in  causa ;  et  quicunque 
in  burgo  manserit,  cujuscunque  feudi  sit,  reddere  debet  simul 
cum  burgensibus  tailliagia,  et  defectus  burgi  adimplere.  Omnes 
etiam  qui  ad  forum  de  Notingam  venerint,  a  vespere  die  Veneris 
usque  ad  vesperam  Sabbati  non  uamientur  nisi  pro  firma  nostra. 
Et  iter  de  Trente  liberum  esse  debet  navigantibus,  quantum 
pertica  una  optinebit  ex  utraque  parte  fili  aquae.  Praeterea 
concessimus  etiam  de  proprio  dono  nostro  et  hac  carta  nostra 
confirmavimus  eisdem  burgensibus  liberis  nostris,  gildam  merca- 
torum  cum  omnibus  libertatibus  et  liberis  consuetudinibus  quae 
ad  gildam  mercatorum  debent  vel  solent  pertinere  ;  et  quod  ipsi 
sint  quieti  de  toloneo  per  totam  terram  nostram  infra  nundinas 
et  extra.  Et  licet  illis  quern  voluerint  ex  suis  in  fine  anni  prae- 
positum  suum  facere,  qui  de  firma  nostra  pro  ipsis  respondeat, 
ita  quod  si  idem  praepositus  nobis  displiceat,  ilium  ad  volun- 
tatem  nostram  removebimus,  et  ipsi  alium  ad  libitum  nostrum 
substituent.  Concessimus  eisdem  burgensibus  ut  quicunque  ab_ 
eis  constitute  fuerit  praepositus  cjusdem  burgi  solvat  firmam 
ejusdem  burgi  ad  dominicum  scaccarium  nostrum,  ubicunque 
fuerit  in  Anglia,  ad  duos  terminos,  medietatem  scilicet^ad  clausum 
Paschae  et  medietatem  in  octavis  Sancti  Michaelis.  Quare 
volumus  et  firmiter  praecipimus  quod  praedicti  burgenses 
liabeant  et  teneant  praedictas  consuetudines,  bene  et  in  pace, 
libere  et  quiete,  honorifice  et  pacifice,  plenarie  et  integre,  sicut 
habuerunt  tempore  Henrici  regis  proavi  nostri  et  tempore  Hen- 
rici  regis  patris  nostri,  cum  praedictis  augmentis  quae  eis  con- 
cessimus. Et  prohibemus  ne  quis  contra  hanc  cartam  nostram 
praedictos  burgenses  vexare  praesumat  in  aliquo  super  forisfac- 
tura  nostra  x.  librarum,  sicut  eis  concessimus  et  rationabili  carta 
nostra  confirmavimus  dum  essemus  comes  IToretonii.  Hiis  tes- 
tibus,  Gaufrido  Filio  Petri  comite  Essexiae,  Willelmo  Briwerre, 


310  John.  [PART 

Hugone  Bardulfi,  Roberto  Filio  Bogeri,  Willelmo  de  Stutevilla, 
Hugone  de  Nevilla,  Symone  de  Pateshulle,  Gilberto  de  Norfolk. 
Datum  per  manus  S.  Wellensis  archidiaconi  et  Johannis  Gray 
archidiaconi  Clivelandiae  apud  Clipeston,  XIX.  die  Marcii,  anno 
regni  nostri  primo. —  (Charter  Rolls,  p.  39.) 

(2)     A.D.  1 20.    Carta  Norhamtoniae. 

JOHANNES  Dei  gratia,  etc.  Sciatis  nos  concessisse  burgen- 
sibus  nostris  de  Norhamtonia,  quod  null  us  eorum  placitet  extra 
muros  burgi  Norhamtoniae  de  aliquo  placito  praeter  placita  de 
tenuris  exterioribus,  exceptis  monetariis  et  ministris  nostris. 
Concessimus  etiam  eis  quietantiam  murdri  infra  burgum  et 
portsoka,  et  quod  nullus  eorum  faciat  duellum,  et  quod  de  pla- 
citis  ad  coronam  pertinentibus  se  possint  disrationare  secundum 
consuetudinem  civium  civitatis  Londoniarum,  et  quod  infra 
muros  burgi  illius  nemo  capiat  bospitium  per  vim  vel  per 
liberationem  marescalli.  Hoc  autem  eis  concessimus  quod  omnes 
burgenses  Norhamtoniae  sint  quieti  de  theloneo  et  lestagio  per 
totam  Angliam  et  portus  maris,  et  quod  nullus  de  misei'icordia 
pecuniae  judicetur  nisi  secundum  legem  quam  babuerunt  cives 
nostri  Londoniarum  tempore  Henrici  regis  patris  nostri :  et 
quod  in  burgo  illo  in  nullo  placito  sit  meskenninga,  et  quod 
hustingus  semel  tantum  in  bebdomada  teneatur ;  et  quod  terras 
et  tenuras  et  vadia  sua,  et  debita  sua  omnia  juste  habeant,  qui- 
cunque  eis  debeat;  et  de  terris  suis  et  tenuris  quae  infra  burgum 
sunt  rectum  eis  teneatur  secundum  consuetudinem  burgi ;  et  de 
omnibus  debitis  suis  quae  accommodata  fuerint  apud  Norbam- 
toniam  et  de  vadiis  ibidem  factis  placita  apud  Norbamtoniam 
teneantur.  Et  si  quis  in  tota  Anglia  theloneum  vel  consue- 
tudinem ab  hominibus  Norbamtoniae  ceperit,  postquam  ipse  a 
recto  defecerit,  praepositus  Norhamtoniae  namium  inde  apud 
Norhamtonjam  capiat.  Insuper  etiam  ad  emendationem  illius 
burgi  eis  concessimus  quod  sint  quieti  de  brudtoll  et  gildwite  et 
de  yeresyeve,  et  de  scotale,  ita  quod  praepositus  Norhamtoniae 
vel  aliquis  alius  ballivus  scotale  non  faciat.  Has  praedictas  con- 
sue  tudines  eis  concessimus  et  oinnes  alias  libertates  et  liberas 
consuetudines  quas  habuerunt  cives  nostri  Londoniarum  quando 
meliores  vel  liberiores  babuerunt,  tempore  praedicti  Henrici 
regis  patris  nostri  secundum  libertates  Londoniai-uni  et  leges 
burgi  Norhamtoniae.  Quare  volumus  et  firmiter  praecipimus 
quod  ipsi  et  haeredes  eorum  haec  omnia  praedicta  haereditarie 
habeant  et  teneant  de  nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris,  reddendo  per 
annum  centum  et  xx.  libras  numero  de  villa  Norhamtoniae  cum 
omnibus  pertinentiis  suis  ad  scaccarium  nostrum  in  termino 


v.]  Charters  of  Towns. 

Sancti  Michaelis,  per  mantis  praepositi  jSTorhamtoniae.  Et  bur- 
genses  Norhamtoniae  faciant  praepositum  quern  voluerint  de  se 
per  annum,  qui  sit  idoneus  nobis  et  eis,  hoc  modo,  scilicet  quod 
idem  burgenses  nostri  de  Norhamtonia  per  commune  consilium 
villatae  suae  eligant  duos  de  legalioribus  et  discretioribus  villae 
suae  et  praesentent  eos  vicecomiti  Norhamtoniae,  et  vicecomes 
unum  illorum  praesentet  capitali  justitiae  apud  Westmonaste- 
rium,  cum  compotum  suum  reddere  debet,  qui  bene  et  fideliter 
custodiant  praeposituram  villae  Norhamtoniae,  et  non  amove- 
antur  quamdiu  se  in  ballia  ilia  bene  gesserint,  nisi  per  commune 
consilium  villatae  suae.  Volumus  etiam  quod  in  eodem  burgo 
Norhamtoniae  per  commune  consilium  villatae  eligantur  qua- 
tuor  de  legalioribus  et  discretioribus  de  burgo  ad  custodiendum 
placita  coronae  et  alia  quae  ad  nos  et  coronam  nostram  pertinent 
in  eodem  burgo,  et  ad  videndum  quod  praepositi  illius  burgi 
juste  et  legitime  tractent  tarn  pauperes  quam  divites.  T.  "VVil- 
lelmo  Londoniensi  episcopo,  etc.  Datum  per  manus  S.  "Wel- 
lensis  archicliaconi,  etc.,  apud  "Windeshores,  etc.,  anno,  etc. — 
(Charter  Rolls,  p.  45.) 

(3)    A.  D.  1 200.    Carlo,  de  Dunewic. 

JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  etc.  Sciatis  nos  concessisse  et  praesenti  1 
carta  confirmasse  burgensibus  nostris  de  Dunewichge,  quod  bur-  I 
gum  de  Dunewichge  sit  liberum  burgum  nostrum,  et  habeat  l 
soccam  et  saccam  et  toll  et  theam  et  infangenthef,  et  quod  ipsi   \ 
per  totam  terram  nostram  quieti  sint  de  tfrelonep  et  lestagio  et 
passagio  et  p_ontagip  et  stallagio  et  de  leue  et  de  Danegelde,  et    J 
de'ewagio  de  wrec  et  lagan  et  de  omnibus  aliis  consuetudinibus, 
salva  hbertate^  civitafis  Eondoniarum,  et  quod  ipsi  rectam  et 
solitam  firmam  suam  per  manum  suam  reddant  ad  scaccarium 
nostrum  ;  et  quod  nullam  sectam  faciant  comitatus  vel  huiidred- 
orum  nisi  coram  iustitiis  nostris  :    et  cum  summoniti  fuerint 
OPSC  coram  justitiis,  mutant  pro  se  xii.  legalcs  homines  de  burgo 
suo  qui  sint  pro  eis  omnibus  ;  et  si  forte  amerciari  debuerint, 
per  sex  probos  homines  de  burgo  suo  et  per  vi.  probos  homines 
V^  extra  burgum  amercientur.     Concessimus  etiam  eis  quod  filios 
et  filias  suas  possint  libere  ubi  voluerint  in  terra  nostra  maritare, 
et  viduas  similiter  per  consilium  amicorum  suorum,  et  perqui- 
sitiones  suas  de  terris  et  aedificiis  in  villa  sua  possint  dare  aut 
vendere  aut  facere  inde  quod  voluerint  et   quando  voluerint. 
Concessimus   etiam  eis   hansam  et  gildam   mercatoriam   sicut 
habere  consueverunt.     Quare  volumus  et  firmiter  praecipimus 
quod   praedicti   burgenses   nostri   praenominatas   libertates   et 
liberas    consuetudines    habeant    et   teneant   libere,   pacifice   et 


312  John.  [PART 

integre,  sine  omni  impedimento.  T.  E.  Elyensi  episcopo,Willelmo 
Marescallo,  etc.  Datum  per  manus  H.  Cantuariensis  archiepi- 
scopi  cancellarii  iiostri  apud  Rupem  Aurivallis ;  XXIX.  die 
Junii,  anuo  regni  nostri  primo. — (Charter  Rolls,  p.  51.) 

(4)     A.D.  1 200.    Carta  civium  Lincolniae. 

JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  etc.  Sciatis  nos  concessisse,  etc.  (as 
in  the  charter  of  Richard,  above,  p.  2§JH  mutatis  mutandis;  as 
far  as  the  last  clause).  Praeterea  volumus  et  concedimus  quod 
idem  cives  nostri  Lincolniae  per  commune  consilium  civitatis 
eligant  duos  de  legalioribus  et  discretioribus  civibus  Lincolniae, 
et  praesentent  eos  capital!  justitiae  apud  Westmonasterium,  qui 
bene  et  fideliter  custodiant  praeposituram  civitatis  Lincolniae, 
et  non  amoveantur  quamdiu  se  in  ballia  sua  bene  gesserint,  nisi 
per  commune  consilium  civitatis  suae.  Volumus  etiam  quod 
in  eadem  civitate  Lincolniae  per  commune  consilium  civium 
eligantur  quatuor  de  legalioribus  et  discretioribus  civitatis  ad 
custodiendum  placita  coronae  et  alia  quae  ad  nos  et  coronam 
nostram  pertinent  in  eadem  civitate  et  ad  videndum  quod  prae- 
positi  illius  civitatis  juste  et  legitime  tractent  tarn  pauperes 
quam  divites.  Hiis  testibus  W.  Lond.  episcopo,  G.  Filio 
Petri  comite  Essexiae,  Willelmo  Marescallo  comite  de  Penbroc, 
Hugone  Bardulfi,  Willelmo  Briwerre.  Datum  per  manus 
S.  Wellensis  archidiaconi  et  Johannis  de  Gray  archidiaconi 
Glocestriae  apud  Aolton,  XXIII.  die  Aprilis  anno  regni  nostri 
primo. — (Charter  Rolls,  p.  56.) 

(5)    A.D.  1 200.  Confirmatio  civium  Eboraci. 

JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  etc.  Sciatis  nos  concessisse  civibus 
nostris  de  Eboraco  omnes  libertates  et  leges  et  consuetudines 
suas,  et  nominatim  gildam  suam  mercariam,  et  hansas  suas  in 
Anglia  et  Normannia,  et  lestagia  sua  per  totam  costam  maris, 
quieta,  sicut  ea  unquam  melius  et  liberius  habuerunt  tempore 
regis  Henrici  avi  patris  nostri.  Et  volumus  et  firmiter  prae- 
cipimus  quod  praedictas  libertates  et  consuetudines  habeant 
et  teneant  cum  omnibus  libertatibus  praedictae  gildae  suae  et 
hansis  suis  pertineritibus,  ita  bene  et  in  pace,  libere  et  quiete, 
sicut  unquam  melius,  liberius  et  quietius,  habuerunt  et  tenuerunt 
tempore  praedicti  regis  Henrici  avi  patris  nostri,  sicut  carta 
ejusdem  patris  nostri  et  carta  Ricardi  fratris  nostri  rationabiliter 
testantur.  Praeterea  sciatis  nos  concessisse  et  praesenti  carta 
confirmasse  omnibus  civibus  nostris  Eboraci  quietantiam  cujus- 
libet  thelonei,  et  lastagii,  et  de  wrec,  et  pontagii,  et  passagii,  et 


v.]  Charters  of  Towns. 

de  trespas,  et  de  omnibus  coscinis  per  totam  Angliam  et  Nor- 
manniam  et  Aquitanniam  et  Andegaviam  et  Pictaviam  et  per 
omnes  portus  et  costas  maris  Angliae  et  Normanniae  et  Aqui- 
tanniae  et  Andegaviae  et  Pictaviae.  Quare  volumus  et  firmiter 
praecipimus  quod  inde  sint  quieti,  et  prohibemus  ne  quis  super 
haec  disturbet  super  decem  libras  forisfacturae,  sicut  carta  Eicardi 
regis  fratris  nostri  rationabiliter  testatur.  T.  G-.  Eboracensi 
archiepiscopo ;  Ph.  Dunolm.  episcopo ;  Gaufrido  Filio  Petri 
comite  Essexiae,  etc.  Datum  per  manum  S.  Wellensis  archi- 
diaconi  et  Johannis  de  Gray  apud  Eboracum,  XXV.  die  Marcii, 
anno  regni  nostri  primo. — (Charter  Rolls,  p.  40.) 

(6)   A.D.  1 20 1.     Carta  hominum  de  Herterpol. 

JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  etc.  Sciatis  nos  concessisse  et  hac 
praesenti  carta  nostra  confirmasse  hominibus  de  Herterpol,  quod 
sint  liberi  burgenses,  et  quod  habeant  easdem  libertates  et  leges 
in  villa  sua  de  Herterpol  quas  burgenses  Novi  Castelli  super 
Tinam  habent  in  villa  sua  de  Novo  Castello.  Quare  volumus  et 
firmiter  praecipimus  quod  praedicti  burgenses  habeant  et  teneant 
praedictas  libertates  et  leges  bene  et  in  pace,  libere  et  quiete  et 
integre,  sicut  praedictum  est.  Hiis  testibus,  Willelmo  de  Stute- 
villa,  Hugone  Bardulfi,  Petro  de  Pratellis,  Willelmo  Briwerre, 
Hugone  de  Nevilla,  Roberto  de  Ros,  Eustacio  de  Vesci,  Petro 
de  Brus,  etc.  Datum  per  manuin  S.  Wellensis  archidiaconi 
apud  Dunolm.,  VIII.  die  Februarii,  regui  nostri  anno  secundo. 
—(Charter  Rolls,  p.  86.) 

(7)  A.D.  1199.     Grant  of  a  ( communa'  to  Niort,  in  Poictou. 

'JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  etc.  omnibus  ad  quos  praesens  scriptum 
pervenerit,  etc.  Sciatis  quod  nos  concessimus  quod  burgenses 
de  Niorto  faciant  et  habeant  communam  in  villa  sua  de  Niorto, 
cum  omnibus  libertatibus  et  liberis  consuetudinibus  quae  ad 
hujusmodi  communam  debeant  pertinere,  salva  in  omnibus  fide 
et  jure  nostro.  Teste  me  ipso  apud  Rupem  Audeliaci,  XXXL 
die  Augusti,  &c. — (Charter  Rolls,  p.  14.) 

(8)  A.D.  1201.     Carta  burgensium  de  Helleston. 

JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  etc.  Sciatis  nos  concessisse  et  prae- 
senti carta  nostra  confirmasse  quod  burgus  noster  de  Helleston 
sit  liber  burgus,  et  quod  burgenses  nostri  de  eadem  villa  habeant 
gildam  mercatoriam  et  quietantiam  per  totam  terrain  nostram 
de  tholoneo,  pontagio,  passagio,  stallagio,  lestagio  et  sollagio, 


314  John.  [PART 

salvis  in  omnibus  libertatibus  civitatis  Londoniarum.  Conce- 
dimus  etiam  eis  quod  non  placitent  nisi  infra  burgum  suum  de 
rebus  vel  tenuris  pertinentibus  ad  villam  suam,  praeterquam  de 
placitis  ad  coronam  nostram  pertinentibus,  et  placitis  de  terris 
forinsecis.  Volumus  etiam  quod  habeant  omnes  alias  libertates 
et  liberas  consuetudines  quas  habuerunt  burgenses  nostri  de 
castello  de  Lancaveton  tempore  regis  Henrici  patris  nostri,  ita 
quod  nullus  burgensium  praedictorum,  nisi  residens  fuerit  in 
praetlicta  villa  de  Helleston,  has  habebit  libertates.  Hiis  testi- 
bus,  W.  com.  Sarr.,  W.  Briwerre  ;  Rob.  de  Turnham  ;  Hob.  de 
Tresgoz  ;  Sim.  de  Pateshulle  ;  Had.  de  Stokes  ;  Eustac.  de 
Facumberge.  Datum  per  manum  S.  Wellensis  archidiaconi 
apud  Craneburne,  XV.  die  Aprilis,  anno  regni  nostri  secundo.  — 
(Charter  Rolls,  p.  93.) 

(9)  A.D.  1  20  1.    Litter  ae  Patentes  burgensium  de  Helleston. 

JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  etc.  Sciatis  nos  concessisse  et 
praesenti  scripto  nostro  confirmasse  burgensibus  nostris  de 
Helleston,  villam  de  Helleston  cum  pertinentiis,  ad  firmam,  per 
antiquam  firmam  et  debitam,  et  de  cremento  quatuor  libras; 
habendam  et  tenendam  quamdiu  nobis  bene  et  fideliter  servi- 
eriut  et  firmam  suam  bene  reddiderint,  reddendo  firmam  suam 
per  manum  suam  ad  duo  scaccaria  nostra,  scilicet  medietatem 
ad  Pasclia,  et  alteram  medietatem  ad  festum  Sancti  Micliaelis. 
Et  sciendum  quod  crementum  tale  erit  quale  est  firma. 
T.  Simone  de  Pateshulle,  apud  Dorcestre  ;  XVIII.  die  Aprilis. 
—  (Charter  Rolls,  p.  93.) 

(10)    A.D.  1215. 

JOHANNES,  Dei  gratia,  rex  Angliae,  etc.  Sciatis  nos  conces- 
sisse et  praesenti  carta  nostra  confirmasse  baronibus  nostris 
de  civitate  nostra  Londoniarum,  quod  eljpajt  H'hi 


seipsis  singulis  annis,  qui  nobis  fi  delis  sit,  discretus  et  idoneus 
acTTegimen  civitatis,  ita  quod  cum  electus  fuerit,  nobis  vel  jus- 
titiario  nostro,  si  praesentes  non  fuerimus,  praesentetur  et  nobis 
juret  fidelitatem  ;  et  quod  liceat  eis  ipsum  in  fine  anni  amovere 
et  alium  substituere  si  voluerint,  vel  eundem  retinere,  ita  tamen 
quod  nobis  ostendatur  vel  justitiario  nostro,  si  praesentes  non 
fuerimus.  Concessimus  etiam  eisdem  baronibus  nostris  et  carta 
nostra  confirmavimus,  quod  habeant  bene  et  in  pace,  libere, 
quiete,  et  integre,  omnes  libertates  suas  quibus  hactenus  usi 
sunt,  tarn  in  civitate  Londoniarum  quam  extra  ;  et  tarn  in  aquis 
\  quam  in  terris,  et  omnibus  aliis  locis,  salva  nobis  chamber- 


V-3  Charters  of  Towns.  315 

lengeria  nostra.  Quare  volumus  et  firmiter  praecipimus  quod 
praedicti  barones  nostri  civitatis  nostrae  Londoniarum  eligant 
sibi  majorem  singulis  annis  de  seipsis  praedicto  modo,  et  quod 
habeant  omnes  praedictas  libertates  bene  et  in  pace,  integre  et 
plenarie,  cum  omnibus  ad  hujusmodi  libertates  pertinentibus, 
sicut  praedictum  est.  Testibus  dominis  P.  Winton,  W.  Wygorn., 
W.  Coventr.  episcopis,  "Willelmo  Brigwerre,  Petro  filio  Herberti, 
Galfrido  de  Lucy,  et  Johanne  Filio  Hugonis.  Datum  per  manus 
magistri  Ricardi  de  Mariscis  cancellarii  nostri,  apud  Novum 
Templum  Londoniis,  IX.  die  Maii,  anno  regni  nostri  sexto 
decimo. — (Charter  Rolls,  p.  207.) 


PAUT    VI. 

SELECT  CHARTERS  AND  EXCERPTS ;  Henry  III. 
A.D.   1216-1272. 

Archbishops  of  Canterbury.  Stephen  Langton,  1216-1228;  Richard 
le  Grand,  1229-1231  ;  Edmund  Rich,  1234-1240;  Boniface  of  Savoy, 
1245-1270. 

Chief  Justices.  Hubert  de  Burgh,  1216-1232;  Stephen  Segrave,  1232- 
1234;  Hugh  Bigot,  1258-1260;  Hugh  le  Despencer,  1260;  Philip 
Basset,  1261. 

Chancellors.  Richard  de  Marisco,  1216-1226  ;  Ralph  Neville,  1226-1244; 
Walter  de  Merton,  1261  ;  Nicolas  de  Ely,  1263  ;  Thomas  Cantilupe, 
1265  ;  Walter  Giffard,  1265  ;  Godfrey  Giffard,  1267;  Richard  Middle- 
ton,  1269-1273. 

A.  HE  thirteenth  century  was  a  period  unparalleled  in  medieval 
history  for  brilliancy  and  fertility.  It  abounded  with  great  men 
• — kings,  statesmen,  and  scholars.  Coming  between  the  hard- 
headed  and  hard-handed  industry  of  the  twelfth,  and  the  cruel, 
frivolous,  unreal  splendour  of  the  fourteenth,  it  unites  all  that  is 
noble  in  the  former,  all  that  is  romantic  in  the  latter.  A  period 
more  productive  of  ideas  in  every  department  of  culture  the 
world  has  never  seen.  But  it  was  in  some  respects  a  precocious 
age.  Many  of  the  ideas  which  it  produced  luxuriantly,  and  for 
which  its  heroes  risked  all,  were  premature.  Hence  it  is  a 
period  of  great  failures  answering  to  too  great  designs.  The 
long  reign  of  Henry  III  extends  over  more  than  half  of  this 
wonderful  age  :  and  the  history  of  England  has  very  much  in 
common  with  the  general  character  of  the  time.  Henry  him- 
self was  anything  but  a  great  man.  Although  free  from  some 
of  the  most  glaring  faults  of  his  family,  he  was  vain  and  mean, 
foolish  and  false.  Yet  the  brilliancy  of  the  time  shed  some  little 


VI.]  Sketch  of  the  Reign. 

glory  upon  him.  He  filled  in  Europe  a  position  created  for 
him  perhaps  hy  the  labours  of  his  grandfather  and  uncle, 
brought  into  prominence  by  the  failure  and  fall  of  Frederick  II, 
and  made  influential  by  his  close  connexion  with  the  other 
sovereigns  of  Christendom ;  but  out  of  all  proportion  to  his 
ability.  He  was  magnificent,  liberal,  a  patron  of  art,  and  a 
benefactor  of  foreigners.  His  reputation  for  wealth  laid  him 
open  to  the  extortions  of  all  the  needy  in  Europe ;  his 
patronage  of  them  left  him  poor ;  and  his  poverty  brought  out 
his  meanness  and  deceit  at  home.  He  seems,  like  his  father,  to 
have  had  a  facility  for  incurring  deadly  personal  enmity.  He 
had  not  the  energy,  impulsiveness,  and  general  cleverness  of 
John,  and  was  quite  as  unready.  In  an  age  of  great  ministers 
such  a  monarch  would  have  been  even  more  insignificant  in  his 
own  country  than  Henry  actually  was.  But  after  he  took  the 
administration  into  his  own  hands  he  had  no  great  minister ;  all 
the  able  statesmanship  was  on  the  side  of  the  opposition.  The 
difficulties  of  the  kingdom  and  the  hardships  of  the  people 
did  not  retard  their  growth.  In  the  great  variety  of  expe- 
dients used  to  promote  the  purposes  of  government,  in  the 
raising  of  revenue,  the  levying  of  forces,  the  amendment  of  laws, 
and  the  execution  of  political  designs,  there  is  distinctly  trace- 
able a  development  of  the  national  life  on  its  ancient  basis ; 
a  constant  tendency  to  get  rid  of  feudal  forms  and  feudal 
principles.  The  early  years  of  the  reign,  in  which  the  penalty 
for  John's  misrule  was  still  being  paid,  were  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent marked  by  reaction  :  feudal  habits  were  resuscitated  during 
the  anarchy,  and  had  to  be  met  by  old  measures.  The  pre- 
mature development  of  constitutional  principles  in  the  later 
years  should  be  compared  with  this.  Between  the  two,  the 
reign  singularly  epitomises  both  earlier  and  later  history.  In 
1225  we  are  among  the  'adulterine'  castles  and  foreign  merce- 
naries of  Stephen's  reign;  in  1258  we  are  deep  in  the  reform- 
ing projects  which  were  still  premature  under  Edward  II  and 
Richard  II.  The  constitutional  history  of  the  time  is  a  study 
of  considerable  labour,  owing  partly  to  this  diversity  of  cha- 
racteristics, and  partly  to  the  abundant  supply  of  evidences 


3i 8  Henry  III.  [PART 

which  themselves  share  the  experimental  character  of  the 
politics  of  the  day.  % 

The  natural  division  of  the  reign  is  into  three  epochs  :  the 
first  containing  the  sixteen  years  during  which  the  govern- 
ment was  in  the  hands  of  William  Marshall  and  Hubert  de 
Burgh;  the  second,  from  1232  to  1252,  during  which  Henry 
acted  either  under  the  influence  of  Peter  des  Roches,  or  as  his 
own  minister  on  the  same  principles ;  and  the  third,  from 
1252  to  1272,  during  which  the  struggle  with  the  barons  lasted, 
and  the  power  of  the  king  was,  sometimes  with  and  sometimes 
without  his  apparent  acquiescence,  controlled  by  compulsory 
advisers. 

I.  William  Marshall  lived  long  enough  to  finish  the  struggle 
with  the  French  :  he  died  in  1219.  The  tutelage  of  the  papal 
legates  continued  until  1221,  when  Archbishop  Langton  ob- 
tained the  recall  of  Pandulf  and  a  promise  that  no  new  legate 
should  be  sent  during  his  life.  The  foreign  influences  were 
thus  got  rid  of.  But  the  dangerous  friends  remained  ;  "William 
of  Aumale,  who  represented  the  old  feudal  party,  was  brought  to 
submission  in  1221;  and  Falkes  de  Breaute*,  who  represented  the 
foreign  mercenaries,  in  1224.  The  field  was  open  to  Hubert  de 
Burgh  and  Peter  des  Roches,  who,  until  the  country  was  at 
peace,  worked  fairly  together.  The  poverty  of  the  crown,  and 
the  exhaustion  of  its  resources  by  the  measures  taken  to  secure 
the  country  and  to  recover  the  French  inheritance,  necessitated 
heavy  taxation  and  constant  renewals  of  the  charters  ;  and  the 
circumstances  were  such  as  to  provoke  strong  opposition  and 
dislike  of  both  the  ministers.  In  1227  Henry  dismissed  Peter 
des  Roches,  repudiated  the  charters  of  the  forests,  and  put  himself 
into  the  hands  of  Hubert,  who  for  the  next  five  years  governed 
well,  though  not  with  brilliant  success.  His  principles  were  those 
of  a  strong  administrator ;  the  charters  were  scarcely  regarded 
as  binding,  but  some  respect  was  shown  to  the  spirit  of  them : 
notwithstanding  the  omission  of  the  I2th  and  I4th  articles  of 
John's  charter,  the  taxes  were  asked  as  a  matter  of  course ;  but  all 
objections  to  a  grant  were  systematically  ignored.  The  great  leader 
of  the  opposition  at  this  period  was  the  Earl  of  Chester,  Kanulf,  a 


vi.]  Sketch  of  ttte  Reign.  319 

determined  opponent  of  royal  and  papal  exactions,  whose  attitude 
shows  very  remarkably  the  alteration  in  the  character  of  the  older 
feudal  nobility  produced  by  the  training  of  Henry  II's  reign. 

II.  Hubert  de  Burgh  was  dismissed  with  the  greatest  ingrati- 
tude and  with  his  usual  meanness  by  Henry  in  1232  :  and  with 
the  adoption  of  Peter  des  Roches  as  his  prime  minister  began 
the  king's  earlier  series  of  difficulties  with  his  nobles.  The 
foreign  relations  of  his  mother,  and  after  his  marriage  in  1236, 
those  of  his  wife ;  the  rapacity  of  the  papal  envoys,  and  Henry's 
foolish  compliance  with  all  their  demands ;  and  the  expenses 
incurred  in  the  king's  attempts  to  maintain  his  position  in 
continental  politics,  increased  the  troubles.  The  leader  of  the 
opposition  now  was  the  earl  marshal  Richard,  who  died  in  1234. 
This  was  a  period  of  great  exactions  and  unfeeling  tyranny  on 
the  king's  part ;  the  period  of  S.  Edmund  and  Robert  Grosse- 
teste,  whose  experiences  threw  the  great  body  of  the  clergy  into 
determined  opposition  to  the  joint  oppression  of  king  and 
pope.  It  was  also  the  period  of  the  rise  of  Simon  de  Montfort. 
The  political  history  is  little  more  than  a  detail  of  heavy  de- 
mands for  money,  ineffectual  protests,  and  ever-increasing  irrita- 
tion. The  king's  wisest  adviser  was  his  brother  Earl  Richard  of 
Cornwall,  who  was  more  astute,  more  plausible,  and  probably 
more  honest,  certainly  much  more  able,  than  Henry.  For  a 
great  part  of  the  period  Henry  acted  without  the  assistance  of 
the  regular  staff  of  ministers.  Stephen  Segrave,  who  after  the 
disgrace  of  Hubert  de  Burgh  occupied  the  once  great  post  of 
Justiciar,  was  dismissed  in  1234,  and  no  successor  on  the  old 
terms  was  appointed.  The  Chancellor,  Ralph  Neville,  in  spite  of 
constant  struggles  with  the  king  and  practical  loss  of  power, 
retained  his  office  until  1244  ;  after  which  Henry  ruled  with  no 
properly  constituted  Justiciar,  Chancellor,  or  Treasurer.  As  the 
irritation  increased,  the  absence  of  these  functionaries,  who  until 
they  were  lost  sight  of  had  been  objects  of  dislike,  became  a  ground 
of  complaint ;  and  the  idea  gained  ground  that  it  was  the  right  of 
the  community  to  limit  the  king's  prerogative  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  his  counsellors.  The  details  of  the  transactions  of  the 
whole  period  are  abundant,  intricate,  and  dreary. 


320  Henry  III.  [PART 

III.  The  history  of  the  last  twenty  years  of  the  reign  is  full 
of  incident,  character,  and  development ;  and  is  so  largely  illus- 
trated by  documentary  remains  as  to  render  detail  on  the  present 
scale  impossible.  It  is  necessaiy,  however,  to  distinguish  be- 
tween the  two  series  of  causes  which  were  at  work  to  produce 
the  result.  The  conduct  of  the  king  originated  both  :  his  treat- 
ment of  Simon  de  Montfort  produced  one;  his  behaviour  in 
connexion  with  the  Sicilian  crown  the  other.  It  was  the  latter 
that  created  the  general  feeling  against  him.  Simon's  wrongs 
justified  him,  and  his  political  ability  qualified  him,  for  taking  a 
prominent  part  in  opposition ;  but  the  natural  leader  was  the 
Earl  of  Gloucester,  although  he  also  had  private  injuries  to 
avenge.  Personal  jealousies  and  division  of  aims  separated  the 
leaders,  and  in  the  end  caused  the  defeat  of  the  movement. 
But  before  it  came  to  a  close  Henry  was  being  superseded  by 
his  son. 

EXCERPTS. 

AJD.  1216.  ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  286.  Coronatur  autem 
Henricus  III  ....  puer  novem  annorum  in  festo  Apostoloium 
Simonis  et  Judae,  cum  magna  festinatione,  volentibus  sic 
parentibus  et  amicis  ejus  qui  fideliter  patri  viventi  adhaeserant, 
a  dorninp__legato  Gwalone  apud  Gloucestriam,  assistentibus 
iftulem  episcopls  Wintoniensi^  Wigorniensi7Coventrensi,  Batho- 
niensi,  et  comitibus  qui  puero  adhaeserunt,  scilicet  conies  Ces- 
triae,  "Willelmus  Marescallus  comes  Striguil  et  Penbroc,  comes 
de  Ferrariis,  Willelmus  Briwere,  Savaricus  de  Malolacu ;  reliqui 
omnes  comites  et  barones  sequebantur  Ludowicum.  Nee  multo 
post  Gualo  legatus  concilium  celebravit  apud  Bristollas  in  festi- 
vitate  Sancti  Martini,  in  quo  coegit  undecim  episcopos  Angliae 
et  Walliae  qui  praesentes  erant,  et  alios  praelatos  inferioris 
ordinis,  sed  et  comites  et  barones  ac  milites  qui  convenerant, 
Henrico -regi  fidelitatem  jurare. 

MATT.  PARIS,  p.  289.  Rex  autem  post  coronationem  suam 
remansit  in  custodia  \Villelmi  comitis  Penbroc,  magni  videlicet 
Marescalli. 

A.D.  1217.    LIBEK  DE  ANTIQUIS  LEGIBUS,  p.  203.  .  .  .  Tertio 

idus  Septembris  facta  est  pax  inter  praedictum  regem  Henricum 

et   praedictum   Lodewycum  apud  Kingestonam,  per  dominum 

\         Gallonem  legatum  domini  papae,  existente  ibidem  et  congregate 


VI.]  Excerpts.  321 

per  praeceptum  domini  regis  maxirao  exercitu  militum  et  liber- 

orum  tenentium  ab  omni  parte  totius  Angliae Postea  IX<> 

kalendas  Octobris  venerunt  apud  Mertonam  dominus   legatus, 

dominus  Lodewycus  et   omnes  fere   magnates   Angliae 

Dominus  vero  rex  Angliae  concessit  et  carta  sua  confirmavit 
omnibus  liberis  hominibus  regni  sui  omnes  libertates  et  liberas 
consuetudines  quas  habuerunt  tempore  praedecessorum  suorum 
cum  augmentatione  aliarum  libertatum  in  praedicta  carta  con- 
tentarum  :  quae  quidem  carta  quia  dominus  rex  nullum  pro- 
prium  sigillum  tune  temporis  habuit  propter  minorem  aetatem, 
sigillata  fuit  sigillo  praedicti  legati  et  sigillo  domini  Willelmi 
Marescalli  Angliae  senioris,  rectoris  praedicti  regis  et  regni  sui. 

A.D.  1218.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  300.  Eex  Henricus  ad  Natale 
Domini  fuit  apud  Norhamtonam,  Falcasio  regiae  festivitati  >' 
necessaria  omnia  administrante.  Erant  autem  bis  diebus  multi 
in  Anglia  quibus  tempore  belli  praeteriti  dulcissimum  fuerat  de 
rapinis  vixisse ;  unde  post  pacem  denunciatam  et  omnibus  con- 
cessam  non  potuerunt  prurientes  manus  a  praeda  conibere. 
Horum  autem  principales  fuerunt  incentores  Willelmus  comes 
Albemarliae,  Falcasius  cum  suis  castellanis,  Kobertus  de  Veteri- 
ponte,  Brienus  de  Insula,  Hugo  de  Bailluel,  Philippus  Marc,  et 
Robertus  de  Gaugi,  qui  castella  quorundam  episcoporum  ac  mag- 
natum  cum  terris  et  possessionibus,  contra  regis  prohibitioneux 
et  illorum  voluntatem,  detinei-e  praesuuipserunt. 

ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  290.  Post  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  conve- 
nerunt  apud  Londoniam  sapientes  Angliae,  et  renovaverunt 
leges  et  libertates  secundum  cartam  regis  Johannis,  quam  fecerat 
baronibus,  et  in  modum  chirographi  scripserunt,  et  sigillo  Gua- 
lonis  legati,  et  Stepbani  arcbiepiscopi  Cantuariensis,  et  Walter! 
archiepiscopi  Eboracensis,  et  Willelmi  episcopi  Londoniensis,  et 
Willelmi  Marescalli  confirmaverunt,  donee  rex  juvenis  sigillum 
cursale  babere  videretur.  .  .  .  Gualo  legatus  ab  Anglia  recessit 
circa  festum  Sancti  dementis,  et  statim  successit  ei  dominus 
Pandulfus  legatus. 

A.D.  1219.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  304.  .  .  .  Willelmus  senior 
Marescallus  regis  et  regni  rector,  diem  clausit  extremum.  .  .  . 
Post  cujus  mortem  memoratus  rex  in  custodia  Petri  Winto- 
niensis  episcopi  remansit. 

A.D.  1220.  ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  293.  Secundo  coronatus  est 
Henricus  III  rex  Angliae  in  die  Pentecostes  apud  Westmonas- 
terium.  Accepit  etiam  tailagium  per  Angliam  de  singulis 
carucis  duos  solidos. 

T 


322  Henry  III.  [PART 

A.D.  1221.  MATT.  WESTM.  p.  280.  "Willelmus  de  Fortibus 
comes  de  Albamarla,  occupans  quaedam  castra  injuste,  ad  pacem 
domini  regis  nolens  redire,  excitavit  contra  eum  hostilem  rebel- 
lionem  in  Lincolnia,  unde  episcopo  et  singulis  fautoribus  ejus  a 
legato  Pandulfo  et  episcopis  et  clero  Angliae  ob  seel  us  tale  per- 
petratum  excommunicatis,  idem  comes  irreverenter  coactus  est 
ad  deditionem.  .  .  .  Die  lunae  videlicet  proxima  ante  festum 
beatae  ITariae  Magdalenae  Pandulfus  Nonvicensis  electus  cessit 
legation!  suae  ex  mandate  domini  papae  Honorii,  praesentibus 
Kicardo  Sarisburiensi,  Petro  Wintoniensi,  Eustacbio  Londoni- 
ensi  episcopis  apud  Westmonasterium,  nullo  alio  tune  ei  in 
legatione  succedente. 

A.D.  1222.  ANK.  WAVERL.  p.  296.  Concessit  rex  Henricus 
de  tota  Anglia,  per  consilium  domini  Stephani  Cantuariae  arcbi- 
episcopi  et  aliorum  magnatum  terrae,  in  subsidium  Terrae 
Sanctae  adquirendae,  de  quolibet  comite  iii.  marcas,  de  quolibet 
barone  i.  marcam,  de  quolibet  milite  xii.  denarios,  de  quolibet 
libero  homine  i.  denarium,  de  quolibet  homine  babente  catallum 
ad  valentiam  dimidiae  marcae  unum  denarium.  Sed  concessio 
ista  parum  aut  nihil  profuit,  quia  cito  postea  contradictum  est, 
et  ad  effectum  minime  perductum. 

A.D.  1223.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  316.  Rex  ...  in  octavis  Epi- 
pbaniae,  apud  Londonias  veniens  cum  baronibus  ad  colloquium, 
requisitus  est  ab  archiepiscopo  Cantuariensi  et  magnatibus  aliis, 
tit  libertates  et  liberas  consuetudines,  pro  quibus  guerra  mota 
fuit  contra  patrem  suum,  confirmaret.  Et  sicut  archiepiscopus 
ostendit  evidenter,  idem  rex  diffugere  non  potuit  quin  hoc 
faceret,  cum  in  recessu  Ludovici  ab  Anglia  juravit,  et  tota 
nobilitas  regni  cum  eo,  quod  libertates  praescriptas  omnes  obser- 
varent  et  omnibus  traderent  observandas.  Quod  audiens  Wil- 
lelmus Briwere  qui  unus  erat  ex  consiliariis  regis,  pro  rege 
respondens  dixit,  '  Libertates  quas  petitis,  quia  violenter  extortae 
fuerunt,  non  debent  de  jure  observari.'  Quod  verbum  arcbi- 
episcopus  moleste  ferens  increpavit  eum,  dicens  '  \Yillelme,' 
inquit  '  si  regem  diligeres  pacem  regni  non  impedires.'  Yidens 
autem  rex  arcbiepiscopum  in  iram  commotum  dixit  '  Omnes 
libertates  illas  juravimus  et  omnes  astricti  sumus  ut  quod  jura- 
vimus  observemus.' 

Ib.  p.  318.  Eodem  anno  surrexit  murmuratio  non  modica 
a  magnatibus  Angliae,  contra  Hubertum  de  Burgo  Justitiarium 

,  .  Accessit  praeterea  ad  majoris  odii  incentivum  adventus 
mmciorum  regis  quos  Romam  miserat,  qui  bullam  domini  papae 
arcbi episcopis  Angliae  et  eorum  suffraganeis  deferebant,  quae 


vr.]  Excerpts. 


323 


talem  eontinebat  sententiam,  videlicet  quod  dominus  papa  regem 
Angliae  plenae  aetatis  adjudicaverat,  quod  ex  tune  negotia  regni 
idem  rex  principaliter  cum  suorum  domesticorum  consilio  ordi- 
naret.  Significavit  etiam  .  .  .  quatenus  auctoritate  apostolica 
denunciarent  comitibus,  baronibus,  militibus  et  aliis  universis 
qui  custodias  habebaiit  castrorum,  honorum,  et  villarum  quae 
ad  regis  dominium  spectabant,  ut  continue  visis  litteris  regi 
illas  redderent,  contradictores  autem  per  censuram  ecclesias- 
ticam  ad  satisfactionem  compellerent.  Unde  pars  maxima 
comitum  et  baronum  .  .  .  supradictas  occasiones  praetendebat 
ut  pacem  regui  perturbaret. 

A.D.  1224.  ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  299.  Nonnulli  alienige- 
narum  ejecti  sunt  et  amoti  de  castellis  et  custodiis  suis  in 
Anglia.  .  .  .  Ipse  vero  Falkesius  ...  in  patriam  suam  re- 
versus  est. 

MATT.  PARIS,  p.  322.  Regi  vero  pro  maximis  laboribus  suis 
et  expensis,  tarn  a  praelatis,  quam  a  laicis,  concessum  est  per 
totam  Angliam  carucagium,  de  qualibet  carucaduo  solidi  argenti. 
Magnatibus  item  concessit  rex  scutagium,  videlicet  de  scuto 
quolibet  duas  marcas  sterlingorum. 

A.D.  1225.  ANN.  DUNSTAPL.  p.  93.  Generali  colloquio 
Lundoniis  celebrate,  petiit  rex  a  baronibus  suis  pro  regni  defen- 
sione  auxilium  generale :  barones  vero  vice  versa  libertates 
quasdam  exegerunt  a  rege  Johanne  concessas  et  ab  ipso  rege 
postmodum  confirmatas,  licet  nondum,  ballivis  suis  impedientibus, 
servatas.  Post  multas  vero  sententiarum  revolutiones,  commu- 
niter  placuit,  quod  rex  tarn  populo  quam  plebi  libertates,  prius 
ab  eo  puero  concessas,  jam  major  factus  indulsit.  Et  vice  versa 
archiepiscopi,  episcopi,  comites,  barones,  et  viri  religiosi  ipsi 
regi  in  tanto  discrimine  quintam  decimam  mobilium  suorum 
liberaliter  concesserunt.  Quod  quia  clerici  saeculares  non  ad- 
miserant,  impetravit  rex  litteras  domini  papae  ad  clerum  Angliae 
generales,  de  auxilio  competent!  ei  conferendo  secundum  benefi- 
ciorum  suorum  facultates. 

A.D.  1226.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  331.  Rex  Anglorum  ....  qui 
ardenti  desiderio  sitiebat  ad  partes  transmarinas  hostiliter  trans- 
fretare,  convocatis  consiliariis  suis,  fecit  recitare  litteras  sibi  a 
domino  papa  transmissas,  quacrens  ab  eis  consilium  quid  super 
tali  inhibitione  sibi  foret  agendum.  Placuit  itaque  praelatis 
et  magnatibus  universis  ut  differretur  negotium  desideratum. 

A.D.  1227.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  336.  Rex  Anglorum,  mense 
Februario,  apud  Oxoniam  consilio  congregate,  denunciavit 

Y  2 


324  Henry  III.  [PART 

coram  omnibus  se  legitimae  esse  aetatis,  ut  de  cetero,  solutus 
a  custodia,  regia  negotia  ipse  principaliter  ordinaret ;  et  sic  qui 
prius   tutorem   habuit   et   rectorem    Willelmum  Mareschallum    i 
dum  viveret  et  postmodum  Petrum  Wintoniensem  episcopum, 
excussit  se,  per  consilium  Hubert!  de  Burgo  Justitiarii  regni,  de 

consilio   et   gubernatione   diet!   episcopi  et  suorum In    ; 

eodem  itaque  concilio  fecit  rex  cancellare  et  cassare  omnes  cartas 
in  provinciis  omnibus  regni  Angliae  de  libertatibus  forestae, 
postquam  jam  per  biennium  in  toto  regno  fuerant  usitatae. 

ANN.  THEOKESB.  p.  69.  Rex  grave  tallagium  fecit  super 
singulos  divites,  cives  et  burgenses  :  de  viris  etiam  religiosis 
concessa  fuit  quinta  decima  et  de  clericis  sexta  decitna. 

/"  A.D.  1229.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  361.  Fecit  rex  convenire  apud 
/  "Westmonasterium,  Dominica  qua  cantatur  Misericordia  Domini, 
archiepiscopos,  episcopos,  abbates,  priores,  Templarios,  Hospitala- 
rios,  comites,  barones,  ecclesiarum  rectores,  et  qui  de  se  tenebant 
•I  in  capite,  ad  locum  praefixum  et  diem,  ut  audirent  negotia  [sc. 
de  decimis  petitis  pro  guerra  contra  Fredericum  II]  memorata 
et  de  rerum  exigentiis  comuiuniter  tractarent.  .  .  .  Rex  ... 
factus  est  baculus  arundineus.  .  .  .  Comites  vero  et  barones  et 
laici  omnes  plane  decimas  se  daturos  contradixerunt,  nolentes 
baronias  suas  vel  laicas  possessiones  Romanae  ecclesiae  obligare. 
Episcopi  quoque  et  abbates,  priores  et  alii  ecclesiarum  praelati 
.  .  .  tandem  consenserunt,  metuentes  excommunicationis  senten- 
tiam.  .  .  .  Solus  autem  comes  Cestrensis  Ranulfus  stetit  viriliter 
nolens  terrain  suam  redigere  in  servitutem,  nee  permisit  de  feudo 
suo  viros  religiosos  vel  clericos  decimas  memoratas  conferre, 
quamvis  Anglia  et  Wallia,  Scotia  et  Hybernia  ad  solutionem 
compellerentur. 

f1  A.D.  1231.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  367.  Septimo  kalendas  Fe- 
bruarii  convenerunt  ad  colloquium  apud  Westmonasterium  rex 
cum  praelatis  et  aliis  magnatibus  regni,  ubi  exegit  JUem  rex 
scutagium,  de  quolibet  scuto  tres  marcas,  ab  omnibus  qui 
J  baronias  tenebant,  tarn  laicis  quam  praelatis.  Cui  Ricardus 
Cantuariensis  archiepiscopis  et  quidam  episcopi  cum  eo  auclac- 
ter  resistentes  dixerunt,  quod  non  teuentur  viri  ecclesiastic! 
judicio  subjici  laicorum,  cum  absque  illis  concessum  fuisset 
scutagium  in  finibus  transmarinis. 

ROT.  PAT.  15  H.  III.  Cum  peteremus  a  praelatis  Angliae 
quod  nobis  auxilium  facerent  ....  videlicet  episcopis,  abba- 
tibus,  abbatissis,  prioribus  et  priorissis,  qui  de  nobis  tenent  in 
capite,  ipsi  nobis  liberaliter  concesserunt  auxilium  tale,  scilicet 
singulis  feodis  militum  suorum  xl.  solidos  de  tot  feodis  de  quot 


Vi.]  Excerpts.  325 

ipsi  tcnentur  nobis  respondere  quando  faciunt  nobis  servitium 
militare.  Et  nos  concessimus  eisdem  praelatis  quod  ad  prae- 
dictum  auxilium  nobis  faciendum  habeant  de  singulis  feodis 
militum  quae  de  eis  tenentur  xl.  solidos.  [dat.  Apr.  14.] 

A.D.  1232.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  372.  Convenerant  eo  tempore, 
nonas  Martii,  ad  colloquium  apud  Westmonasterium  ad  voca- 
tionem  regis,  magnates  Angliae,  tarn  laici  quam  praelati. 
Quibus  rex  proposuit  quod  magnis  esset  debitis  implicatus 
causa  bellicae  expeditionis  quam  nuper  egerat  in  partibus 
transmarinis ;  unde  necessitate  compulsus  ab  omnibus  gene- 
raliter  auxilium  postulavit.  Quo  audito  comes  Cestriae  Ran- 
ulfus,  pro  magnatibus  regni  loquens,  respondit  quod  comites, 
barones,  ac  milites  qui  de  eo  tenebant  in  capite,  cum  ipso  erant 
ibi  corporaliter  praesentes,  et  pecuniam  suam  ita  inaniter  effude- 
runt  quod  inde  pauperes  omnes  recesserunt,  unde  regi  de  jure 
auxilium  non  debebant.  Et  sic  petita  licentia  laici  omnes 
recesserunt.  Praelati  vero  regi  respondentes  dixerunt  quod 
episcopi  multi  et  abbates  qui  vocati  erant,  non  fuerunt  prae- 
sentes, et  sic  petierunt  inducias  quousque  ad  diem  certum 

possent  omnes  pariter  convenire Rex  .  .  .  coepit  a  vice- 

comitibus  et  ballivis  aliisque  ministris  suis  de  redditibus  et  rebus 
omnibus  ad  fisci  commodum  spectantibus  ratiocinium  exigere. . . . 

Ib.  p.  376.  Per  idem  tempus  rex,  per  consilium  Petri  Win- 
toniensis  episcopi,  Hubertum  de  Burgo  protojustitiarium  regni 
ab  officio  suo  .  .  .  amovit ;  et  Stephanum  de  Segrave  solo 
nomine  militem  subrogavit,  IIII.  kalendas  Augusti. 

Ib.  p.  377.  Convenerunt  .  .  .  apud  Lamheiam  ad  colloquium, 
in  Exaltatione  Sanctae  Crucis,  coram  rege  episcopi  et  alii  eccle- 
siarum  praelati  cum  proceribus  regni ;  ubi  concessa  est  regi, 
pro  debitis  quibus  comiti  Britanniae  tenebatur  astrictus,  qua- 
dragesima  pars  rerum  mobilium  ab  episcopis,  abbatibus,  priori- 
bus,  clericis  et  laicis. 

A.D.  1233.  MATT.  PARIS,  pp.  384,  386.  Rex  . . .  tenuit  curiam 
suam  ad  Natale  apud  Vigorniam,  ubi,  ut  dicitur,  de  consilio  Petri 
Wintoniensis  episcopi,  omnes  naturales  curiae  suae  ministros  a  suis 
removit  officiis  et  Pictavenses  extraneos  in  eorum  ministeriis 
Eubrogavit  .  .  .  Tune  rex  missis  litteris  suis  vocavit  omnes  de 
reguo  comites  et  barones  ad  colloquium,  ut  venirent  apud 
Oxoniam  ad  festum  Sancti  Jobannis ;  sed  ipsi  nolueruut  ad 
ejus  mandatum  venire.  .  .  .  Cum  audissent  magnates  praefati 
quod  paulatini  applicuerunt  in  regno  praedones  multi  cum  equis 
et  armis,  a  rege  invitati ;  cum  nullum  pacis  vidissent  vesti- 
gium,   supersederunt  ad  diem  eibi  statutum  venire, 


326  Henry  III.  [PAET 

denunciantes  regi  per  nuncios  solemnes,  quatenus  omni  dilatione 
remota  ejiceret  Petrum  \Yinioniensem  episcopum  et  ceteros 
Pictavienseg^  deT  curia  sua j  sin  autcm  nollet,  ipsi  o  nines  de 
communi  consilio  totius  re^ni  ipsum  cum  iniquis  consiliariis  suis 
a  regno  depellerent,  et  de  novo  rege  creando  contractarent. 

A.D.  1234.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  403.  Tune  rex,  qui  ut  pax  fieret 
modis  omnibus  suspirabat,  fecit  convocare  per  litteras  suas  pro- 
scriptos  omnes  ut  venirent  Gloverniam,  Dominica  proxima  ante 
Ascensionem  Domini,  IVto  scilicet  kalendas  Junii,  ad  collo- 
quium, plenam  gratiam  ipsius  cum  suis  haereditatibus  recep- 
turi. 

T.  WYKES,  Chron.  (ed.  Luard),  p.  77.  Rex  Henricus  fecit 
1  talliari  omnes  civitates  et  burgos  et  maneria  sua  propria  per 
\totam  Angliam. 

A.D.  1235.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  417.  Eodem  tempore  cepit  rex 
carucagium,  scilicet  duas  marcas  de  caruca,  ad  maritagium  sororis 
suae  Isabellae. 

A.D.  1236.  ANN.  BURTON,  p.  249.  Anno  regni  regis  Henrici 
filii  regis  Johannis  vicesimo,  die  Mercurii  in  crastino  Sancti 
Vincentii,  in  curia  domini  regis  apud  Mertone  coram  domino 
rege  Henrico  et  coram  venerabili  patre  domino  Edmundo  Can- 
tuariensi  archiepiscopo  et  coepiscopis  suis,  et  coram  majori  parte 
comitum  et  baronum  nostrorum  Angliae  pro  coronatione  domini 
regis  et  reginae,  et  pro  communi  utilitate  totius  Angliae  provi- 
sum  fuit  tarn  a  praedictis  archiepiscopo,  episcopis,  comitibus  et 
baronibus  quam  a  nobis,  et  concessum  quod  de  cetero  isti  arti- 
culi  [sc.  Assisa  de  Merton]  teneantur  in  regno  Angliae. 

MATT.  PARIS,  p.  429.  Eodem  quoque  anno  IV.  kalendas 
Maii,  congregati  sunt  magnates  Angliae  Londini  ad  colloquium, 
de  negotiis  regni  tractaturi.  .  .  .  Ubi  cum  de  multis  tractaretur, 
unum  laudabiliter  consummavit,  scilicet  quod  amotis  omnibus 
vicecomitibus  substituerentur  alii,  eo  quod  nimis  a  tramite  veri- 
tatis  et  justitiae  corrupti  muneribus  exorbitarunt.  .  .  .  Sigillum 
quoque  suum  ab  episcopo  Cicestrensi  cancellario  suo  .  .  .  exegit 
rex  instantissime.  Sed  idem  cancellarius  hoc  facere  renuit, 
videns  impetum  regis  modestiae  fines  excedentem ;  dixitque  se 
nulla  ratione  hoc  posse  facere,  cum  illud  communi  consilio  regni^ 
suscepisset,  quapropter  nee  illud  similiter  sine  communi  assensu 
regni  alicui  resignaret. 

A.D.  1237.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  435.  Misit  .  .  .  [rex]  continue 
per  omnes  lines  Angliae  scripta  regalia,  praecipieus  omnibus  ad 
regnum  Angliae  spectantibus,  videlicet,  archiepiscopis,  episcopis, 


vi.]  Excerpts.  327 

abbatibus  et  prioribus  installatis,  comitibus  et  baronibus,  ut 
omnes  sine  omissione  in  octavis  Epiphaniae  Londoniis  conveni- 
rent,  regia  negotia  tractaturi  totum  regnum  contingentia.  .  .  . 
Promisit .  .  .  libertates  Magnae  Cartae  suis  fidelibus  regni  sui 
ex  tune  inviolabiliter  observare.  .  .  .  Concessa  est  igitur  be- 
nigne  tali  conditione  regi  ea  vice  tricesima  regni  pars,  omnium 
scilicet  mobilium. 

A.D.  1240.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  523.  In  octavis  vero  Epi- 
phaniae congregati  sunt  Londini  archiepiscopi  et  episcopi  cum 
multis  aliis  magnatibus,  praesente  etiam  legato,  reponentes  que- 
rimoniam  gravissimam  coram  rege  in  curia  sua,  super  variis 
injuriis  et  oppressionibus  et  quotidianis  desolationibus  illatis 
ecclesiae  per  iniquum  regis  consilium  .  .  .  Et  erant  contra 
regem  in  querimoniis  episcoporum  capitula  circiter  xxx.  Et  eo 
tenus  processum  est  quod  lata  sit  iterum  sententia  terribiliter 
nimis  in  omnes  regis  consiliarios  qui  ejus  animum  ad  praedicta 
enormia  conabantur  iuclinare. 

A.D.  1242.    MATT.  PARIS,  p.  580.     Imminente   vero  purifi- 
catione  beatae  Virginis,  totius  Angliae  nobilitas,  tarn  praelatorum 
quam  comitum  et  baronum,  secundum  regium  praeceptum  est 
Londini   congregata.  .  .  Contradixerunt  igitur  regi  in  faciem,»  y 
nolentes  amplius  sic  pecunia  sua  frustratorie  spoliari.  /  £ 

Ib.  p.  595.  Scutagium  per  totam  Angliam  rex  Angliae  sibi 
fecit  extorqueri. 

A.D.  1243.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  600.      Gives    Londinenses    ad  I 
gravissimam  compulsi  sunt  redemptionem  quae  tallagium  dicitur,  | 
sub  hac  forma ;  venerunt  exactores  et  regales  aeditui  ad  ilium 
vel  ilium  civem  dicentes, '  Tantam  et  tantam  oportet  te  pecuniam 
domino   regi   in   longinquis   partibus    pro    commoditate   regni 
militant!  et  nimis  indigenti,  donee  in   regno   suo  restauretur, 
commodare.'     Et  secundum  voluntatem   et  aestimationem  ex- 
tortorum,  pecuniam  civium  mutilarunt. 

A.D.  1244.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  639.  Convenerant  regia  sub- 
monitione  convocati  Londinum  magnates  totius  regni,  archi- 
episcopi, episcopi,  abbates,  priores,  comites  et  barones.  In  quo 
concilio  petiit  rex  ore  proprio  in  praesentia  magnatum  in  refec- 
torio  Westmonasteriensi  auxilium  sibi  fieri  pecuniare.  .  .  .  Cui 
fuit  responsum  quod  super  hoc  tractarent.  Hecedentesque 
magnates  de  refectorio,  convenerunt  archiepiscopi  et  episcopi, 
\  abbates  et  priores,  seorsum  per  se  super  hoc  diligenter  tractaturi. 
Tandem  requisiti  fueruut  ex  parte  eorum  comites  et  baroues  si 
vellent  suis  consiliis  unanimiter  consentire  in  responsione  et 


V 


328  Henry  III.  [PART 

provisione  super  his  facienda.  Qui  responderunt  quod  sine 
communi  universitate  nihil  facerent.  Tune  de  communi  assensu 
electi  fuerunt  ex  parte  cleri,  electus  Cantuariensis,  Wintoniensis, 
Lincolniensis  et  Wigorniensis  episcopi ;  ex  parte  laicorum 
Bicardus  comes  frater  domini  regis,  comes  Bigot,  comes  Lege- 
cestriae  Simon  de  Monteforti,  et  comes  Marescallus ;  ex  parte 
vero  baronum  Ricardus  de  Muntfichet,  et  Johannes  de  Bailloil, 
et  de  Sancto  Edmundo  et  de  Rameseia  abbates ;  ut  quod  isti 
duodecim  providerent  in  communi  recitaretur ;  nee  aliqua  forma 
domino  regi  ostenderetur  auctoritate  duodecim,  nisi  omnium 
communis  assensus  interveniret.  Et  quia  carta  libertatum  quas 
dominus  rex  olim  concesserat  et  pro  cujus  conservatione  archi- 
episcopus  Cantuariensis  Edmundus  juraverat,  fidejusserat  et 
certissime  pro  rege  promiserat,  nondum  exstitit  observata,  et 
auxilia  quae  toties  concessa  fuerant  domino  regi  ad  nullum  pro- 
fectum  regis  vel  regni  devenerant ;  et  per  defectum  cancellarii 
brevia  contra  justitiam  pluries  fuerant  concessa ;  petitum  fuit  ut 
secundum  quod  elegerant,  justitiarius  et  cancellarius  fierent  per 
quos  status  regni  solidaretur,  ut  solebat.  Et  ne  per  compul- 
sionem  concilii  aliquid  novum  statuere  videretur,  noluit  petitioni 
magnatum  consentire,  sed  promisit  se  emendaturum  quae  ex 
eorum  parte  audierat.  Unde  datus  fuit  terminus  eis  usque  in 
tres  septimanas  a  Purificatione  Beatae  Virginis  ut  ibidem  iterum 
tune  convenirent. 

Ib.  p.  643.     Convenientibus  autem  iterum  magnatibus  cum 
praelatis  generaliter  Londini  ....  renovata  fuit  petitio  regis 
euper  auxilio  pecuniari  sibi  faciendo.     Circa  quod  de  die  in  diem 
convenit  eos  dominus  rex,  turn  in  propria  persona,  turn  per  inter- 
nuncios  solemnes  per  quos  promisit  se  libertates  quas  juraverat 
in  coronatione  sua,  super  quibus  cartam  confecerat,  integerrime 
servaturum  .  .  .  Tandem  unanimiter  .  .  .  concesserunt  domino  j 
regi  ad  maritandam  filiam  suam  primogenitam,  de  omnibus  qui 
tenent  de  domino  rege  in  capite,  de  singulis  scutis  viginti  soliclos  1 
solvendos. 

Ib.  p.  650.  In  crastino  autem  omnium  Sanctorum  convenientcs 
magnates  Angliae,  Rex  cum  instantissime,  ne  dicam  impuden- 
tissime,  auxilium  pecuniare  ab  eis  iterum  postularet,  toties  laesi 
.et  illusi  contradixerunt  ei  unanimiter  et  uno  ore  in  facie. 

A. D.  1246.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  696.  Medio  vero  qnadragesimae 
.  .  .  edicto  regio  convocata  convenit  ad  J^ARLAMEKTUM  gene^ 
ralissimum  totius  regni  Anglicani  nobilitas  Londini,  ^videlicet 
praelatorum  tam  abbatum  et  priorum  quam  episcoporum,  comi- 
tum  quoque  et  baronum,  ut  de  statu  regni  jam  vacillantis  effica- 


vi.]  Excerpts.  329 

citer  prout  exegit  urgens  necessitas  contrectarent.  Angebat 
enim  eos  gravamen  intolerabile  a  curia  Romana  incessanter 
illatuin.  .  . 

Ib.  p.  709.  Die  vero  translations  beati  Thomae  Martyris 
habituin  est  magnum  concilium  inter  regem  et  regui  magnates 
apud  "Wintoniam. 

A.D.  1247.  T.  WYKES,  p.  96.  Facta  est  generalis  congre- 
gatio  omnium  magnatum  Angliae  episcoporum,  comitum,  baro- 
num,  coram  domino  rege  apud  Oxoniam,  quindena  Paschae  ; 
quorum  consilio  et  assensu  dominus  rex  mutavit  monetam 
suam,  quia  vetus  sic  fuit  retonsa  quod  quasi  nullius  fuit 
valoi'is. 

A.D.  1248.  MATT.  PARTS,  p.  743.  In  octavis  .  . .  Purifica- 
tionis  edicto  regio  convocata  totius  regni  Angliae  nobilitas  con- 
venit  Loudini,  ut  de  regni  negotiis  nimis  perturbati  et  depauperati 
et  temporibus  nostris  enormiter  mutilati  diligenter  et  efficaciter 
simul  cum  domino  rege  contrectaret.  Advenerunt  igitur  illuc, 
excepta  baronum,  militum,  nobilium,  necnon  et  abbatum,  priorum, 
et  clericorum  multitudine  copiosa,  novem  episcopi  cum  totidem 
comitibus.  .  .  .  Et  cum  proposuisset  dominus  rex  .  .  .  pecuniare 
auxilium  postulare,  redargutus  est  graviter  super  hoc  quod  non 
erubescebat  tune  tale  juvamen  exigere,  praesertim  quia  quando 
in  ultima  tali  exactione,  cui  nobiles  Angliae  vix  consenserunt, 
confecit  cartam  suam,  quod  amplius  talem  non  faceret  magnatibus 
suis  injuriam  et  gravamen.  .  .  .  Calumniatur  itaque  dominus 
rex  graviter  .  .  .  eo  quod  sicut  magnifici  reges  praedecessores 
sui  habuerunt,  justitiarium  nee  cancellarium  habet  nee  tbesau- 
rarium  per  commune  consilium  regni  prout  deceret  et  expediret, 
eed  tales  qui  suam  qualemcunque  dummodo  sibi  quaestuosam 
sequuntur  voluntatetn  .  .  .  Dilata  sunt  igitur  omnia  .  .  .  usque 
ad  quiudenam  Nativitatis  Sancti  Jobannis  Baptistae. 

Ib.  p.  748.  Adveniente  autem  quiudena  Sancti  Johannis 
Baptistae  ....  responderunt  omnes  quasi  uno  spiritu  praecise, 
uullo  modo  se  amplius  inutiliter  velle  depauperare.  .  . 

A.D.  1249.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  765.  Ad  clausum  vero  Pascha 
convenerunt  magnates  Angliae,  prout  condictum  inter  eos  prius 
fuerat  Londini,  ut  quod  rex  saepe  promiserat  eisdem  saltern  tune 
adimpleret,  videlicet  de  cancellario,  ju-titiario  et  tliesaurario  ]••  r 
consilium  eorum  constituendis.  Srd  cum  omnia  se  certissnne 
(  i .  derent  recepturos,  comitis  Ricardi,  qui  eorum  omnium  summus 
esse  videtur,  absentia  progressum  negotii  penitus  impedivit. 

A.D.  1250.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  778.  Rex  .  .  .  curiae  suae  ex- 
pensas  et  solitae  dapsilitatis  facetias  .  .  .  jussit  minorari. 


330  Henry  III.  [PART 

A.D.  1251.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  814.  XIIItio  kalendas  Martii 
habitum  est  Parlamentum  magnum  Londini. 

A.D.  1252.  MATT.  PAEIS,  pp.  849,  850.  Festo  autem  beati  Ed- 
wardi  imminente ....  convenerunt  veluti  ex  edicto  regio  convocati 
totius  Angliae  praelati  fere  universi.  .  .  .  Protulit  igitur  in 
medium  dominus  rex  .  .  .  papale  mandatum  .  .  .  quod  videlicet 
contulerat  domiuus  papa  totam  regni  decimam,  videlicet  pro- 
ventuum  totius  ecclesiae  Anglicanae,  .  .  .  per  triennium  ad  regia 
viatica  peregrinationis.  .  .  .  Dixerunt  se  non  posse  plenum  aut 
perfectum  consilium  inire  absque  domini  Cantuariensis  archi- 
episcopi  .  .  .  praesentia  et  asseusu,  et  domini  archiepiscopi 
Eboracensis  .  .  .  consensu  et  providentia. 

Ib.  p.  853.  Convocatis  .  .  .  denuo  dominus  rex  optimatibus 
suis  .  .  .  convenit  eos  de  negotio  Grasconiae  quid  agendum.  .  .  . 
Responderunt  .  .  .  '  de  statu  suo  moderno  minime  certificamur 
.  .  .  nee  de  incertis  certe  possumus  respondere.'  .  .  .  Solutum 
est  igitur  concilium.  .  . 

A.D.  1253.  MATT.  WESTM.  p.  352.  In  quindena  Paschae  adu- 
aato  magno  parliamento  petierunt  praelati  fere  omnes,  in  simul 
congregati,  ut  dominus  rex,  cartas  conservans  et  libertates  quas 
saepius  promiserat,  sanctam  insuper  ecclesiam  permitteret  suis 
gaudere  libertatibus,  maxime  de  electionibus  praelatorum  tarn 
cathedralium  ecclesiarum  quam  conventualium.  Quae  omnia  rex 
se  indemniter  observaturum  protestans,  eorundem  una  cum  aliis 
magnatibus,  ad  suae  praecipue  peregrinationis  subsidium  postu- 
latum  de  contributione  reportavit  assensum.  Concessa  est  igitur 
regi  decima  pars  proventuum  ecclesiasticorum  per  triennium,  a 
militibus  vero  scutagium  illo  anno,  scilicet  ad  scutum  tres  marcae. 
Hex  autem  bona  fide  promisit  se  omnia  iuviolabiliter  observatu- 
rum, quae  et  alias  multoties  juraverat  et  pater  suus  Johannes 
primo  affirmabat,  et,  ut  certiores  fierent  de  promisso,  praecepit 
super  hoc  in  praesentia  sua  sententiam  proferri  in  publicum. 

A.D.  1254.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  881.  Cum  VIto  kalendas 
Februarii  .  .  convenissent  universi  fere  Angliae  magnates  .  .  . 
solutum  est  concilium  cassum  et  inane. 

ANN.  DUNSTAPL.  p.  190.  In  quindena  Paschae  convenerunt 
magnates  Angliae  apud  Westmonasterium. 

A.D.  1255.  ANN.  BURTON,  p.  336.  Henricus  rex  Angliae  in 
quindena  a  Pascha  tenuit  parliamentum  suum  apud  Westmonas- 
terium :  convocatis  ibidem  .  .  .  totius  regni  episcopis,  abba- 
tibus,  comitibus  et  baronibus  universis  ibi  praesentibus  .  .  . 
exigebat  sibi  auxilium  exhiberi,  et  ut  quidam  qui  ibidem  af- 


vr.]  Excerpts.  331 

fuerunt  asserebant,  disposuit  rex  habere  taylagium  quod  dicitur 
horngelth.  Magnates  autem  e  contra  petebant,  ut  secundum 
consuetudinem  regni  tres  personas  possent  per  electionem  in 
regno  habere,  videlicet  capitalem  justitiarium,  cancellarium  et 
thesaurarium  .  .  .  neutro  concesso,  datus  est  dies  ad  deliberan- 
dum  super  his,  usque  in  quindenam  a  festo  Sancti  Michaelis. 

Ib.  p.  360.  Post  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  .  .  tenuit  rex 
parliamentum  suum  apud  Westmonasterium,  convocatis  ibidem 
episcopis,  abbatibus  et  prioribus,  comitibus  et  baronibus  et 
totius  regni  majoribus,  in  quo  petebat  a  clero  de  laicis  feodis  suis 
sibi  suffragium  exhiberi  ad  negotium  stulte  et  incircumspecte 
pro  regno  inchoatum  Siciliae  prosequendum ;  disponens  de  suo 
consilio  iniquo  hoc  prius  a  clero,  et  postmodum  a  populo  majori 
et  minori  extorquere.  Episcopi  vero,  abbates,  priores  et  pro- 
curatores  qui  ibidem  pro  universitate  affuerunt,  .  .  .  gravamina 
summo  pontifici  .  .  .  destinarunt.  .  .  .  '  Procuratores  clericorum 
beneficiatorum  archidiaconatus  Lincolniae  pro  tota  communitate 
proponunt  quod  gravati  sunt  quod  decima  beneficiorum  suorum 
domino  regi  fuit  concessa  ipsis  non  vocatis.'  .  .  . 

A.D.  1256.  MATT.  PAEIS,  p.  920.  In  festo  .  .  sancti  Hilarii 
congregati  sunt  Londini  episcopi  Augliae  et  archidiaconi, 
undique  vehementer  angustiati  ut  darent  responsum  magistro 
Eustando,  papae  et  regis  clerico,  papae  nuncio,  regis  procurator!. 
.  .  .  Provisumque  est  salubriter  ut  Magnae  Cartae  regis 
Johannis  .  .  .  sub  poena  horribilis  anathematis  coiiserventur. 

A.D.  1257.  MATT.  PAEIS,  p.  946.  In  media  Quadragesima 
factum  est  magnum  parliamentum.  ...  In  parliamento  autera 
.  . .  rex  in  audientia  totius  populi,  adducto  monstratoque  omnibus 
Edmundo  quern  protulerat  in  medium  vestitum  indumento 
Apuliensi,  ait,  'Videte  ficleles  mei  filium  meum  Edmundum 
quern  Dorninus  ad  regal  is  excellentiae  dignitatem  gratuita  gratia 
vocavit.'  .  .  .  .  Et  addidit  asserens  quod  de  consilio  et  benigno 
favore  papae  et  ecclesiae  Anglicanae,  ad  regnum  Siciliae  ac- 
quirendum,  se  obligavit  sub  poena  regni  sui  amittendi  ad 
solutionem  centum  millium  marcarum  et  quadraginta  millia 

marcarum  exceptis  usuris Item  decimas  totius  cleri 

irnpetravit  generales  per  quinquennium  continuandas  .  .  .  item 
fructus  omnium  ecclesiasticorum  beneficiorum  vacatorum  prinii 
anni  usque  ad  quinquennium.  His  auditis,  omnium  aures 
tinniebant  et  corda  vehementer  obstupuerunt Promise- 
runt  regi  ad  suas  instantes  necessitates — et  tamen  conditione 
addita  ut  Magnam  Cartam  .  .  .  observaret — quinquaginta  duo 
millia  marcarum,  in  irrestaurabile  damnuni  ecclesiae  Anglicanae. 


332  Henry  III.  [PART 

ANN.  BURTON,  p.  391.  Eationes  episcoporum  et  cleri  centra 
petitionem  domini  regis.  .  .  .  '  Item,  cum  ad  solutionem  istius 
pecuniae  ab  initio  non  essemus  requisiti  nee  aliquo  modo  obli- 
gati,  nee  contraxit  dominus  rex  consentientibus  tacite  nee  ex- 
presse,  immo  penitus  nobis  ignorantibus,  ad  consummationem 
propositi  negotii  nullatenus  urgeri  volumus  nee  debemus.' 

A.D.  1258.  MATT.  PARIS,  p.  963.  Post  diem  Martis,  quae 
vulgariter  Hokedaie  appellatur,  factum  est  Parlamentum  Lon- 
dini.  Rex  namque  multis  et  arduis  negotiis  sollicitabatur,  sci- 
licet de  negotio  regni  Apuliae.  .  .  .  Exegit  .  .  pecuniam  infi- 
nitam  de  qua  persolvenda  se  obligavit  papa  mercatoribus  pro 
ipso  rege 

Ib.  p.  968.  Duravit  adhuc  praelibati  Parliament!  altercatio 
videlicet  inter  regem  et  regni  magnates,  usque  diem  Dominicam 
proximam  post  Ascensionem  ....  dilatum  est  parlamentum 
usque  ad  festum  Sancti  Barnabae  apud  Oxoniam  diligenter 
celebrandum. 

ANN.  DUNSTAPL.  p.  208.  Eodem  anno  in  festo  Sancti  Bar- 
nabae apostoli  fecit  dominus  rex  convocari  omues  magnates  sues 
Angliae,  scilicet  clericos  et  laicos. 

ANN.  BURTON,  p.  438.  Ad  provisionem  et  regni  in  melius 
reformationem  et  ordinationem  faciendam,  sub  fidei  sacramento 
prolati  sunt  ibidem  articuli  qui  indigerent  in  regno  correctione. 

Ib.  p.  445.  Fuerunt  etiam  in  eodem  parliamento  apud 
Oxoniam  xxiv.  electi,  videlicet  xii.  ex  parte  domini  regis  et 
totidem  ex  parte  communitatis,  quorum  ordinationibus  et  pro- 
visionibus  dominus  rex  et  dominus  Edwardus  films  ejus  .  .  .  se 
Bupposuerunt  super  status  eorundem  et  totius  Angliae  correc- 
tione et  in  melius  reformatione. 

A.D.  1259.  ANN.  BURTON,  p.  471.  Festivitate  Sancti  Ed- 
wardi  .  .  in  quindena  Sancti  Michaelis  apud  Westmonas- 
terium  per  dominum  regem  regaliter  celebrata,  communitas 
bacheleriae  Angliae  significavit  domino  Edwardo  filio  regis, 
comiti  Gloverniae,  et  aliis  juratis  de  consilio  apud  Oxoniam, 
quod  dominus  rex  totaliter  fecerat  et  adimplevit  omnia  et  sin- 
gula  quae  providerant  barones  et  sibi  imposuerant  facienda ; 
et  quod  ipsi  barones  nihil  ad  utilitatem  reipublicae  sicut  pro- 
miserant  fecerunt,  nisi  commodum  proprium  et  damnum  regis 
ubique,  et  quod  nisi  inde  fieret  emendatio,  alia  ratio  pactum 
reformaret.  Dominus  Edwardus  statim  pro  se  respondit  quod 
juramentum  quoddam  fecerat  apud  Oxoniam  etiam  invitus,  sed 
non  propter  hoc  quin  foret  paratus  ad  praestandum  gponte 


vi.]  Excerpts. 

dictum  juramentum,  et  ad  exponendum  se  morti  pro  communi- 
tate  Angliae  et  pro  utilitate  reipublicae  secundum  quod  juratum 
exstitit  apud  Oxoniam  :  et  mandavit  praecise  baronibus  de  con- 
silio  juratis  quod  nisi  juramentum  suum  praedictum  adimple- 
rent,  ipse  usque  ad  mortem  staret  cum  comniuuitate  et  promissa 
faceret  adimpleri.  Tandem  videntes  barones  magis  expedire 
promissa  sua  per  seipsos  adimpleri  quarn  per  alios,  publice  fece- 
runt  provisioues  suas  promulgari.  .  .  . 

A.D.  1260.  CHRON.  T.  WYKES,  p.  125.  Post  Pascha  factum 
est  parliamentum  baronum  apud  Londoniam.  Ptex  itaque  per- 
pendens  barones  grandia  moliri  et  aliquid  velle  machinari  contra 
eum,  ingressus  est  civitatem  Londoniae,  et  fecit  custodiri  portas 
civitatis,  resumpsitque  turrim  Loadoniae,  expellens  Hugonem 
Dispensarium  qui  factus  fuit  justitiarius  per  ordinationem 
baronum  ;  et  fecit  venire  scaccarium  suum  de  Westmonasterio 
ad  Sanctum  Paulum  in  domibus  Episcopi  Londoniae  in  quibus 
hospitabatur :  et  coepit  proponere  plures  articulos  contra  barones, 
et  rationes  prout  sibi  videbatur  satis  efficaces,  quod  non  tene- 
batur  observare  promissiones  Oxoniae.  Unde  ortum  est  schisma 
inter  ipsum  et  proceres  ;  tandem  post  multas  altercationes  com- 
promiseruut  in  arbitros. 

ANN*.  DUXSTAPL.  p.  217.  Post  Natale  dominus  rex  turrim 
Londoniarum  ingressus  est  et  earn  multum  affortiavit ;  portas 
civitatis  obseravit,  mandans  magnatibus  quod  ad  turrim  ad 
parliamentum  venirent  :  et  renuerunt  mandantes  quod,  si 
placeret  ei,  apud  Westmonasterium  venirent,  ubi  parliamentum 
tenere  consueverunt  et  non  alibi,  propter  quod  inter  eos  orta 
est  dissensio. 

A.D.  1261.  CHRON.  T.  WYKES,  p.  128.  Hex  Angliae  in 
festo  Pentecostes  apud  Wintoniam  detulit  litteras  domini  papae, 
et  publice  ostendit  eas  baronibus,  quod  absolutus  fuit  a  jura- 
juento  quod  praestiterat  de  providentiis  baronum  observandis. 
.  .  .  Et  deposuit  dominum  Hugonem  Dispensarium  de  officio 
justitiarii.  .  .  . 

A.D.  1262.  MATT.  WESTM.  p.  381.  Henricus  rex  absolutio- 
nem  impetraverat  a  papa  Urbano  de  suae  concessionis  obser- 
vatione  quam  fecerat  Oxoniae. 

CHRON.  T,  WYKES,  p.  130.  Circa  Purificationem  beatae 
Yirginis  factum  est  parliamentum  apud  Londoniam,  et  posu- 
erunt  se  rex  et  barones  supra  dictum  regis  Franciae  et  regis 
Alemanniae.  ...  In  quindena  Paschae  convenerunt  barones  apud 
Londoniam  tractaturi  cum  rege,  et  post  multos  tractatus  conces- 


334  Henry  III.  [PART 

senint  quod  a  pluribus  articulis  contentis  in  providentia  Oxoniae 
resilirent,  si  quosdam  eorum  eis  confirmaret.  . . .  Circa  gulam 
Augusti  transfretavit  rex  Angliae. 

A.D.  1263.  ANN.  OSNEY,  p-i3i.  Provisiones  Oxoniae  circa 
Conversionem  Sancti  Pauli  [rex]  confirmavit  et  ratificavit. 

CHRON.  T.  WTKES,  p.  133.  In  ipsa  congregatione  magnatum 
quae  facta  est  Londoniae  in  festo  Pentecostes,  comes  Leycestriae 
et  multi  alii  murmuraverunt  adversus  regem  Angliae,  dominam 
reginam,  et  dominum  Edwardum,  dicentes  eos  perjurium  incur- 
risse  nisi  providentias  Oxoniae  observarent. 

Ib.  p.  138.  Habitis  .  .  .  frequenter  tractatibus  inter  partes, 
circa  festum  Nativitatis  Dominicae,  rex  et  universi  complices 
Bui  et  fautores,  comes  cum  universis  sibi  cohaerentibus,  rex 
Romanorum,  dominus  Edwardus,  comites,  barones,  milites,  archi- 
episcopi,  episcopi,  universi  ecclesiarum  praelati,  immo  generaliter 
clerus  et  populus  unanimi  assensu  compromittebant  in  regem 
Franciae  super  omnibus  contentionibus  ortis  inter  regem  et 
proceres  suos  occasione  provisionum  Oxoniae. 

A.D.  1264.  CHRON.  T.  WYKES,  p.  139.  Rex  Francorum  . . . 
vicesimo  die  Natalis  ...suum  praecipitavit  arbitrium,  ipsumque 
auctoritate  apostolica  roboravit,  regemque  Augliae  judicialiter 
pristinae  potestati  restituit,  provisiones  Oxoniae  seu  statuta 
abrogavit  penitus  et  cassavit,  decernens  quod  rex  justitiarium, 
cancellarium,  thesaurarium,  vicecomites,  ballivos,  consiliarios  et 
ministros  sibi  eligeret  quoscunque  vellet. 

ANN.  DUNSTAPL.  p.  232.  Pridie  idus  Maii . .  apud  Lewes .  .  . 
dictus  comes  et  qui  cum  eo  erant  ceperunt  regem  Angliae,  et 
regem  Alemanniae,  et  Edwardum  filium  regis. . . . 

CHRON.  EISHANGER.  p.  37.  Compositio  pads  post  helium 
de  Lewes.  Capitulum  primum,  super  reformatione  pacis  regni 
Angliae  et  reconciliatione  discordiarum  in  eodem  regno  motarum 
vel  renovatarum,  compromittitur  in  archiepiscopum  Rotoma- 
gensem,  episcopum  Londoniensem,  Petrum  le  Chaumberleyn,  et 
H.  Justitiarium  Angliae,  et  Sabinensem  episcopum  apostolicae 
tune  sedis  legatum,  in  arbitros  seu  arbitratores ;  data  eis  in 
omnibus  plena  potestate,  salvo  quod  circa  captivos  vel  modum 
liberationis  eorum  se  nullatenus  intromittant. 

Secundum  articulum,  quod  illud  quod  quatuor  vel  tres  de 
personis  praescriptis  super  praemissis  in  unam  concordaverunt 
sententiam,  stabitur  eorum  diffinitioni,  quinto  minime  requi- 
rendo  ;  quod  si  duo  Concordes  fuerint  tantum,  non  utrum  eorum 


vi/J  Excerpts.  335 

stabitur  donee  a  quinto  fuerit  approbata,  alioquln  expirabit 
arbitrium.  Et  tune  stabitur  illi  formae  quam  nuper  Magister 
de  Templo  paulo  ante  detulit  regi  Franciae,  donee  aliqua  forma 
pacis  fuerit  provisa. 

Tertium  ;  quod  isti  arbitri  jurabunt  quod  eligent  consiliarios 
indigenas  tantum,  quos  ipsi  regi  et  regno  noverunt  utiliores. 

Quartum ;  quod  rex  credat  consiliariis  suis  sine  personarum 
acceptione,  in  justitia  exhibenda  et  in  ministris  officialibus  vel 
ballivis  suis  de  Anglicis  tantummodo  et  indigenis  creandis, 
constitue,B(J.i§A,  Item  antiquas  cartas  tarn  de  libertatibus  quam 
foresta,  et  nrticulos  quos  contra  oppvessiones  justitiariurum, 
vicecomitum  et  aliorum  ballivorum,  faciat  rex  in  perpetuum 
observare.  Consiliarii  etiam  piovideant  quod  rex  faciat  mode- 
ratas  expensas,  nee  inmensas  libertates  exerceat,  donee  debitum 
antiquum  fuerit  relevatum  et  de  suo  vivere  possit,  absque  mer- 
catorum  et  pauperum  gi-avamine,  et  in  hiis  provisionibus  rex 
consiliatorum  suorum  adquiescet. 

Quintum ;  quod  arbitrium  bona  securitate  valletur,  et  eo 
vallato  vel  bene  firmato  et  plene,  obsicles  pacis  dominus  Ed- 
wardus,  H.  de  Almannia,  liberentur,  ita  quod  ante  liberationem 
eorum  caveant  idonee  de  pace  observanda,  et  quod  novam 
guerram  aut  discordiam  non  suscitabunt  in  regno,  sed  volen- 
tibus  guerram  vel  discordiam  suscitare,  una  cum  aliis  comi- 
tibus  et  baronibus  pacem  et  arbitrium  observare  volentibus, 
totis  viribus  resistere  erunt,  quod  comitibus  Leycestriae  et 
Gloverniae  et  aliis  eis  adhaerentibus  plena  paretur  securitas, 
ne  occasione  aliqua  prius  factorum  quoquomodo  gravetur  in 
futurum. 

Septimum;  quod  compromissum  istud  in  regno  Angliae 
tractetur,  et  infra  festum  Paschae  proximum  ad  ultimum  ter- 
minetur. 

LIBEB  DE  ANTIQUIS  LEGIBUS,  p.  65.  Tune  episcopi  et  barones 
tenuerunt  parlamentum,  in  quo  ordinatum  fuit,  sicut  patet  in 
litteris  domini  regis. 

A.D.  1265.  ANN.  WAVEEL.  p.  358.  In  crastino  Sancti 
Hilarii  factum  est  parliamentum  magnum  Londoniae. 

CHRON.  T.  WYKES,  pp.  163,  174.  Die  Jovis  in  septimana 
Pentecostes  dominus  Edwardus  .  .  .  collegis  suis  mirantibus  quo 
pergeret  valedixit.  .  .  .  Gestum  est  .  .  .  proelium  extra  oppidunx 
Eveshamiae  die  Martis  proxima  post  festum  Sancti  Petri  ad 
Vincula,  quarto  die  mensis  Augusti.  .  .  . 

ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  366.  Ad  festum  Exaltationis  Sanctae 
Crucis  factum  est  parliamentum  magnum  apud  Wintoniam  .  . . 


336  Henry  III.  [PART 

prolongatum  fuit  .  .  .  usque  ad  festum  Sancti  Edwardi  apud 
Westmonasterium. 

A.D.  1266.  MATT.  WESTM.  p.  397.  Henricus  rex  Angliae 
Natale  suum  tenuit  apud  Westmonasterium,  ubi  regionis  nobiles 
conveneruut  in  unum  de  pace  regni  more  solito  tractaturi. 

ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  371.  Ad  festum  Sancti  Bartliolomaei  apo- 
stoli  factum  est  parliamentum  magnum  apud  Kenilworthe  ubi 
dominus  rex  Henricus  concessit  baronibus  suis  antiquam  cartam, 
et  requisivit  decimam  per  triennium  totius  ecclesiae  Anglicanae ; 
responsumque  fuit  communiter  et  legatus  assensum  praebuit, 
quod  primo  formarent  pacem,  si  qua  posset  fieri,  et  postea  super 
his  responsum  domino  regi  facerent,  quod  dominus  rex  bene 
concessit.  Provisum  igitur  ibidem  est  per  assensum  regis,  Ed- 
wardi, legati,  episcoporum,  abbatum,  baronum  omnium  ibidem 
existentium,  ut  eligerentur  sex  viri,  tres  episcopi  et  tres  barones 
indigenae,  ipsique  sex  alios  sex  eligerent  episcopos  et  barones 
indigenas  .  .  .  qui  ordinarent  de  statu  regnL 

A.D.  1267.  MATT.  "WESTM.  p.  398.  Eex  Henricus  tenuit 
Natale  suum  Coventriae.  Postmodum  veniens  ad  Westmonaste- 
rium, parliamentum  tenuit  cum  potentioribus  terrae  suae,  spe- 
rans  pacem  in  cunctis  finibus  Angliae  confirmare. 

CHRON.  T.  WYKES,  p.  210.     Obtento  quidem  circa  festum 

Sancti  Jacobi  apostoli  tam  felici  triumpbo  (sc.  de  provincia 

Eliensi)  ...  in  cunctis    regni  finibus   successit  optata   trau- 
quillitas. 

STAT.  MARLB.  A.D.  1267,  regni  autem  domini  Henrici  filii 
regis  Jobannis  LII°,  in  octavis  Sancti  Martini,  providente  ipso 
domino  rege  ad  regni  sui  meliorationem  et  ad  exhibitionem 
justitiae  prout  regalis  offieii  exposcit  utilitas  pleniorem,  con- 
vocatis  discretioribus  ejusdem  regni  tam  de  majoribus  quam 
de  minoribus,  ita  provisum  est  et  statutum  et  concorditer 
ordinatum. 

A.D.  1268.  ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  375.  Item  XIX.  kalendas 
Maii  celebravit  dominus  legatus  concilium  suum  Londoniae  .  .  . 
inde  profectus  versus  Norhamtone,  ubi  dominus  rex  et  alii 
magnates  regni  magnum  parliamentum  tenuerunt  .  .  ubi 
dominus  Edward  us  et  Edmundus  frater  ejus  et  multi  magnates 
regni  sunt  ab  eo  crucesignati. 

A.  D.  1269.  CHRON.  T.  WYKES,  p.  221.  Convocata  Lon- 
doniae in  quindena  Paschae  magnatum  Angliae  multi tudine 
copiosa,  rex  .  .  .  vix  aliquid  memorabile  gessit  in  opere. 


vi.]  Reissue  of  the  Charter.  337 

Ib.  pp.  226,  227.  Tertio  idus  Octobris  .  .  .  convocatis  uni- 
versis  Angliae  praelatis  et  magnatibus  necnon  cunctarum  regni 
sui  civitatum  pariter  et  burgorum  potentioribus  .  .  .  venerandas 
illas  reliquias  (sc.  Sancti  Edwardi),  de  veteri  scrinio  transferens 
...  in  loco  supereminenti  cum  ea  qua  decuit  reverentia  col- 
locavit.  . . .  Celebrato  tandem  tantae  translations  solemnio,  coe- 
perunt  nobiles,  ut  assolent,  parliamentationis  genere  de  regis  et 
regni  negotiis  pertractare ;  in  quo  .  .  .  annuentibus  regni  majo- 
ribus  vel  contradicere  non  audentibus,  concessum  est  quod  de 
universis  laicorum  mobilibus  per  regnum  Angliae  .  .  .  vicesima 
solveretur. 

A.D.  1270.  ANN.  WINTON.  p.  108.  Item  parliamentum 
omnium  magnatum  Angliae  in  quindena  Paschae,  ad  tractan- 
dum  de  vicesima.  .  .  .  Post  octavas  Sancti  Jobannis  convene- 
runt  fere  omnes  magnates  apud  Londoniam  ad  tractandum  de 

praemissis. 

A.D.  1271.  ANN.  WINTON.  p.  no.  Post  octavas  Epiphaniae 
magnates  regni  parliamentum  suum  tenuerunt  Londoniae,  ubi 
per  communem  assensum  domini  Bicardi  regis  Alemanniae, 
Gilbeiii  comitis  Gloverniae,  Philippi  Basset  et  aliorum,  exhae- 
redatis  concessae  sunt  eorum  terrae. 


A.D.  1216.    ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  THE  REISSUE  OF  THE 
CHARTER. 

REX,  G.  de  Marisco  justitiario  suo  Hiberniae,  salutem.  Mul- 
tiplices  vobis  referimus  gratiarum  actiones  de  bono  et  fideli 
servitio  vestro,  felicis  memoriae  Johanni  quondam  regi  Angliae, 
patri  nostro,  exhibito,  nobisque  exhibendo,  et  de  hiis  quae  per 
fidelem  nostrum  Radulfum  de  Norwico  clericum  nobis  signi- 
ficastis.  Cum  igitur  jubente  Ipso  Cujus  famulantur  imperio 
mors  et  vita,  dominus  et  pater  noster  ex  hac  luce  feliciter 
migraverit,  cujus  anima  in  caelestibus  collocetur,  vos  scire 
volumus  quod  celebratis  solemniter  ex  more  debito  regalibus 
exsequiis  in  ecclesia  Beatae  Mariae  Wygorniae,  convenerunt 
apud  Gloucestriam  plures  regni  nostri  magnates,  episcopi, 
abbates,  comites  et  barones,  qui  patri  nostro  viventi  semper 
astiterunt  fideliter  et  devote,  et  alii  quamplurimi ;  ubi  in  festo 
apostolorum  Simonis  et  Judae,  in  ecclesia  Beati  Petri  Glou- 
cestriae,  applaudentibus  clero  et  populo,  per  manus  domini 

z 


338  Henry  III.  [PAET 

Gualonis  titulo  Sancti  Martini  presbyteri  cardinalis  et  aposto- 
licae  sedis  legati  in  Anglia,  et  episcoporum  tune  praesentium, 
invocata  Spiritus  Sancti  gratia,  publice  fuimus  in  regem  Angliae 
inuncti  et  coronati,  fidelitate  et  homagio  omnium  illorum  nobis 
exhibitis  ;  quod  vobis  ut  fideli  nostro  duximus  intimandum, 
ut  de  honore  et  successu  nostro  felici  glofiemini.  Sane  cum 
audierimus  indignationem  quondam  inter  memoratum  dominum 
patrem  nostrum  et  quosdam  nobiles  regni  nostri  exortam, — utrum 
cum  causa  vel  sine  causa  nos  nescimus, — sic  agitatam  exstitisse, 
et  illam  volumus  in  perpetuum  aboleri  et  oblivisci,  quod  nun- 
quam  menti  nostrae  adhaereat,  et  ut,  cessante  causa,  cesset 
effectus  ;  quicquid  exstiterit  erga  ipsum  conceptae  indignationis 
parati  sumus  et  volumus  pro  viribus  nostris  expiare,  singulis 
praebendo  quod  ratio  dictaverit  cum  subditorum  consilio,  et 
deletis  de  regno  pravis  consuetudinibus,  in  libertatum  et  libera- 
rum  consuetudinum  innovatione  dies  nobilium  patrum  nostrorum 
reformare  gratiosos,  unicuique  tribuendo  quod  sibi  debebit  cum 
ratione  competere.  Ad  hoc  sciatis  quod  celebrato  nuper  concilio 
apud  Bristollum  ubi  convenerunt  universi  Angliae  praelati  tarn 
episcopi  et  abbates,  quam  priores,  et  multi  tarn  comites  quam 
barones,  qui  etiam  universaliter  fidelitatem  nobis  publice  faci- 
entes,  concessis  eis  libertatibus  et  liberis  consuetudinibus  ab  eis 
prius  postulatis,  et  ipsis  approbatis,  prompti  et  proni  ad  man- 
datum  nostrum  in  partes  suas  cum  gaudio  sunt  reversi.  Spera- 
mus  quidem  et  in  Domino  confidimus  quod  regni  nostri  status, 
Divina  favente  dementia,  in  melius  commutabitur.  De  domina 
regina  matre  nostra  vel  fratre  nostro  mittendis  in  Hiberniam 
vobis  respondemus,  quod  babito  consilio  fidelium  nostrorum  et 
assensu,  quod  nobis  et  commodo  nostro  et  regni  nostri  expedire 
viderimus,  faciemus.  Rogamus  igitur  dilectionem  vestram  qua- 
tenus,  etsi  bonae  memoriae  Johanni  patri  nostro  fideles  exsti- 
teritis  et  devoti,  tanto  nobis  fideliores  existere  curetis,  quanto 
scitis  nos  auxilio  et  consilio  vestro  in  liac  teneritate  nostra 
plurimum  indigere  ;  capientes  fidelitatem  de  singulis  Hiberniae 
magnatibus,  et  aliis  qui  nobis  ipsam  facere  tenentur.  Retinui- 
mus  adhuc  nobiscum  Radulfum  de  Norwico,  ut  de  biis  et  aliis 
per  ipsum  voluntatem  nostram  plenius  vobis  significemus,  vo- 
lentes  ut  eisdem  vos  et  ceteri  fideles  nostri  Hiberniae  gaudeatis 
libertatibus,  quas  fidelibus  nostris  de  regno  Angliae  concessimus, 
et  illas  vobis  concedemus  et  confirmamus.  Teste,  etc.  —  (Foedera, 
i.  145.) 


vi.]  Reissue  of  the  Charter.  339 


A.D.  1216.    FIEST  CHABTER  OP  HESRY  HI. 

This  first  reissue  of  the  Great  Charter  took   place  in   the 
council  at  which,  under  the  influence  of  the  legate,  the  mass  of 
the  prelates  and  the  barons  who  were  not  committed  to  the 
French  party  swore   fealty  to   the   king.     The  omissions  and 
additions  in  this  edition  are  very  significant.     All  the  merely 
temporary  provisions  of  the  Great  Charter  of  John  are  left  out 
as  a  matter  of  course,  as  well  as  the  clauses  which  were  intended 
to  secure  the  execution  of  them.     The  most  important  omissions 
are  those  of  the  articles  which  restricted  the  king's  power  of 
increasing  his  revenue,  such  as  those  touching  the  ferm  of  the 
counties,  the  debts  of  the  Jews,  and  the  alterations  in  the  forest 
law ;  and  most  especially  that  which  forbids  the  levying  of  an 
aid  over  and  above  the  three  ordinary  ones,  without  the  consent 
of  the  '  Commune  Consilium  regni.'     The  ministers  seem  to 
have  felt  that  in  the  present  state  of  affairs  it  would  be  foolish 
to  bind   the   young  king  by  the   terms  which  were   necessary 
to  bind  his  father,  and  that  as  they  themselves  were  likely  to 
have  the  administration  of  the  country  for  some  years,  it  would 
be  imprudent  to  tie  their  own  hands.     It  must  be  considered 
also  that  some  of  the  most  determined  opponents  of  the  royal 
power  were  in  arms  against  the  king,  and  that  thus  one  element 
of  the  compromise  was  wanting.     The  archbishop,  whose  poli- 
tical  foresight  would  have   discerned  the   danger  of  omitting 
the    1 2th   and    I4th  clauses,  was  at  Rome.     It  is   curious  to 
mark   the  papal  sanction  given  by  Gualo  to  the  Charter,  the 
original  enactment  of  which  had  subjected  the  barons  to   the 
sentence  of  excommunication.     The  minor  alterations  are  cha- 
racterised by  the  increased  authority  allowed  to  feudal  lords 
over  their  vassals,  and  the  relaxation  of  the  terms  defining  the 
royal  appointment  of  judges.     Whilst  the  taxative  power  of  the 
Crown  is  thus  unfettered,  its  judicial  control  over  the  feudatories 
seems  to  be  weakened ;  and  this  denotes  perhaps  the  spirit  of 
the  compromise.     In  the  42nd  article,  however,  the  ministers 
guard    against   the   suspicion   of  dishonest   dealing  with  the 

Z  2 


340  Henry  III.  [PAKT 

Charter :  the  omitted  clauses  are  merely  respited,  and  a  pro- 
mise is  made  of  full  consideration  and  ready  completion  of  all 
that  shall  conduce  to  the  wellbeing  of  the  body  politic. 


HEXRICUS  Dei  gratia  rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hyberniae,  dux 
Normanniae  et  Aquitanniae,  et  comes  Andegaviae,  archiepiscopis, 
episcopis,  abbatibus,  comitibus,  baronibus,  justitiariis,  forestariis, 
vicecomitibus,  praepositis,  ministris,  ballivis  et  omnibus  fidelibus 
suis,  salutem.  Sciatis  nos  intuitu  Dei  et  pro  salute  animae 
nostrae  et  omnium  antecessorum  et  successorum  nostrorum,  ad 
honoreni  Dei  et  exaltationem  sanctae  ecclesiae  et  emendationem 
regni  nostri,  per  consilium  venerabilium  patrum  nostrorum  do- 
mini  Gualonis  tituli  Sancti  Martini  presbiteri  cardinalis  aposto- 
licae  sedis  legati,  Petri  Wintoniensis,  R.  de  Sancto  Asapho, 
J.  Bathoniensis  et  Glastoniensis,  S.  Exoniensis,  R.  Cicestrensis, 
W.  Coventrensis,  B.  Roffensis,  H.  Landavensis,  —  Menevensis, 
— Bangorensis  et  S.  Wygornensis,  episcoporum ;  et  nobilium  viro- 
rum  Willelmi  Mariscalli  comitis  Penbrociae,  Ranulfi  comitis 
Cestriae,  Willelmi  de  Ferrariis  comitis  Derebiae,  Willelmi  comitis 
Albemarlae,  Huberti  de  Burgo  Justitiarii  nostri,  Savarici  de 
Maloleone,  Willelmi  Brigwerre  patris,  Willelmi  Brigwerre  filii, 
Roberti  de  Curtenay,  Falkesii  de  Breaute,  Reginald!  de  Vautort, 
Walteri  de  Lascy,  Hugonis  de  Mortuo  Mari,  Johannis  de  Mone- 
mute,  Walteri  de  Bello  campo,  Walteri  de  Clifford,  Rogeri  de 
Clifford,  Roberti  de  Mortuo  Mari,  "Willelmi  de  Cantilupe,  Mathaei 
filii  Hereberti,  Johannis  Mariscalli,  Alani  Basset,  Philippi  de 
Albiniaco,  Johannis  Extranei  et  aliorum  fidelium  nostrorum  : — 

1.  Imprimis  —  illaesas.     Concessimus  —  nostris  ;    as   in   the 
charter  of  John,  the  intermediate  clause  on  freedom  of  election 
being  omitted. 

2.  Si  quis — feodorum ;  as  in  the  charter  of  John,  art.  2. 

3.  Si  autem  haeres  alicujus  talium  fuerit  infra  aetatem,  domi- 
nus ejus  non  habeat  custodiam  ejus  nee  terrae  suae,  antequam 
homagium   ejus    ceperit ;    et   postquam   talis   haeres   fuerit    in 
custodia,  cum  ad  aetatem  pervenerit,  scilicet  viginti  unius  anni, 
habeat  haereditatem  suam  sine  relevio  et  sine  fine,  ita  tamen 
quod  si  ipse  dum  infra  aetatem  fuerit,  fiat  miles,  nihilominus 
terra   remaneat   in   custodia   domini   sui    usque   ad   terminum 
praedictum. 

4.  Gustos — praedictum  est.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  4. 

5.  Custos — carucis ;  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  5,  ending  thus  :  et  om- 
nibus aliis  rebus  ad  minus  secundum  quod  illam  recepit.     Haec 
omnia  observentur  de  custodiis  archiepiscopatuum,  episcopatuum, 


vi.]  Reissue  of  the  Charter.  341 

abbatiarum,  prioratuum,  ecclesiarum  et  dignitatum  vacantium, 
excepto  quod  custodiae  hujusmodi  vendi  non  debent. 

6.  Haeredes — disparagatione.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  6,  omitting  tJte 
concluding  words. 

7.  Vidua — dos  sua,  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  7,  adding,  nisi  prius  ei 
fuerit  assignata,  vel  nisi  domus  ilia  sit  castrum ;  et  si  de  castro 
recesserit,  statim  provideatur  ei  domus  competens  in  qua  possit 
honeste  morari  quousque  dos  sua  ei  assignetur  secundum  quod 
praedictum  est. 

8.  Nulla— tenuerit.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  8. 

9.  Nos  vero  vel  ballivi — reddendum,  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  9 ;    et 
ipse  debitor  paratus  sit  inde  satisfacere,  nee  plegii — non  habens, 
M.  C.  Joh.  art.  9  ;  unde  reddat,  aut  reddere  nolit  cum  possit, 
plegii — plegios.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  9. 

The  loth,  nth,  and  12th  articles  of  the  charter  of 
John  are  omitted. 

TO.  Civitas  Londoniarum  habeat  omnes  antiquas  libertates 
et  liberas  consuetudines  suas.  Praeterea  volumus  et  concedi- 
mus  quod  omnes  aliae  civitates  et  burgi  et  villae  et  barones  de 
quinque  portubus  et  omnes  portus  habeant  omnes  libertates  et 
liberas  consuetudines  suas.  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  13. 

The  1 4th  and  i$th  articles  of  the  charter  of  John  are 
omitted. 

11.  Nullus — debetur.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  16. 

12.  Communia — certo.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  17. 

13.  Recognitions — praedictas.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  18. 

14.  Et  si — minus.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  19. 

15.  Liber  homo — visneto.     M.  G.  Joh.  art.  20,  ending  pro- 
borum  et  legalium  hominum  de  visneto. 

1 6.  Comites — delicti.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  21. 

17.  Nullus  clericus — ecclesiastici,  M.  C.  Joh.  art.22,  omitting 
de  laico  tenemento  suo. 

1 8.  Nee  villa — debent.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  23. 

19.  Nullus  vicecomes — nostrae.     M.  G.  Joh.  art.  24. 

The  2$th  article  of  the  charter  of  John  is  omitted. 

20.  Si  aliquis — partibus  suis.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  26. 

TJie  2*1  th  article  of  tJie  cliarter  of  John  is  omitted. 

21.  Nullus  constabularius  vel  ejus  ballivus  capiat  blada  vel 
alia  catalla  alicujus  qui  non  sit  de  villa  ubi  castrum  situm  est, 
nisi  statim  inde  reddat  denarios  aut  respectum  inde  habere  possit 
de  voluntate  venditoris ;  si  autem  de  villa  fuerit,  teneatur  infra 
tres  septimanas  pretium  reddere.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  28. 


342  Henry  III.  [PART 

22.  Nullus — exercitu.    M.  0.  Joh.  art.  29. 

23.  Nullus  vicecomes  vel  ballivus  noster  vel  alius  capiat  equos 
vel  carettas  alicujus  pro  cariagio  faciendo,  nisi  reddat  liberatio- 
nem  antiquitus   statutam,  scilicet  pro  caretta  ad   duos  equos 
decem  denarios  per  diem,  et  pro  caretta  ad  tres  equos  quatuor- 
decim  denarios  per  diem.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  30. 

24.  Nee  nos — fuerit.     M.  G.  Joh.  art.  31. 

25.  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  32. 

26.  M.  G.  Joh.  art.  33. 

27.  M.  G.  Joh;  art.  34. 

28.  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  35. 

29.  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  36. 

30.  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  37. 

31.  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  38. 

32.  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  39. 

33.  M.  G.  Joh.  art.  40. 

34.  Omnes  mercatores,  nisi  publice  ante   prohibit!  fuerint, 
habeant — terra  nostra.     M.  G.  Joh.  art.  41. 

The  42nd  article  of  tlte  cluirter  of  John  is  omitted. 

35.  M.  G.  Joh.  art.  43. 

36.  M.  G.  Joh.  art.  44. 

TJie  4$th  article  of  the  charter  of  John  is  omitted. 

37.  M.  G.  Joh.  art.  46,  adding,  et  sicut  supra  declaratum  est. 

38.  Omnes   forestae    quae    afforestatae    sunt   tempore   regis 
Johannis  patris  nostri  gtatim    deafforestentur,    et   ita   fiat   de 
ripariis  quae  per  eundem  Johaunem  tempore  suo  positae  sunt  in 
defenso.     M.  C.  Joh.  art.  47. 

The  articles  48  to  53,  inclusive,  of  the  charter  of  John 
are  omitted. 

39.  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  54. 

The  55^  article  of  the  charter  of  John  is  omitted. 

40.  Et  si  rex  Johannes  pater  noster  dissaisierit  vel  elongaverit 
Wallenses — nostris ;  as  in  M.  G.  Joh.  art.  56. 

The  57<7&,  &8th,  and  Sgth  articles  of  the  charter  of  John 
are  omitted. 

41.  M.  C.  Joh.  art.  60. 

The   remaining  articles  of  the  charter  of  John  are 
omitted. 

42.  Quia  vero  quaedam  capitula  in  priore  carta  continebantur 
quae  gravia  et  dubitabilia  videbantur,  scilicet  de  scutagiis  et 
auxiliis  assidendis,  de  debitis  Judaeorum  et  aliorum,  et  de  liber- 
tate  exeundi  de  regno  nostro  vel  redcundi  in  regnum,  et  de 


i.]  Reissue  of  the  Charter.  343 

r  forestis  et  forestariis,  warennis  et  warennariis,  et  de  consuetudi- 
nibus  comitatuum  et  de  ripariis  et  earum  custodibus,  placuit 
supradictis  praelatis  et  magnatibus  ea  esse  in  respectu  quousque 
plenius  consilium  habuerimus,  et  tune  faciemus  plenissime  tarn  de 
hiis  quam  de  aliisquae  occurrerint  emendanda,  quae  ad  communem 
omnium  utilitatem  pertinuerint  et  pacem  et  statum  nostrum  et 
regni  nostri.  Quia  vero  sigillum  nondum  habuimus,  praesentem 
cartam  sigillis  venerabilis  patris  nostri  domini  Gualonis  tituli 
Sancti  Martini  presbyteri  cardinalis,  apostolicae  sedis  legati,  et 
Willelmi  Mariscalli  comitis  Penbrokiae,  rectoris  nostri  et  regni 
nostri  fecimus  sigillari.  Testibus  omnibus  praenominatis  et 
aliis  multis.  Datum  per  manus  praedictorum  domini  legati  et 
Willelmi  Mariscalli  comitis  Penbrokiae  apud  Bristollum  duo- 
decimo die  Novembris  anno  regni  nostri  primo. — (Statutes  of  tlt£ 
Realm — Charters  of  Liberties,  14-16.) 


A.D.  1217.  SUMMONS  OF  THE  SHERIFF 
THE  COUNTY  IN  ABMS.' 


The  following  writ  directs  the  sheriff  to  collect  the  whole  force 
of  his  county  in  arms :  ( i )  the  feudal  levy  in  the  proportion 
determined  by  the  extent  of  the  holdings  of  the  tenants  in  chief ; 
and  (2)  the  force  armed  under  the  Assize  of  Arms  on  the  non- 
feudal  principle.  It  was  probably  issued  in  preparation  for  the 
march  of  the  Earl  Marshall  on  London,  whither  Lewis  had  be- 
taken himself  after  the  battle  of  Lincoln. 

The  writ  bears  the  same  relation  to  the  summons  of  the 
barons  to  military  service,  as  the  summons  to  the  county  court 
bears  to  the  summons  to  Parliament.  (See  below,  A.D.  1231.) 

REX  vicecomiti  Berkescirae,  salutem.  Praecipimus  tibi  quod 
venire  faclas~usque  Oxoniam  die  Dominica  proxima  post  festum 
Sancti  Petri  ad  Vincula  totum  servitium  quod  archiepiscopi, 
episcopi,  abbates  et  viri  religiosi,  comites  et  barones  et  omnes 
alii  de  ballia  tua,  quicunque  fuerint,  nobis  debent ;  et  venire 
facias  illuc  ad  diem  ilium  similiter  omnes  illos  de  ballia  tua  qui 
non  sunt  homines  praedictorum  et  per  catalla  eorum  et  alia 
jurati  sunt,  promptos  et  paratos  ad  eundum  in  servitium  nos- 
trum quo  eis  praeceperimus.  Quia  etc.  T.  apud  Oxonium,  XXII 
die  Julii. — (Report  on  t!te  Dignity  of  a  Peer,  App.  p.  2.) 


344  Henry  III.  [PART 


A.D.  1217.     SECOND  CHARTER  OP  HENRY  III. 

The  second  reissue  of  the  Great  Charter  took  place  after  the 
treaty  of  peace  and  Lewis's  resignation  of  his  claims  to  the 
crown.  It  is  undated ;  but  was  probably  put  forth  either  on 
the  occasion  of  the  council  at  Merton  on  the  23rd  of  September, 
when  a  large  part  of  Lewis's  supporters  gave  in  their  adhesion 
to  Henry;  or  six  weeks  later  at  London,  when  the  Charter 
of  the  Forest  was  granted.  The  differences  between  this  edition 
and  that  of  the  preceding  year  are  numerous,  important,  and 
minute.  The  clauses  touching  the  forest  administration  are 
omitted,  to  be  embodied  in  a  new  charter.  The  respiting  clause 
(art.  42)  is  also  omitted,  although  the  introduction  of  a  new 
provision  (art.  46),  saving  all  existing  privileges,  may  be 
regarded  as  serving  the  same  purpose.  Besides  the  46th 
article,  the  42nd,  43rd,  44th,  and  47th  are  new  :  the  former 
three,  which  arrange  for  the  holding  of  the  sheriff's  court  and 
view  of  frankpledge,  forbid  the  fraudulent  bestowal  of  estates  on 
religious  houses,  and  assert  the  king's  rights  to  scutages ;  and  the 
47th,  which  directs  the  destruction  of  the  adulterine  castles,  are 
most  interesting.  They  show  how  great  a  reaction  had  set  in 
since  the  days  of  John,  and  that  the  condition  of  the  country, 
having  fallen  back  into  the  evils  of  the  last  century,  required  the 
same  measures  of  restoration.  The  minute  legal  changes  in  the 
earlier  articles  indicate  the  same  state  of  things  :  the  reduction 
of  the  assizes  of  the  itinerant  justices  from  four  to  one  annually  ; 
and  the  disuse  of  the  plan  of  election  of  knights  to  take  the 
recognitions  (art.  13),  look  like  a  concession  to  the  feudal  spirit 
which  long  continued  hostile  to  the  king's  provincial  judicature. 
It  would  be  dangerous  to  infer  too  much  of  a  political  meaning 
in  these :  but  the  old  feudal  party,  which  it  was  necessary  for 
the  moment  to  reconcile,  was  the  only  one  which  could  gain  by 
the  limitation  of  the  powers  of  either  the  royal  or  the  local 
tribunals  which  Avas  involved  in  these  changes. 

HEXRICUS  Dei  gratia  rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hiberniae,  dux 
Normanniae,  Aquitanniae,  et  comes  Andegaviae,  archiepiscopis, 


%7i.]  Second  Reissue  of  the  Charter.  345 

episcopis,  abbatibus,  prioribus,  comitibus,  baronibus,  vicecomi- 
tibus,  praepositis,  ministris,  et  omnibus  baillivis  et  fidelibus  suis 
praesentem  cartam  inspecturis,  salutem.  Sciatis  quod  intuitu 
Dei  et  pro  salute  animae  nostrae  et  animarum  antecessorum  et 
Buccessorum  nostrorum,  ad  exaltationem  sanctae  ecclesiae  et 
emendationem  regni  nostri,  concessimus  et  hac  praesenti  carta 
confirmavimus  pro  nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris  in  perpetuum, 
de  consilio  venerabilis  patris  nostri  domini  Gualonis  tituli 
Sancti  Martini  presbiteri  cardinalis  et  apostolicae  sedis  legati, 
domini  Walteri  Eboracensis  archiepiscopi,  Willelmi  Londoniensis 
episcopi,  et  aliorum  episcoporum  Angliae  et  Willelmi  Mariscalli 
comitis  Pembrokiae  rectoris  nostri  et  regni  nostri,  et  aliorum 
fidelium  comitum  et  baronum  nostrorum  Angliae,  has  libertates 
subscriptas  tenendas  in  regno  nostro  Angliae  in  perpetuum  : — 

Art.  1-6.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  1-6. 

7.  Vidua — maneat  (H.  C.  1216,  art.  7),  in  capitali  mesuagio 
mariti  sui  per  xl.  dies  post  obitum  ipsius  mariti  sui,  infra  quos 
assignetur  ei  dos  sua  nisi  prius  fuerit  ei  assignata,  vel  nisi  domus 
ilia  sit  castrum,  et  si  de  castro — praedictum  est;  (M.  C.  1216, 
art.  7)  et  habeat  rationabile  estuverium  suum  interim  de  com- 
muni.  Assignetur  autem  ei  pro  dote  sua  tertia  pars  totius 
terrae  mariti  sui  quae  sua  fuit  in  vita  sua,  nisi  de  minori  dotata 
fuerit  ad  ostium  ecclesiae. 

Art.  8-12.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  8-12. 

13.  Recognitiones — per  unumquemque  comitatum  semel  in 
anno   qui   cum   militibus    comitatuum  capiant  in   comitatibus 
assisas  praedictas. 

14.  Et  ea  quae  in  illo  adventu  suo  in  comitatu  per  justiti- 
arios  praedictos  ad  dictas  assisas  capiendas  missos  terminari  non 
possunt,  per  eosdem  terminentur  alibi  in  itinere  suo,  et  ea  quae 
per  eosdem,  propter  difficultatem  aliquorum  articulorum,  termi- 
uari  non  possunt,  referantur  ad  justitiarios  nostros  de  banco 
et  ibi  terminentur. 

15.  Assisae  de  ultima  praesentatione  semper  capiantur  coram 
justitiariis  de  banco  et  ibi  terminentur. 

1 6.  Liber    homo — villanus    alterius    quam   noster — visneto. 
M.  C.  1216,  art,  15. 

17.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  1 6. 

1 8.  Nulla  ecclesiastica  persona  amercietur  secundum   quan- 
titatem  beneficii  sui  ecclesiastici,  sed  secundum  laicum  contene- 
mentum  suum  et  secundum  quantitatem  delicti.     M.  C.  1216, 
art.  17. 

19.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  1 8. 

20.  Nulla  riparia  de  cetero  defendatur  nisi  illae  quae  fuerunt 


Henry  III.  [PART 

in  defense  tempore  Henrici  regis  avi  nostri  per  eadem  loca  et 
eosdem  terminos,  sicut  esse  consueverunt  tempore  suo. 

21.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  19. 

22.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  20  :  omitting  et  pueris. 

23.  Nullus  constabularius — de  villa  ipsa  fuerit  infra  xl.  dies 
pretium  reddat.     M.  C.  1216,  art.  21. 

24.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  22. 

25.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  23. 

26.  Nulla   caretta  dominica  alicujus   ecclesiasticae  personae 
vel  militis   vel  alicujus   dominae  capiatur  per  baillivos  prae- 
dictos. 

27.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  24. 

28.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  25. 

29.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  26. 

30.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  27. 

31.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  28. 

32.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  29. 

33.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  30. 

34.  Nullus  ballivus  ponat  de  cetero  aliquem  ad  legem  mani- 
festam  nee  ad  jurarnentuni  simplici  loquela — inductis.     M.  C. 
1216,  art.  31. 

35.  Nullus  liber  homo  capiatur  vel  imprisonetur,  aut  dissai- 
sietur  de  libero  tenemento  suo  vel  libertatibus  vel  liberis  con- 
suetudinibus  suis,  aut  utlagetur  . .  .  terrae.     M.  C.  1216,  art.  32. 

36.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  33. 

37.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  34. 

38.  Si  quis — baro  earn  tenuit  (M.  C.  1216,  art.  35).     Nee  nos 
occasione  talis  baroniae  vel  excaetae  habebimus  aliquam  excae- 
tam  vel  custodiam  aliquorum   hominum  nostrorum  nisi  alibi 
tenuerit  de  nobis  in  capite  ille  qui  tenuit  baroniam  vel  excaetam. 

39.  Nullus  liber  homo  de  cetero  det  amplius  alicui  vel  vendat 
<le  terra  sua  quam  ut  de  residue  terrae  suae  possit  sufficienter 
fieri  domino  feodi  servitium  ei  debitum  quod  pertinet  ad  feodum 
illud. 

40.  Omnes   patroni   abbatiarum,    qui    habent   cartas   regum 
Angliae  de  advocatione  vel  antiquaia  tenuram  vel  possessionem, 
habeant  earum  custodiam — declaratum  est.    M.  C.  1216,  art.  37. 

41.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  39. 

42.  Nullus  comitatus  de  cetero  teneatur  nisi  de  mense  in 
mensem,  et  ubi  major  terminus  esse  solebat,  major  sit.     Nee 
aliquis   vicecomes  vel  baillivus  suus  faciat  turnum  suum  per 
hundretum  nisi  bis  in  anno,  et  non  nisi  in  loco  debito  et  con- 
sueto,  videlicet  semel  post  Pascha  et  iterum  post  festum  Sancti 
Michaelis.     Et  visus  de  franco  plegio  tune  fiat  ad  ilium  termi- 


VI.]  Charter  of  the  Forest.  347 

num  Sancti  Michaelis  sine  occasione,  ita  scilicet  quod  quilibet 
habeat  libertates  suas  quas  habuit  et  habere  consuevit  tempore 
Henrici  regis  avi  nostri,  vel  quas  postea  perquisivit.  Fiat  autem 
visujLdeJranco  plegio_sic;  videlicet,  quod  pax  nostra  tencatur  et 
quod  tethinga  Integra  sit  sicut  esse  consuevit,  et  quod  vice- 
conies  non  quaerat  occasiones,  et  quod  contentus  sit  de  eo  quod 
vicecomes  habere  consuevit  de  visu  suo  faciendo  tempore  Hen- 
2  rici  regis  avi  nostri. 

«j  r      43.  Non   liceat   alicui  de   cetero  dare   terram   suam   alicui 
domui  religiosae  ita  quod  illam  resumat  tenendam  de  eadem 
domo,  nee  liceat  alicui  domui  religiosae  terram  alicujus  sic  acci- 
.    pere  quod  tradat  earn  illi  a  quo  earn  receperit  tenendam.     Si 
J    quis  autem  de  cetero  terram  suam  alicui  domui  religiosae  sic 
/    dederit  et  super  hoc  convincatur,  donum  suum  penitus  cassetur 
V    et  terra  ilia  domino  suo  illius  feodi  incurratur. 
I       44.  Scutagium  capiatur  de  cetero  sicut  capi  consuevit  tem- 
I  pore  Henrici  regis  avi  nostri. 

45.  M.  C.  1216,  art.  41. 

46.  Salvis  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  abbatibus,  prioribus,  Tem- 
plariis,  Hospitalariis,  comitibus,  baronibus  et  omnibus  aliis  tarn 
ecclesiasticis  personis  quam  saecularibus,  libertatibus  et  liberis 
consuetudinibus  quas  prius  habuerunt. 

47.  Statuimus  etiam  de  communi  consilio  totius  regni  nostri 
quod   omnia   castra   adulterina,   videlicet  ea  quae  a  principio 
guerrae  motae  inter  dominum  Johannem  patrem  nostrum  et 
barones  suos  Angliae  constructa  fuerint  vel  reaedificata,  statim 
diruantur.     Quia  vero  nondum  habuimus  sigillum  hanc  [cartam] 
sigillis  domini  legati  praedicti  et  comitis  Willelmi  Mariscalli 
rectoris  nostri  et  regni  nostri  fecimus  sigillari. — (Statutes  of 
the  Realm — Charters  of  Liberties,  17-19.) 


A.D.  1217.     CHABTER  OF  THE  FOREST. 

The  notion  that  John  issued  a  Forest  Charter  distinct  from 
the  forest  clauses  of  the  Great  Charter,  although  very  ancient, 
is  erroneous ;  the  document  given  in  Matthew  Paris  under  that 
name  being  merely  the  Forest  Charter  of  Henry  III  with  an 
altered  salutation.  The  following  document  is  the  first  Forest 
Charter,  and  was  issued  by  the  Earl  Marshall  in  Henry's  name 
on  the  6th  of  November,  1217.  As  an  important  piece  of  legis- 
lation it  must  be  compared  with  the  Forest  Assize  of  1184,  and 


348  Henry  111.  [PART 

with  the  44th,  47th,  and  48th  clauses  of  the  Charter  of  John. 
It  is  observable  that  most  of  the  abuses  which  are  remedied 
by  it  are  regarded  as  having  sprung  up  since  the  accession  of 
Henry  II,  but  the  most  offensive  afforestations  have  been  made 
under  Richard  and  John.  These  latter  are  at  once  disafforested  ; 
but  those  of  Henry  II  only  so  far  as  they  had  been  carried  out 
to  the  injury  of  the  landowners,  and  outside  of  the  royal 
demesne.  The  heavy  burden  of  attending  the  forest  courts  is 
remitted,  as  it  had  been  in  the  Great  Charter,  and  thus  the 
exact  analogy  established  by  Henry  II  between  the  courts  of 
the  shire  and  those  of  the  forest  is  abolished.  The  pth  and 
following  articles  repeal  the  most  offensive  clauses  of  the  Assize 
of  Woodstock. 


HENRICUS  Dei  gratia  rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hiberniae,  dux 
Normanniae,  Aquitanniae,  et  comes  Andegaviae,  archiepiscopis, 
episcopis,  abbatibus,  prioribus,  comitibus,  baronibus,  justitiariis, 
forestariis,  vicecomitibus,  praepositis,  ministris,  et  omnibus 
ballivis  et  fidelibus  suis,  salutem.  Sciatis  quod  intuitu  Dei  et 
pro  salute  animae  nostrae  et  animarum  antecessorum  et  succes- 
sorum  nostrorum,  ad  exaltationem  Sanctae  Ecclesiae  et  emen- 
dationem  regni  nostri,  concessimus  et  hac  praesenti  carta 
confirmavimus  pro  nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris  in  perpetuum,  de 
consilio  venerabilis  patris  nostri  Gualonis  tituli  sancti  Martini 
presbiteri  cardinalis  et  apostolicae  sedis  legati,  domini  Walteri 
Eboracensis  archiepiscopi,  Willelmi  Londoniensis  episcopi,  et 
aliorum  episcoporum  Angliae,  et  Willelmi  Marescalli  comitis 
Penbrociae,  rectoris  nostri  et  regni  nostri,  et  aliorum  fidelium 
comitum  et  baronum  nostrorum  Angliae,  has  libertates  sub- 
scriptas  tenendas  in  regno  nostro  Angliae,  in  perpetuum : — 
/  I.  In  primis  omnes  forestae  quas  Henricus  rex  avus  noster 
'  afforestavit  videantur  per  bonos  et  legales  homines,  et,  si  boscum 
aliquem  alium  quam  suum  dominicum  afforestaverit  ad  damp- 
num  illius  cujus  boscus  fuerit,  deafforestentur.  Et  si  boscum 
suum  proprium  afforestaverit,  remaneat  foresta,  salva  communa 
de  herbagio  et  aliis  in  eadem  foresta  illis  qui  earn  prius  habere 
'.  consueverunt. 

2.  Homines  qui  manent  extra  forestam  non  veniant  de  cetero 
coram  justitiariis  nostris  de  foresta  per  communes  summonitiones, 
nisi  sint  in  placito,  vel  plegii  alicujus  vel  aliquorum  qui  attachiati 
Bunt  propter  forestam. 


vi.]  Charter  of  the  Forest.  349 

/  3.  Omnes  autem  bosci  qui  fuerunt  afforestati  per  regem 
I  Kicardum  avunculum  nostrum,  vel  per  regem  Johannem  patrem 
I  nostrum  usque  ad  primam  coronationem  nostram,  statim  de- 
\  afforestentur,  nisi  fuerit  dominicus  boscus  noster. 

4.  Archiepiscopi,  episcopi,  abbates,  priores,  comites  et  barones 
et  milites  et  libere  tenentes,  qui  boscos  suos  habent  in  forestis, 
habeant  boscos  suos  sicut  eos  habuerunt  tempore  primae  coro- 
nationis praedicti  regis  Henrici  avi  nostri,  ita  quod  quieti  sint 
in  perpetuum  de  omnibus  purpresturis,  vastis  et  assartis,  factig 
in  illis  boscis,  post  illud  tempus  usque  ad  principium  secundi 
anni  coronationis  nostrae.     Et  qui  de  cetero  vastum,  purpres- 
turam,  vel  assartum  sine  licentia  nostra  in  illis  fecerint,  de  vastis 
et  assartis  respondeant. 

5.  Reguardores  nostri  eant  per  forestas  ad  faciendum  reguar- 
dum sicut  fieri  consuevit  tempore  primae  coronationis  praedicti 
regis  Henrici  avi  nostri,  et  non  aliter. 

f  6.  Inquisitio,  vel  visus  de  expeditatione  canum  existentium  in[  ^ 
foresta,  de  cetero  fiat  quando  debet  fieri  reguardum,  scilicet  del 
tertio  anno  in  tertium  annum ;  et  tune  fiat  per  visum  et  testi- 
monium  legalium  hominum  et  non  aliter.  Et  ille  cujus  canis 
inventus  fuerit  tune  non  expeditatus  det  pro  misericordia  tres 
solidos,  et  de  cetero  nullus  bos  capiatur  pro  expeditatione. 
Talis  autem  sit  expeditatio  per  assisam  communiter  quod  tres 
ortilli  abscidantur  sine  pelota  de  pede  anteriori ;  nee  expedi- 
tentur  canes  de  cetero  nisi  in  locis  ubi  consueverunt  expeditari 
tempore  primae  coronationis  regis  Henrici  avi  nostri. 
k.  7.  Nullus  forestarius  vel  bedellus  de  cetero  faciat  scotale,  vel 
colligat  garbas  vel  avenam  vel  bladum  aliud  vel  agnos  vel 
porcellos,  nee  aliquam  collectam  faciant ;  et  per  visum  et  sacra- 
mentum  duodecim  reguardorum  quando  facient  reguardum,  tot 
forestarii  ponantur  ad  forestas  custodiendas,  quod  ad  illas  custo- 
diendas  rationabiliter  viderint  sufficere. 

^  8.  Nullum  suanimotum  de  cetero  teneatur  in  regno  nostro 
nisi  ter~in  anno ;  videlicet  in  principio  quindecim  dierum  ante 
*  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  quando  agistatores  conveniunt  ad  agis- 
tandum  dominicos  boscos  nostros  ;  et  circa  festum  Sancti  Martini 
quando  agistatores  nostri  debent  recipere  pannagium  nostrum  ; 
et  ad  ista  duo  suanimota  conveniant  forestarii,  viridarii  et  agis- 
tatores, et  nullus  alius  per  districtionem  ;  et  tertium  suanimotum 
teneatur  in  initio  quindecim  dierum  ante  festum  Sancti  Johannis 
Baptistae,  pro  feonatione  bestiarum  nostrarum,  et  ad  istud  sua- 
nimotum tenendum  conveniant  forestarii  et  viridarii  et  nulli  alii 
per  districtionem.  Et  praeterea  singulis  quadraginta  diebus 
per  totum  annum  conveniant  viridarii  et  forestarii  ad 


350  Henry  III.  [PART 

r  attachiamenta  de  foresta,  tarn  de  viridi,  quam  de  venatione,  per 
|    praesentationem  ipsorum  forestariorum,  et  coram  ipsis  attachiatis. 
j    Praedicta  autem  suanimota  non  teneantur  nisi  in  coruitatibus 
in  quibus  teneri  consueverunt. 

9.  Unusquisque  liber  homo  agistet  boscum  suum  in  foresta ""} 
pro  voluntate  sua  et  habeat   pannagium   suum.     Concedimus  / 
etiam  quod  unusquisque  liber  homo  possit  ducere  porcos  suos  / 
per  dominicum  boscum  nostrum,  libere  et  sine  impedimento,  ad  I 
agistandum  eos  in  boscis  suis  propriis  vel  alibi  ubi  voluerit.     Et  { 
si  porci  alicujus  liberi  hominis  una  nocte   pernoctaverint   in  \ 
foresta  nostra,  non  inde  occasionetur  ita  quod  aliquid  de  suo  J 
perdat. 

10.  Nullus  de  cetero  amittat  vitam  vel  membra  pro  venatione 
nostra,  sed  si  aliquis  captus  fuerit  et  convictus  de  captione  vena- 
tionis,  graviter  redimatur,  si  habeat  unde  redimi  possit ;  et  si  non 
habeat  unde  redimi  possit,  jaceat  in  prisona  nostra  per  unum 
annum  et  unum  diem ;  et,  si  post  unum  annum  et  unum  diem 
plegios   inveriire  possit,   exeat  a  prisona;   sin  autem,  abjuret 
regnum  Angliae. 

11.  Quictmque    archiepiscopus,   episcopus,   comes   vel    baro 
transient  per  forestam  nostram,  liceat  ei  capere  unam  vel  duas 
bestias  per  visum  forestarii,  si  praesens  fuerit ;  sin  autem,  faciat 
cornari,  ne  videatur  furtive  hoc  facere. 

12.  Unusquisque  liber  homo  de  cetero  sine  occasione  faciat 
in  bosco  suo,  vel  in  terra  sua  quam  habeat  in  foresta,  molendi- 
num,  vivarium,  stagnum,  marleram,  fossatum,  vel  terrain  ara- 
bilem  extra  cooperatum  in  terra  arabili,  ita  quod  non  sit  ad 
nocumentum  alicujus  vicini. 

13.  Unusquisque   liber  homo   habeat   in  boscis  suis  aereas 
accipitrum  et  speruariorum  et  falconum,  aquilarum,  et  de  heyri- 
nis,  et  habeant  similiter  mel  quod  inventum  fuerit  in   boscis 
suis. 

14.  Nullus  forestarius  de  cetero,  qui  non  sit  forestarius  de 
feudo  reddens  nobis  firmam  pro  balliva  sua,  capiat  chiminagium 
aliquod  in  balliva  sua ;  forestarius  autem  de  feudo  firmam  nobis 
reddens  pro  balliva  sua  capiat  chiminagium  ;  videlicet  pro  careta 
per  dimidium   annum  duos   denarios,  et   per  alium  dimidium 
annum  duos  denarios,  et  pro  equo  qui  portat   sumagium   per 
dimidium   annum   unum  obolum,  et  per  alium  dimidium   an- 
num obolum,  et  non   nisi  de   illis    qui   extra   ballivam   suam, 
tanquam  mercatores,  veniunt  per  licentiam  suam   in  ballivam 
suam  ad  buscam,  meremum,  corticem  vel  carbonem  emendum, 
et  alias  ducendurn  ad  vendendum  ubi  voluerint :    et  de   nulla 
alia  careta  vel  sumagio  aliquod  chiminagium  capiatur  :  et  non 


vi.]  Collection  of  Carucage.  351 

capiatur  chiminagium  nisi  in  locis  ubi  antiquitus  capi  sole- 
bat  et  debuit.  Illi  autem  qui  portant  super  dorsum  suum 
buscam,  corticem,  vel  carbonem,  ad  vendendum,  quamvis  inde 
vivant,  nullum  de  cetero  dent  chiminagium.  De  boscis  autem 
aliorum  nullum  detur  chiminagium  forestariis  nostris,  praeter- 
quam  de  dominicis  boscis  nostris. 

15.  Omnes   utlagati  pro   foresta  tan  turn,   a  tempore    regis  \ 
Henrici  avi  nostri   usque   ad   primam   coronationem  nostram,    ' 
veniant  ad  pacem  nostram  sine  impedimento,  et  salvos  plegios 
inveniant   quod   de   cetero   non   forisfaciant   nobis  de  foresta  / 
nostra. 

1 6.  Null  us  castellanus  vel  alius  teneat  placita  de  foresta  sive 
de  viridi  sive  de  venatione,  sed   quilibet   forestarius  de  feudo 
attachiet  placita  de  foresta  tarn  de  viridi  quam  de  venatione,  et 
ea  praesentet  viridariis  provinciarum,  et  cum  irrotulata  fuerint 
et  sub  sigillis  viridariorum  inclusa,  praesententur  capitali  forest- 
ario  cum  in  partes  illas  venerit  ad  tenendum  placita  forestae, 
et  coram  eo  terminentur. 

17.  Has  autem  libertates  de  forestis   concessimus   omnibus, 
salvis  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  abbatibus,  prioribus,  comitibus, 
baronibus,  militibus  et  aliis  tarn   personis   ecclesiasticis   quam 
saecularibus,  Templariis  et  Hospitalariis,  libertatibus  et  liberis 
consuetudinibus  in  forestis  et  extra,  in  warenniis  et  aliis,  quas 
prius  habuerunt.     Omnes  autem  istas  consuetudines  praedictas  et 
libertates,  quas  concessimus  in  regno  nostro  tenendas  quantum 
ad  nos  pertinet  erga  nostros,  omnes  de  regno  nostro  tarn  clerici 
quam  laici  observent  quantum  ad  se  pertinet  erga  suos.     Quia 
vero   sigillum  nondum   habuimus,    praesentem   cartam    sigillis 
venerabilis  patris  nostri  domini  Gualonis  tituli  Sancti  Martini 
presbyteri  carclinalis,  apostolicae  sedis  legati,  et  Willelmi  Mares- 
calli  comitis  Penbrokiae,  rectoris  nostri  et  regni  nostri,  fecimus 
sigillari.     Testibus  praenominatis  et  aliis  multis.     Datum   per 
manus  praedictorum  domini  legati  et  Willelmi  Marescalli  apud 
Sanctum  Paulum,  Londoniis,  sexto  die  Novembris,  anno  regni 
nostri  secundo. — (Statutes  of  the  Realm — Charters  of  Liberties, 
20,  21.) 

Q 

A.D.  1220.    WRIT  FOE  THE  COLLECTION  OF  A  CARUCAGE. 

The  method  of  assessing  and  collecting  taxes  varied  very 
much  and  very  rapidly.  John,  as  we  have  seen,  allowed  the 
more  elaborate  expedients  of  his  father  and  brother  to  be  set 
aside,  and  the  'thirteenth'  granted  him  in  1207  to  be  assessed 


353  Henry  III.  [PART 

by  the  sworn  statement  of  the  payers.  The  following  writ  sub- 
stitutes the  action  of  two  knights  chosen  in  the  full  assembly 
and  by  the  '  will  and  counsel  '  of  the  county  court.  It  is  im- 
portant, then,  as  illustrating  the  increased  use  of  the  representa- 
tive principle  in  financial  matters,  and  the  connexion  of  election 
with  representation  which  becomes  henceforth  unmistakeable. 
But  we  must  not  suppose  that  this  method  was  a  final  one  ;  or 
that,  in  itself,  the  action  of  two  chosen  knights  would  be  more 
effectual,  just,  or  acceptable  than  the  jury  assessments  which 
had  been  used  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  II  and  Richard.  The 
present  plan  also  was  very  quickly  superseded. 

REX  Vicecomiti  Norhamton.,  salutem.  Scias  quod  pro 
magna  necessitate  nostra  et  urgentissima  debitorum  nostrorum 
instantia,  necnon  et  pro  conservatione  terrae  nostrae  Pictaviae, 
concesserunt  nobis  sui  gratia  communiter  omnes  magnates  et 
fideles  totius  regni  nostri  donum  nobis  faciendum,  scilicet  de 
qualibet  caruca  sicut  juncta  fuit  in  crastino  Beati  Johannis 
Baptistae  proximo  praeterito,  anno  regni  nostri  quarto,  duos 
solidos,  per  manum  tuam  et  duorum  de  legaliorihus  militibus 
comitatus  tui  colligendos,  qui  de  voluntate  et  consilio  omnium 
de  comitatu  in  pleuo  comitatu  eligentur  ad  hoc  faciendum,  _  Et 
ideo  tibi  praecipimus,  firmiter  et  districte  injungentes  quatenus, 
convocato  comitatu  tuo  pleno,  de  voluntate  et  consilio  eorum  de 
comitatu,  eligi  facias  duos  de  legalioribus  militibus  totius  comi-  \S. 
tatus  qui  melius  sciant  velint  et  possint  huic  negotio  ad  com--v>\J 
modum  nostrum  intendere,  et  illis  tecum  assumptis  statim  * 
donum  illud  per  totam  bailliam  tuam  facias  assideri  et  colligi 


de   singulis   carucis,  sicut   praedictum   est,  jexceptis   dominicis 
archiepiscoporum,   episcoporum  et  rusticorum  suorum,   et   ex-  { 
ceptis    dominicis    ordinis    Cisterciensis   et   de   Premustre.  {    Et 
videas  quod  districte  et  aperte  scias  nobis  respondere,  in  eras-  -^^ 
tino  Sancti  Michaelis  proximo  instantis  apud  Londonias,  quot  »  ^ 
fuerint  in  baillia  tua   carucae  de  quibus  donum   illud   habere 
debeamus  ;    et  denarios  inde  provenientes  per  manus   praedic- 
torum  duorum  militum  et  tuam  salvo  colligi  facias,  et  illos  facias 
venire  usque  Londonias  praedicto  die  sub  sigillo  tuo  et  sigillis 
praedictorum  duorum  militum,  et  in  domo  Novi  Templi  salvo 
reponi  donee  provisum  fuerit  quid  inde  fieri  debeat  ;  et  tu,  sicut 
te  ipsum  et  omnia  tua  diligis,  sic  inde  te  intromittas,  ne,  occa- 
sione  maleficae  inquisitionis  et  collectionis  per  te  et  praedictos 
milites  factae,  oporteat  nos  postea  districtam  facere  inquisitionem 


vi.]  Third  Reissue  of  the  Great  Charter.  353 

per  fideles  a  curia  nostra  missos,  ad  gravem  confusionem  tuam  et 
illorum  qui  tecum  interfuerint  praedictae  inquisition!  et  collec- 
tion! faciendae.  Teste,  etc.  apud  Oxoniam,  IX.  die  Augusti. — 
(Close  Rolls,  i.  437.) 


A.D.  1225.    THIRD  CHARTER  OF  HENRY  III. 

The  peace  of  the  country  was  restored  in  1224;  Hubert  de 
Burgh  having  at  length  succeeded  in  expelling  the  last  remnant 
of  John's  unprincipled  mercenary  followers.  Henry  (who  was 
now  pronounced  to  be  of  age)  and  his  advisers  began  to  con- 
template the  recovery  of  the  continental  inheritance ;  for  this 
purpose  he  asked  of  his  national  council  at  Westminster  in 
February,  1225,  an  aid  of  a  'fifteenth.'  It  was  granted  in 
consideration  of  the  reissue  of  the  charters,  which  were  accord- 
ingly repromulgated,  with  two  alterations  :  (i)  the  substitution 
of  the  '  spontanea  et  bona  voluntate  nostra '  for  the  '  consilio '  of 
the  former  charters  ;  and  (2)  the  insertion  of  the  final  clause, 
which  specifies  the  granting  of  the  aid  as  the  price  of  the 
present  concession.  The  wisdom  of  the  latter  change  is  ob- 
vious. The  reason  of  the  former  is  not  so  clear;  nor  are  we 
sufficiently  well  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  of  the  case 
to  say  whether  it  was  regarded  as  binding  the  young  king  more 
certainly,  and  expressing  his  sense  of  independent  and  free 
action  in  the  matter ;  or  as  the  assertion  on  his  part  of  his 
right  to  grant  such  a  charter  on  his  own  prerogative,  irre- 
spective of  the  '  counsel '  which  had  previously  been  required 
for  a  statutory  enactment  such  as  the  charter  was  intended 
to  be.  The  same  changes  are  made  in  the  Charter  of  'the 
Forest,  which  was  reissued  at  the  same  time. 

A.D.  1225.  HENRICUS  Dei  gratia  .  .  .  et  emendationem 
regni  nostri  (as  in  M.  C.  1217);  spontanea  et  bona  voluntate 
nostra  dedimus  et  concessimus  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  abbati- 
bus,  prioribus,  comitibus,  baronibus  et  omnibus  de  regno  nostro, 
has  libertates  subscriptas  tenendas  in  regno  nostro  Angliae  in, 
perpetuum. 

1-17.  Correspond  with  M.  C.  1217,  artt.  1-21. 

A  a 


354  Henry  III.  [PART 

1 8.  Si  aliquis  tenens  .  .  .  uxori  ipsius  et  pueris  suis  rationa- 
bilibus  partibus  suis.  M.  C.  1217,  art.  22. 

19—37.  Correspond  with  M.  C.  1217,  artt.  23—45.  The  re- 
maining article  is  as  follows : — Pro  hac  autem  concessione  et 
donatione  libertatum  istarum  et  aliarum  libertatum  contentarum 
in  carta  nostra  de  libertatibus  forestae,  archiepiscopi,  episcopi, 
abbates,  priores,  comites,  barones,  milites,  libere  tenentes  et 
omnes  de  regno  nostro,  dederunt  nobis  quintam  decimam  partem 
omnium  mobilium  suorum.  Concessiinus  etiam  eisdem  pro 
nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris  quod  nee  nos  nee  haeredes  nostri 
aliquid  perquiremus  per  quod  libertates  in  hac  carta  contentae 
infringantur  vel  infinnentur,  et  si  ab  aliquo  aliquid  contra  hoc 
perquisitum  fuerit,  nihil  valeat,  et  pro  nullo  habeatur.  Hiis 
testibus  ;  domino  S.  Cantuar.  archiepiscopo,  E.  London.,  J.  Ba- 
thon.,  P.  Winton.,  H.  Line.,  R.  Sarr.,  B.  Roffen.,  W.  Wigornen., 
J.  Elien.,  H.  Hereford.,  R.  Cicestr.,  W.  Exon.,  episcopis ;  abbate 
Sancti  Edmundi,  abbate  Sancti  Albani,  abbate  de  Bello,  abbate 
Sancti  Augustini  Cant.,  abbate  de  Evesham,  abbate  de  West- 
mon.,  abbate  de  Burgo  Sancti  Petri,  abbate  de  Eading.,  abbate 
de  Abendon.,  abbate  de  Maumebir.,  abbate  de  Winchecumb., 
abbate  de  Hida,  abbate  de  Certes.,  abbate  de  Sireburn.,  abbate 
de  Cera.,  abbate  de  Abotebir.,  abbate  de  Midelton.,  abbate  de 
Seleby,  abbate  de  "VVyteby,  abbate  de  Cirenc. ;  H.  de  Burgo, 
justiciario;  R.  comite  Cestr.  et  Line.,  W.  comite  Sarr.,  W. 
comite  Warenn.,  G.  de  Clare  comite  Glouc.  et  Hertford.,  W.  de 
Ferrar.  comite  de  Derb.,  W.  de  Mandeville  comite  Essex.,  H.  le 
Bigod  comite  Norff.,  W.  comite  Aubemarl.,  H.  comite  Hereford., 
Johanne  constabulario  Cestr.,  Roberto  de  Ros,  Roberto  filio 
Walteri,  Roberto  de  Veteri  Ponte,  Willelmo  Brigvverr.,  Ricardo 
de  Munfich.,  Petro  filio  Herberti,  Mathaeo  filio  Herberti, 
Willelmo  de  Albiniaco,  Roberto  Gresl.,  Reginaldo  de  Brahus, 
Johanne  de  Munem.,  Johanne  filio  Alani,  Hugone  de  Mortuo 
Mari,  Waltero  de  Bello  Campo,  Willelmo  de  ISancto  Johanne, 
Petro  de  Halo  lacu,  Briano  de  Insula,  Thoma  de  Muleton, 
Ricardo  de  Argentein,  Gaufrido  de  Nevill.,  Willelmo  Mauduit, 
Johanne  de  Baalun.  Datum  apud  Westmonasterium  undecimo 
die  Februarii  anno  regci  nostri  nono. — (Statutes  of  the  Realm 
— Charters  of  Liberties,  22-25.) 


vi.]  Collection  of  the  Fifteenth. 

A.D.  1225.    WRIT  FOB  THE  COLLECTION  OF  THE 
FIFTEENTH. 

The  aid  which  was  granted  by  the  council  of  the  nation  as 
the  price  of  the  reissue  of  the  charters,  was  a  tax  of  a  fifteenth 
on  '  mobilia,'  or  personal  property  of  certain  specified  descrip- 
tions. The  mode  of  assessing  and  collecting  this  impost  is 
prescribed  in  the  following  writ,  which  also  limits  the  incidence 
of  the  tax.  The  method  seems  to  be  devised  so  as  to  unite 
all  the  expedients  of  the  former  precedents.  The  assessment 
is  to  be  made  by  the  oath  of  the  owner  of  taxable  property : 
disputes  are  to  be  settled  by  reference  to  juries ;  the  proceeds 
are  to  be  collected  by  the  reeve  and  four  men  of  each  township ; 
and  to  be  paid  to  four  elected  knights  of  the  hundreds,  and 
these  are  to  hand  over  the  money  to  the  persons  assigned  by 
the  king,  and  to  whom  the  writ  is  addressed.  Another  ex- 
pedient will  be  found  further  on,  devised  for  the  collection  of 
the  'fortieth'  in  1232. 

REX  Willelmo  Basset,  Radulfo  de  Crumbwell,  Willelmo  de 
Vernun,  Henrico  de  Derlegh  canonico  Suwellae,  et  Roberto  de 
Lee  clerico,  salutem.  Assignavimus  vos  justitiarios  nostros  ad 
quintam  decimam  omnium  mobilium  assidendam  et  colligendam 
ad  opus  nostrum  in  comitatibus  Notingeham  et  Dereby,  in  hac 
forma.  Vicecomes  noster  Notingeham  et  Dereby  coram  vobis 
venire  faciet  omnes  milites  comitatuum  suorum  die  Dominica 
proxima  ante  mediam  Quadragesimam  apud  Notingeham,  ad 
quern  diem  eligi  facietis  quatuor  legales  milites  de  singulis 
hundreclis  vel  wapentaecis,  vel  plures  vel  pauciores,  "secundum 
magriifudlnem  Imiulrcdorum  vel  wapentaccorum,  ituros~per  sin- 
gulos  hundredos  vel  wapentaccos  ad  assidendum  et  colligendum 
quintam  decimam  omnium  mobilium  praeclictorum.  Exceptis 
tamen  ab  hac  quinta  deciina  quantum  ad  archiepiscopos,  epi- 
Bcopos,  abbates,  priores  et  ceteros  viros  religionis,  comites, 
barones,  milites  et  liberos  homines  qui  non  sunt  mercatores, 
omnimodis  libris  suis,  et  ornamentis  ecclesiarum  et  capellarum, 
et  equis  ad  equitandum,  et  equis  carectariis  et  summariis  et 
armis  omnimodis ;  jocalibus,  vasis,  utensilibus,  lardariis,  cellariis 
et  foenis ;  et  exceptis  bladis  ad  warnisturam  castrorum  emptis. 
Exceptis  etiam  ab  hac  quinta  decima  quantum  ad  mercatores 

A  a  2 


356  Henry  III.  [PART 

qui  de  omnibus  mercanclisis  et  mobilibus  suis  quintain  decimam 
dabunt,  armis  ad  quae  jurati  sunt,  et  equis  suis  ad  equitandum, 
et  utensilibus  domorum  suarura,  cellariis  et  lardariis  ad  victum 
suum.  Exceptis  etiam  quantum  ad  villanos  armis  ad  quae  jurati 
sunt,  et  utensilibus  suis,  carne  et  pisce  et  potu  suo  quae  non 
sunt  ad  vendendum,  et  foenis  suis  et  furragio  suo  quae  non  sunt 
ad  vendendum.  Milites  autem  illi  non  ibunt  in  hundredos  vel 
wapentaccos  in  quibus  sunt  residentes,  sed  in  hundredos  vel 
wapentaccos  vicinos  alios.  Jurabit  autem  unusquisque  exceptis 
comitibus,  baronibus  et  militibus,  propriorum  mobilium  suorum, 
et  similiter  mobilium  duorum  vicinorum  suorum  propinquorum, 
numerum,  quantitatem  et  valorem.  Et  si  forte  inter  ipsum  cujus 
mobilia  sunt  et  vicinos  suos  juratos  de  eisdem  mobilibus  dis- 
sensio  ex  hoc  orta  fuerit,  milites  ipsi  per  sacramentum  duodecim 
proborum  et  legalium  hominum  vicinorum,  vel  totidem  quot 
sufficere  viderint  ad  veritatem  inde  inquirendam,  veritatem 
inquirant  et  secundum  illam  veritatem  quintam  decimam  capiant. 
Servientes  vero  et  praepositi  de  terris  comitum,  baronurn  et 
militum,  vel  praepositi  tantum  si  servientes  ibi  non  fuerint, 
idem  et  eodem  modo  jurabunt  de  mobilibus  dominorum  suorum 
in  singulis  villis.  Medietas  autem  hujusmodi  quintae  decimae 
perpacabitur  ad  festum  Sanctae  Trinitatis  anno  nono,  et  alia 
medietas  ad  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  proxime  sequens.  Quam 
quidem  quintam  decimam  milites  illi  recipient  per  manus  qua- 
tuor  legalium  hominum  et  praepositorum  singularum  villarum.  j 
per  tallias  inter  eos  inde  facias,  et  sicTreceptam  ferent  ad  vos,  et  "• 
vos  earn  reponetis  in  loco  tuto,  sive  in  ecclesia  cathedral!,  sive 
in  abbatia,  sive  in  prioratu  ejusdem  comitatus,  sub  sigillis  vestris 
et  sigillis  militum,  donee  provisum  fuerit  quo  mitti  debeat. 
Eeddent  autem  vobis  milites  illi,  statim  ex  quo  quinta  decima 
fuerit  assisa,  scripta  et  rotulos  suos  inde  factos,  reservatis  sibi 
eorum  transcriptis :  vos  vero  reservabitis  vobis  aliquas  partes 
comitatuum  praedictorum  in  quibus  haec  exsequamini  in  pro- 
priis  personis  vestris,  quamdiu  opus  fuerit.  Milites  illi  vel 
plures  vel  pauciores  electi,  coram  vobis,  sicut  praedictum  est, 
jurabunt,  tactis  sacrosanctis  coram  vobis  quod  haec  omnia  ex- 
sequentur  fideliter  et  diligenter  ;  et  quod  nee  pro  arnore  vel 
odio,  vel  pro  aliqua  re  in  mundo  hoc  facere  omittent;-vos  autem 
jurabitis  coram  vicecomite  et  militibus  congregatis  ad  diem 
ilium,  quod  hanc  formam  per  omnia  perficietis  per  vos  et  alios, 
sicut  praedictum  est,  fideliter  et  diligenter  pro  posse  vestro.  Si 
quis  vero  ex  vobis,  sive  sit  clericus  sive  sit  laicus,  his  interesse 
non  possit  propter  causam  manifestam  rationabilem  et  necessa- 
riam,  residui  vestrum  potestatem  habeatis  adhibendi  vobis  loco 


vi.]  Writ  for  the  County  Court.  357 

ejus  alium  ad  hoc  utilern,  qui  idem  juramentum  faciet  quod  vos 
feceritis,  de  his  fideliter  una  vobiscum  exsequendis.  Idem  autem 
faciatis  de  feodis  archiepiscoporum,  episcoporum,  abbatum,  pri- 
orum  et  aliorura  virorum  religionis,  exceptis  eorum  dominicis 
et  villanis  suis  propriis,  de  quibus  archiepiscopi  et  episcopi 
quintain  decimam  assideri  et  colligi  facient  in  forma  praedicta, 
et  per  manum  suam  nobis  inde  respondebunt  ad  eosdem  ter- 
minos.  Et  ideo  vobis  mandamus  firmiter  injungentes  in  fide 
qua  nobis  tenemini,  quatenus  ad  haec  fideliter  exsequenda,  sicut 
superius  scriptum  est,  curam  et  operain  apponatis. 

Teste   rege   apud  "Westmonasterium,  XV.  die  Februarii. — 
(Foedera,  i.  177.) 


WHIT  FOE  THE  SUMMONING  OF  FOUR,  KNIGHTS 
OF  THE  SHIRE. 

The  following  writ  is  an  interesting  illustration  of  the  extend- 
ing use  of  the  election  of  representatives  to  act  for  the  shire,  in 
matters  neither  judicial  nor  exclusively  financial.  The  business 
on  which  they  are  called  together,  the  disputed  interpretation 
of  some  articles  of  the  Great  Charter,  although  not  distinctly 
declared,  is  more  of  the  character  of  political  deliberation  than 
anything  that  has  hitherto  been  laid  before  them.  It  is  not 
however,  in  this  aspect,  of  any  great  significance. 

REX  vicecomiti  Gloucestrescirae,  salutem.  Scias  quod,  ad 
petitionem  magnatum  nostrorum  qui  ad  mandatum  nostrum 
nuper  convenerant  apud  Wintoniam,  diem  statuinms,  videlicet  in 
crastino  Sancti  Hattliaei  Apostoli  anno  regni  nostro  X"10,  apud 
Lincolniam  ad  terrain  andum  contentiones  ortas  inter  quosdam 
vicecomites  nostros  et  homines  comitatuum  suorum  super  qui- 
busdam  articulis  contentis  in  carta  libertatis  eis  concessae ;  et 
ideo  tibi  praecipimus  quod  si  qua  hujusmodi  contentio  inter  te 
et  homines  bailliae  tuae  orta  fuerit  pro  qua  averia  sua  ceperis, 
averia  ilia  eis  replegiari  facias  usque  ad  diem  praedictum,  et  in 
proximo  comitatu  tuo  clicas  militibus  et  probis  hominibus  bailliae 
tuae  quod  quatuor  de  legalioribus  et  discretioribus  militibus  ex 
se  ipsis  eligant,  qui  ad  diem  ilium  sint  apud  Lincolniam  pro  toto 
comitatu,  ad  ostendendum  ibi  querelam  quam  habent  versus  te 
super  articulis  praedictis.  Et  tu  ipse  ibidem  sis  ad  ostenden- 
dum rationem  de  demanda  quam  inde  facies  versus  illos.  Et 


358  Henry  III.  [PART 

habeas  ibi  nomina  militum  et  hoc  breve.   Teste  ine  ipso  apud 
Wintoniam,  XXII.  die  Junii,  anno  etc.  Xmo. 

Eodem  modo  scribitur  vicecomitibus  Dorset,  et  Sumerset.  ; 
Bedeford.  et  Bukingeham. ;  Westmerilande  ;  Norhamt. ;  Line. — • 
(Report  on  tlie  Dignity  of  a  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  4.) 


A.D.  1231.    WRIT  FOB  ASSEMBLING  THE  COUNTY  COURT 

BEFORE  THE  JUDGES  ITINERANT. 

From  the  following  document  we  gather  what  was  the  exact 
composition  of  the  shiremoot  at  this  period.  No  change  seems 
to  have  taken  place  in  it  since  the  reign  of  Henry  I.  It  con- 
tains all  the  elements  that  Avere  united  in  the  '  Commune  Con- 
silium  regni'  at  the  time,  '  archiepiscopos,  episcopos,  abbates, 
priores,  comites,  barones,  milites,  et  omnes  libere  tenentes,'  the 
very  words  in  which  the  national  councils  of  Henry  II's  reign 
are  described ;  but  it  contains  further  the  representative  bodies ; 
the  ancient  English  townships  each  represented  by  the  reeve 
and  four  men;  the  new  municipalities  represented  by  the  twelve 
legal  men  from  each  borough.  We  begin  to  see  more  clearly 
the  process  by  which  the  national  council  becomes  the  repre- 
sentative parliament.  It  will,  when  it  is  completed,  be  the  con- 
centration of  all  the  constituents  of  the  shiremoots  in  a  central 
assembly ;  the  permanence  of  the  ancient  popular  elements,  and 
the  assimilation  to  them  of  the  new  municipal  ones,  make  a 
perfect  parliament  possible.  And  these  elements,  which  are  the 
peculiar  feature  of  the  English  parliament,  are  distinctly  Teu- 
tonic in  origin,  and  not  a  creation  of  feudalism. 

HEX  vicecomiti  Eboracensi,  salntem.  Summone  per  bonos 
summonitores  omhes  archiepiscopos,  episcopos,  abbates,  priores, 
comites,  barones,  milites  et  omnes  libere  tenentes,  de  tota  ballia 
tua,  et  de  qualibet  villa  qu.ituor  legales  homines  et  praep_psitum, 
of.  do  quolibet  burgo  duodecim  legalcs  Vmrcff»nsp.a  pfir  tnfam 
I  nil  Ham  tuam,  et  omnes  alios  qui  coram  justitiariis  itinerantibus 
venire  solent  et  debent,  quod  sint  apud  Eboracum  in  octavis 
Sanctae  Trinitatis  anno  regni  nostri  decimo  quinto,  coram  dilecto 
et  fideli  nostro  S.  de  Segrave,  Raudulfo  Filio  Roberti,  Briano 


VI.]  Writ  for  the  Assize  of  Arms.  359 

Filio  Alani,  Willelmo  de  Insula,  Roberto  de  Lexinton,  Magistro~A 
Roberto  de  Schardelawe,  et  Willelmo  de  Londonia,  quos  justitia-  \ 
rios  nostros  constituimus,  audituri  et  facturi  praeceptum  nostrum. 
Facias  etiam  tune  venire  coram  iisdem  omnia  placita  coronae 
quae  placitata  non  sunt,  et  quae  emerserunt  postquam  justitiarii 
nostri  ultimo  itineraverunt  in  partibus  illis,  ad  omnia  placita  et 
omnia  attachiamenta  ad  placita  ilia  pertinentia,  et  omnes  assisas 
et  omnia  placita  quae  posita  sunt  coram  justitiariis  ad  primam 
assisam,  cum  brevibus  assisarum  et  placitorum ;  ita  quod  assisae 
illae  et  placita  pro  defectu  tui  vel  summonitionis  tuae  non  rema- 
neant.  Faciatis  etiam  clamari  et  sciri  per  totam  balliam  tuam 
quod  omnes  assisae  et  omnia  placita  quae  fuerunt  atterminata  et 
non  finita  coram  justitiariis  nostris  apud  Westmonasterium,  vel 
coram  justitiariis  nostris  qui  ultimo  itineraverunt  in  comitatu 
tuo  de  omnibus  placitis,  vel  coram  justitiariis  illuc  missis  ad 
assisas  novae  disseisinae  capiendas  et  gaiolas  deliberandas,  tune 
sint  coram  praedictis  justitiariis  nostris  apud  Eboracum,  in 
eodem  statu  in  quo  remanserunt  per  praeceptum  nostrum  vel 
per  praeceptum  praedictorum  justitiariorum  nostrorum  itine- 
rantium  vel  per  justitiarios  nostros  de  banco.  Summone  etiam 
omnes  illos  qui  vicecomites  fuerunt  post  ultimam  itinerationem 
praedictorum  justitiariorum  in  partibus  illis,  quod  tune  sint 
ibidem  coram  praedictis  justitiariis  nostris,  cum  brevibus  de 
assisis  et  placitis  quae  tempore  suo  receperunt,  ad  responden- 
dum  de  tempore  suo,  sicut  responderi  debet  coram  justitiariis 
itinerantibus.  Et  habeas  ibi  summonitores  et  hoc  breve. 
Teste  H.  de  Burgo  etc.  apud  Westmonasterium  XX°  die  Aprilis. 
— (Shirley,  Royal  Letters,  i.  395.) 


WRIT   FOB   ASSEMBLING   THE   '  JUEATI    AD    AEMA.' 

This  is  a  writ  which  helps  us  to  realise  very  clearly  the 
practical  identity  of  the  jurati  ad  arma,  the  local  force  armed 
by  the  Assize  of  Arms,  with  the  ancient  militia  of  the  fyrd. 
The  plan  of  commuting  personal  attendance  for  a  contribution 
towards  the  equipment  of  a  portion  of  the  force,  which  had 
been  applied  to  the  feudal  levy  in  1205  (see  p.  281),  is  here 
applied  to  the  'jurati.' 

Mandatum  est  vicecomiti  Gloucestriae  quod,  non  obstante 
mandato  regis  ei  facto  de  hominibus  juratis  ad  arma  et  securibus 
veniendis  ad  exercitum  regis,  venire  faciat  tamen  homines  juratoa 


360  Henry  III.  [PART 

ad  ferrum,  videlicet  loricas  et  haubiones  et  purpunctos ;  faciat 
revenire  ad  eundem  exercitum  ducentos  homines  cum  ducentis 
securibus  et  cum  victualibus  suis  quadraginta  dierum,  quae  eis 
vicecomes  faciat  inveniri  per  homines  comitatus  sui  juratos  ad 
alia  minuta  anna,  quos  rex  vult  remanere  in  partibus  suis. 
Venire  etiam  faciat  omnes  carpentarios  comitatus  sui  ad  denarios 
regis,  quibus  etiam  vicecomes  praestitum  faciat  veniendi  ad 
regem,  qui  hoc  ei  faciet  allocari,  et  omnes  operationes  carpen- 
tariorum  in  balliva  sua  iterum  remaneant ;  nee  permittat  aliquo 
modo  quod  aliquod  mercatum  vel  feria  teneatur  in  comitatu  suo, 
nee  quod  vina  aliqua  in  eo  vendantur,  sed  omnia  vina  sequi 
faciat  exercitum  regis. 

Mittat  autem  vicecomes  ad  regem,  cum  praedictis  viris  ad 
arma  et  carpentariis,  aliquem  discretum  de  suis  de  quo  confidat, 
qui  de  numero  praedictorum  juratorum  ad  arma  et  carpenta- 
riorum  et  de  omnibus  praedictis  sufficienter  respondere  possit. 
Teste  Rege  apud  Hereford,  XVI.  Julii. — (Foedera,  i.  p.  200.) 


A.D.  1232.     WRIT  FOR  THE  COLLECTION  OF  THE  'FORTIETH.' 

The  assessment  in  this  case  is  to  be  made  by  four  men  and 
the  reeve  in  each  township  on  oath :  and  the  four  men  are  to  be 
fixed  on  by  election ;  an  important  indication  of  the  usual  pro- 
cess in  such  selections.  The  grant  of  the  'fortieth'  is  said  to  be 
made  by  the  '  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  priors,  clergy,  earls, 
barons,  freeholders,  and  villeins.'  If  these  words  are  to  be 
understood  literally,  the  freeholders  and  villeins  must  have  been 
consulted  in  the  shiremoots,  or  else  the  lords  must  have  been 
supposed  to  represent  their  own  villein-tenants  in  the  '  Com- 
mune Consilium,'  as  is  the  case  in  1237  (see  below,  p.  365). 

HENRICUS,  Dei  gratia,  Hex  Anglorum,  Petro  de  Tlianeo, 
Willelmo  de  Culewurthe  et  Adae  filio  Willelmi  collectoribus 
quadragesimae,  salutem.  Sciatis  quod  archiepiscopi,  episcopi,  \ 
abbates,  priores,  et  clerici  terras  habentes  quae  ad  ecclesias 
suas  non  pertinent,  comites,  barones,  milites,  liberi  homines,  et 
villani  de  regno  nostro,  concesserunt  nobis  in  auxilium  quadra- 
'•jfesirnam  partem  omnium  mobilium  snorum  apparentium,  sicut 
ea  habuerunt  in  crastino  Sancti  Matthaei,  anno  regni  nostri 
XVI0,  videlicet  de  bladis,  carrucis,  ovibus,  vaccis,  porcis,  hara- 
ciis,  equis  carettariis  et  deputatis  ad  wainnagium  in  maneriis. 


I 

vi.]  Collection  of  the  Fortieth.  361 

exceptis  bonis  quae  praedicti  archiepiscopi,  episcopi  et  aliae 
personae  ecclesiasticae  habent  de  ecclesiis  parocliialibus,  et  de 
ecclesiis  praebendalibus  et  praeberidis,  et  terris  ad  praebendas 
pertinentibus,  et  ecclesias  parochiales  spectantibus.  Provisum 
est  generaliter  a  praedictis  fidelibus  nostris,  quod  praedicta 
quadragesima  hoc  modo  assideatur  et  colligatur ;  quod  videlicet 
de  qualibet  villa  Integra  eligantur  quatuor  de  melioribus  et 
Ic^atioribus"  liunuuibus  una  cum  praepositis  singularuirTvilTarum, 
per  quorum  sacramentum  quadragesima  pars  omnium  mobilium 
praedictorum  taxetur  et  assideatur  super  singulos,  in  praesentia 
militum  assessorum  ad  hoc  assignatorum ;  et  postea  per  sacra- 
mentum duorum  legalium  hominum  earundem  villarum  inqui- 
ratur  et  assideatur  quadragesima  omnium  mobilium  quae  prae- 
dicti quatuor  homines  et  praepositi  habent,  et  districte  imbrevietur 
et  aperte  de  cujus  vel  de  quorum  baronia  quaelibet  villa  fuerit 
in  parte  vel  in  toto.  Et  postquam  quadragesima  fuerit  assisa  et 
in  scripturn  redacta,  rotulus  omnium  particularum  de  siugulis 
villis  et  singulis  comitatibus  liberetur  senescallo  singulorum. 
baronum,  vel  attornato  ipsius  senescalli,  vel  baillivo  libertatis, 
ubi  aliquis  libertatem  habuerit,  scilicet,  quod  baro  vel  dominus 
libertatis  velit  et  possit  praedictam  quadragesimam  colligere, 
et  pro  ea  habenda  distringere  ;  si  vero  non  velit  vel  non  possit, 
vicecomites  districtionem  faciant  praedictam,  ita  quod  nil  inde 
recipiant,  sed  tota  quadragesima  praedicta  praedictis  militibus 
assessoribus  liberetur,  in  majori  et  securiori  villa  singulorum 
comitatuum ;  et  de  qualibet  villa  fiat  summa  tallia  inter  senes- 
callum  baronis  vel  ejus  attornatum,  vel  senescallos  domini  liber- 
tatis et  praedictos  assessores.  Et  deponatur  pecunia  per  eosdera 
assessores  in  aliquo  loco  tutiori  ejus  villae,  ita  quod  assesbores 
habeant  sigilla  sua  et  seras  et  claves  suas,  super  pecuuiam  prae- 
dictam, et  vicecomites  similiter  sigilla  sua,  et  seras  et  claves 
suas.  Et  assessores,  statim  ex  quo  quadragesima  assisa  fuerit 
per  ipsos,  mittant  rotulos  suos  ad  scaccarium  de  toto  itinere 
BUO:  et  similiter  ex  quo  dicta  pecunia  ab  eis  collecta  fuerit, 
mittant  rotulos  suos  ad  scaccarium  de  recepta  sua,  et  praedicta 
pecunia  reservetur  in  locis  ubi  deposita  fuerit,  donee  ad  man- 
datum  nostrum  deferatur  usque  ad  Novum  Templum  Londoniis. 
Nihil  autem  capietur  ab  aliquo  homine  nomine  quadragesimae, 
qui  non  habuerit  de  hujusmodi  bonis  mobilibus  ad  valentiam 
quadraginta  denariorum  ad  minus.  Ad  praedictam  siquidem 
quadragesimam  assidendam  in  comitatu  Hertfordiae  assigna- 
vimus  vos,  et  mandavimus  vicecomiti  de  Hertford,  quod  singulas 
villatas  comitatus  sui  certis  diebus  et  locis,  quos  ei  scire  facietis, 
ad  mandatum  nostrum  coram  vobis  venire  faciat,  et  in  omnibus 


363  Henry  III.  [PART 

quae  ad  dictum  negotium  pertinent  vobis  intendant  et  obediant. 
Vale. — (M.  Paris,  p.  380.) 


A.D.  1233.     WBIT  FOR  THE  CONSERVATION  OF  THE 
PEACE. 

This  is  a  valuable  illustration  of  the  permanence  of  the  old 
English  regulations  for  the  security  of  peace  in  the  country, 
which  may  be  traced  from  the  laws  of  Edgar  and  Canute,  and 
through  the  statutory  injunctions  of  William  the  Conqueror, 
Henry  II,  and  Richard  (above,  pp.  144,  264).  The  principle 
thus  expanded  is  here  developed  into  a  complete  system  of 
watch  and  ward,  which  a  few  years  later  is  brought  into  con- 
junction with  the  Assize  of  Arms,  and  completed  by  Edward  I 
in  the  Statute  of  Winchester,  and  by  the  assignment  of  justices 
of  the  peace  under  Edward  IIL 

De  forma  pads  conservanda. 

PiEX  vicecomiti  Kantiae,  salutem.  Scias  quod  ad  pacem  et 
tranquillitatem  terrae  nostrae  observandam  et  malefactores  re- 
primendos  provisum  fuit,  coram  nobis  et  magnatibus  nostris,  de 
communi  consilio  eorum,  quod  vigiliae  jn  singulis  villis  de  nocte 
teneantur  usque  ad  festuin  BanctI  Michaelis,  anno  XVII0, 
secundum  quod  villae  fuerint  magnae  vel  parvae ;  ita  tamen 
quod  quatuor  homines  ad  minus  faciant  vigiliam  illam  si  villa 
fuerit  parva,  et  si  magna  fuerit,  plures  earn  faciant  secundum 
quantitatem  villae.  Ita  etiam  quod  nullus  extraneus  trail  seat 
per  aliquam  villam  de  nocte,  quin  arestetur  usque  mane ;  et  si 
vigilatores  ilium  non  possint  arestare,  tune  levent  clamorem  et 
uthesium  super  eum.  Et  si  aliquis  defectus  fuit  in  vigiliis  vel 
sectis  ad  uthesium  faciendis,  nullus  propter  hoc  a  vicecomitis 
ballivis  occasionetur,  sed  omnes  hujusmodi  emendae  integre 
reserventur  usque  ad  adventum  Justitiarum  proximo  itineran- 
tium,  per  atachiamenta  vicecomitis  in  comitatu  coram  coro- 
natoribus.  Item  nullus  hospitetnr  aliquem  extraneum  ultra 
unam  noctem  nisi  possit  invenire  plegios  de  fitlelitate  et  quod 
nullum  damnum  eveniet  per  eum,  et  respondeat  pro  eo  sicut 
pro  uno  de  familia  sua,  et  hoc  coram  Justitiis  itinerantibus. 
Item  si  aliqui  habeant  libertatem  et  homines  eorum  noluerint 
facere  vigiliam,  nee  venire  ad  clamorem  et  uthesium,  sicut 


vi.]  WatcJi  and  Ward.  363 

praedictum  est,  bene  licebit  vicecomiti  atacliiare  eos  qui  ncc 
vigilias  facere  voluerint,  nee  ad  clamorem  venire,  quod  sint  coram. 
Justitiis  proximo  itinerantibus,  inde  responsuri  absque  quod 
aliquid  ab  eis  capiat  occasione  ilia.  Et  si  aliquid  fuerit  trans- 
gressum  infra  tales  libertates  pro  defectu  vigiliarum  vel  secta- 
rura  cum  uthesio,  illi  quorum  libertates  sunt  satisfaciant  illis 
quibus  damnum  fuerit  illatum,  et  respondeant  nobis  de  hoc 
quod  pacem  nostram  non  observaverunt.  Item  singuli  vice- 
comites  nostri  et  ballivi  eorum,  forestarii  et  eorum  servientes  de 
eisdem  balliis  in  comitatibus  suis,  omnem  quam  poterunt  dili- 
gentiam  apponant  ad  pacem  nostram  secundum  formam  prae- 
dictam  custodiendam,  et  si  audierint  quod  aliqui  malefactores 
exerceant  in  aliquo  bosco,  vel  alibi  receptentur,  propinquae 
villae  et  aliae  quae  ad  hoc  fuerint  necessariae  sequentur  cum 
eis  ad  dictos  malefactores  capiendos.  Et  si  quis  miles  vel  alius, 
quicunque  fuerit,  aliquem  hujusmodi  malefactorem  ceperit,  vice- 
comites  vel  eorum  ballivi  recipiant  ilium  sine  dilatione  et  diffi- 
cultate,  ita  quod  nihil  capiant  ab  eo  qui  ipsum  cepit  pro  eo 
recipiendo.  Si  quis  etiam  ignotus  inventus  fuerit  itinerans 
armatus,  statim  capiatur  et  liberetur  vicecomiti  vel  ejua  bal- 
livo,  vel  alicui  villae  propinquiori  quae  habeat  potestatem  custo- 
diendi  eum,  et  in  prisona  custodiatur  donee  salvos  plegios 
invenerit,  quod  erit  ad  pacem  nostram  et  stabit  recto,  si  quis 
versus  eum  loqui  voluerit ;  et  si  plegios  invenire  non  possit  et 
postea  in  curia  nostra  convincatur  de  roberia  vel  hujusmodi 
transgressione,  per  judicium  ejusdem  curiae  deducatur;  et  DOS 
respiciemus  eos  qui  tales  ceperint  de  hutesio  eorum  vel  alio 
modo,  sicut  nobis  placuerit. 

Ceterum  si  aliquis  malefactor  captus  fuerit  in  parcis  vel  in  \; 
vivariis  cum  manuopere  vel  pro  suspicione,  vel  per  indicta- 
mentum  patriae,  et  inde  in  curia  nostra  convincatur,  tune 
liberetur  prisonae  nostrae  et  ibi  custodiatur  per  unum  annum 
et  unum  diem ;  et  tune  si  habeat  unde  redimi  possit,  rationa- 
biliter  redimatur,  et  inveniat  plegios  de  fidelitate,  et  quod  de 
cetero  talem  transgressionem  non  faciet.  Si  vero  nihil  habeat 
unde  redimi  possit,  nee  plegios  possit  invenire,  tune  regnum 
nostrum  abjuret.  ^\ 

Praecipimus  igitur  quod,  sicut  te  ipsum  et  omnia  tua  diligis, 
haec  omnia  praeclicta  in  pleno  comitatu  tuo  et  per  totum  coml- 
tatum  tuum,  tarn  in  mercatis  quam  in  hundredis  et  nundinis 
clamari  facias  et  firmiter  observari,  sicut  praedictum  est,  ne  pro 
defectu  tui  in  hac  parte  ad  te  nos  graviter  capere  debeamus. 
Teste  meipso  apud  Fecham,  primo  die  Junii. — (Foedera,  i. 
209.) 


364  Henry  III.  [PAET 


A.D.  1235.    WRIT  FOE  THE  COLLECTION  OF  SCUTAGE. 

Although  this  tax  is  levied  with  the  consent  of  the  military 
tenants  on  whom  it  exclusively  falls,  the  method  of  collection 
bears  witness  to  the  feudal  character  of  the  tax,  and  should  be 
compared  with  the  corresponding  documents  in  the  case  of 
carucage,  and  of  the  aids  of  a  '  fifteenth/  a  '  thirtieth/  and  a 
'  fortieth/  which  were  more  distinctly  the  result  of  a  national 
vote.  According  to  the  text  of  the  charter  of  liberties  recently 
confirmed,  the  scutages  were  to  be  taken  in  the  way  in  which 
they  had  been  taken  in  Henry  II's  time  (above,  p.  347) ;  and  in 
that  case,  the  scutage  being  simply  a  payment  in  commutation 
of  legal  service,  it  might  have  been  levied  without  a  special 
grant.  But  the  form  of  a  grant  seems  to  have  been  gone 
through,  and  thus  the  spirit  of  the  Great  Charter  of  John  was 
maintained,  although  the  clause  under  which  such  proceedings 
should  have  taken  place  was  expunged. 

REX  vicecomiti  Somerset.,  salutem.  [  Scias  quod  comites  et 
barones  et  omnes  alii  de  toto  regno  nostro  Angliae,  spontanea 
voluntate  sua  et  sine  consuetudine,  concesserunt  nobis  efficax 
auxilium  ad  magna  negotia  nostra  expedienda.  \  Unde  provisum 
est  de  consilio  illorum  quod  habeamus  de  singulis  feodis  mili- 
tum  qui  de  nobis  tenent  in  capite  et  de  wardis,  tarn  de  novo 
feoflamento  quam  de  veteri,  duas  marcas  ad  auxilium  praedic- 
tum  nobis  faciendum,  unde  providerunt  reddere  nobis  unam 
medietatem  ad  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  anno  XIXno  et  aliam 
medietatem  ad  Pascha  anno  XX°.  Providerunt  etiam  quod 
praedictum  scutagium  colligatur  per  manus  ballivorum  suorum 
in  singulis  comitatibus  et  tradatur  per  manus  eorundem  duobus 
militibus  quos  ad  hoc  assignavimus  in  singulis  comitatibus 
deferendum  ad  scaccarium  nostrum  Londoniis,  ad  liberandum 
ibidem  thesaurario  et  camerariis  nostris ;  et  ideo  tibi  praeci- 
pimus  quod  ad  mandatum  omnium  comitum  et  baronum  et 
omnium  aliorum  qui  de  nobis  tenent  in  capite,  in  balliva  prae- 
dicta,  modo  praedicto  sine  dilatione  distringas  omnes  milites  et 
Jibere  tenentes  qui  de  eis  teneut  per  servitium  rnilitare  in  balliva 
tua,  ad  reddendum  ballivis  suis  de  singulis  feodis  et  wardis  duas 
marcas  ad  praedictum  auxilium  nobis  faciendum  in  terminis 


VI.]  Confirmation  of  the  Charters.  365 

praedictis,  et  liberantlum  Johanni  de  Aure,  et  Henrico  de  Me- 
riet,  quos  ad  hoc  assignavimus  in  comitatu  tuo  sicut  praedictum 
est,  etc.  Teste  meipso  apud  Westmonasterium  XVII.  Julii, 
anno  etc.  XIX0. — (Brady,  Introd.  Hist.  Engl.,  App.  p.  43.) 


A.D.  1237.    CONFIRMATION  OF  THE  CHARTERS. 

This  is  the  confirmation  in  consideration  of  which  the  '  Com- 
mune Consilium'  made  the  grant  of  a  thirtieth.  The  charters 
are  not  rehearsed  in  the  Act,  nor  was  any  further  alteration 
made  in  the  text  of  them  after  that  of  the  year  1225. 

HEXRICUS  Dei  gratia  rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hiberniae,  dux 
Normanniae  et  Aquitanniae,  comes  Andegaviae,  omnibus  Christi 
fidelibua  praesentem  cartam  inspecturis,  salutem.  Sciatis  quod 
intuitu  Dei  et  pro  salute  animae  nostrae  et  animarum  antecesso- 
rum  et  haeredum  nostrorum,  ad  exaltationem  Sanctae  Ecclesiae, 
et  emendationem  regni  nostri,  concessimus  et  hac  carta  nostra 
confirmavimus  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  abbatibus,  prioribus, 
comitibus,  baronibus,  militibus,  liberis  hominibus  et  omnibus  de 
regno  nostro  Angliae,  omnes  libertates  et  liberas  consuetudines 
contentas  in  cartis  nostris  quas  eisdem  fidelibus  nostris  fieri 
fecimus  cum  minoris  essemus  aetatis,  scilicet  tarn  in  magna  carta 
nostra  quam  in  carta  nostra  de  foresta.  Et  volumus  et  prae- 
cipimus,  pro  nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris,  quod  praefati  fideles 
nostri  et  successores  et  haeredes  eorum  habeant  et  teneant  in 
perpetuum  omnes  libertates  et  liberas  consuetudines  praedictas, 
non  obstante  eo  quod  praedictae  cartae  confectae  fuerunt  cum 
minoris  essemus  aetatis,  ut  praedictum  est.  Hiis  testibus  vene- 
rabilibus  patribus  E.  archiepiscopo  Cantuar.,  P.  Winton.,  J. 
Bathon.,  R.  Dunolm.,  R.  London.,  W.  Karl.,  ~W.  Exon.,  R.  Sarr., 
H.  Elyen.,  R.  Line.,  R.  Hereford.,  A.  Coventr.  et  Lychefeld., 
episcopis,  W.  Yalenc.  et  W.  Wygorn.  electis,  R.  comite  Cornub. 
et  Pictav.,  J.  comite  Cestr.  et  Huntedon.,  J.  comite  Line,  con- 
stabulario  Cestr.,  G.  Marescallo  comite  Pembr.,  W.  comite  de 
Ferrar.,  W.  comite  Warenn.,  H.  comite  Kane.,  H.  comite  Essex, 
et  Hereford.,  Simone  de  Monteforti,  Willelmo  Lungesp.,  Will- 
elmo de  Ferrar.,  Willelmo  de  Vescy,  Ricardo  de  Percy,  Ricardo 
de  Munfichet,  Willelmo  de  Ros,  Johanne  Byset,  Gilberto  de 
Umframvill.,  Willelmo  de  Lancastr.,  Willelmo  de  Cantilupo, 
Waltero  de  Clifford,  Johanne  Monem.,  Radulfo  de  Mortuo  Mari, 


366  Henry  III.  [PART 

Willelmo  Ifauduit,  Rogero  la  Zuch.,  Olivero  de  Vallibus,  Gil- 
berto  Basset,  et  aliis.  Dat.  per  manum  veuerabilis  patris  R. 
Cycestr.  episcopi  cancellarii  nostri  apud  Westmonaster.,  XXVIII0 
die  Januarii,  anno  regni  nostri  vicesimo  primo. — (Blackstone* s 
Charters,  pp.  68,  69.) 


A.D.  1237.     WRIT  FOE  THE  COLLECTION  OF  THE  THIETIETH. 

The  appointment  of  four  knights  and  a  clerk  to  receive  the 
assessment  made  on  oath  by  the  four  men  and  reeve  for  their 
own  township,  is  a  new  variety  of  expedient,  to  be  compared 
with  those  given  above  (pp.  257,  283,  351,  355,  360,  364).  The 
other  points  of  importance  in  the  writ  are  the  direction  for  the 
election  of  the  assessors  of  the  township,  the  statement  that  the 
freeholders  represented  their  villeins  in  their  consent  to  the  tax, 
and  the  provision  for  sparing  the  poor.  The  distinction  between 
the  villeins  who,  according  to  the  lawyers,  had  no  property  of 
their  own,  and  the  poor,  who  had  less  than  forty  pence  'in 
bonis,'  is  worth  remark. 

HEX  vicecomiti  Kantiae  salutem.  Scias  quod  cum  in  octavis 
Sancti  Hilarii  anno  regni  nostri  vicesimo  primo,  ad  mandatum 
nostrum  corivenirent  apud  Westmonasterium  archiepiscopi, 
episcopi,  abbates,  priores,  comites  et  barones  totius  regni  nostri, 
et  tractatum  haberent  nobiscum  de  statu  nostro  et  regni  nostri, 
iidem  archiepiscopi,  episcopi,  abbates,  priores  et  clerici  terras 
habentes  quae  ad  ecclesias  suas  non  pertinent,  comites,  barones, 
milites  et  liberi  homines,  pro  se  et  suis  villanis,  nobis  concesse- 
runt  in  auxilium  tricesimam  partem  omnium  mobilium  suorum 
apparentium,  sicut  ea  habebunt  in  autumno  in  crastino  Exalta- 
tionis  Sanctae  Crucis,  anno  regni  nostri  vicesimo  primo,  quando 
blacla  sua  fuerint  coadunata  ;  videlicet  de  bladis,  carucis,  ovibus, 
vaccis,  porcis,  haraciis,  equis  caretariis  assignatis  ad  waignagia, 
et  aliis  pecoribus  et  bonis.  Exceptis  bonis  qua'e  praedicti  archi-  : 
episcopi,  episcopi  et  aliae  personae  ecclesiasticae  habent  in  ecclesiis  i 
parochialibus  sive  praebendis,  et  terris  ad  praebendas  et  ecclesias 
parochiales  spectantibus ;  exceptis  argento  et  auro,  palefridis,  / 
summaries,  dextrariis,  runcinis,  armis,  utensilibus  et  vasis.  j 
Colligendam  per  manus  dilectorum  fidelium  nostrorum  Rogeri  de 
Leburn,  Simonis  de  Crape,  Johannis  de  Adlington,  per  litteras 
Huwavd  de  Bichely  et  Ricardi  de  Wokundon,  qui  jurabuut  coram 


vi.J  Assessment  of  tie  Thirtieth.  367 

te,  quod  negotium  nostrum  de  auxilio  nostro  colligendo  et  assi- 
dendo  pro  posse  suo  bene  et  fideliter  exsequentur  per  omuia, 
secuudum  suam  conscientiam.  Et  ipsi  quatuor  milites  et  cleri* 
cus  praedictus  eligi  facicnt  quatuor  de  legalioribus  hominibus 
de  singulis  villis,  quos  statutis  hundredis  in  comitatu  tuo,  certis 
dTe  et  loco  corara  eisclem  ad  mandatum  eorum  coram  eis  venire 
facies,  qui  jurabunt  coram  eisdem  in  praesentia  ballivorum  de 
singulis  villis  si  interesse  voluerint,  quod  auxilium  illud  fideliter 
assidebunt  et  rationabile  pretium  apponent  omnibus  rebus  quae 
appretiandae  fuerint,  secundum  communem  et  justam  aestima- 
tionem  et  valorem,  amore,  gratia  vel  odio,  vel  alia  occasione  nou 
imped iente.  Et  postea  particulas  catallorum  omnium  et  pretium 
ostendent  quatuor  militibus  praedictis  et  clerico,  et  juxta  pro- 
visionem  dictorum  militum  et  clerici  pecuniam  colligeut,  et 
eisdem  militibus  et  clerico  deferent  et  liberabunt  per  taillias  et 
rotulos  particulas  continentes,  reponendam  in  prioratu  Sanctae 
Trinitatis  Cantuariae  ;  et  si  indigueriut  auxilio  tuo  circa  dis- 
trictionem  faciendam  in  collectione  dictae  pecuniae,  tu  eis  auxi- 
lium parabis.  Archiepiscopi  vero,  episcopi,  abbates,  priores  in 
teri-is  suis  et  libertatibus  in  comitatu  tuo,  per  quatuor  legales 
milites  suos  vel  liberos  et  legales  homines  si  milites  non  habue- 
rint,  simili  modo  circa  praedictam  tricesirnam  assidendam  et 
colligendam  et  liberandarn  quatuor  praedictis  militibus  ad  hoc 
attornatis,  precedent.  Et  scias  quod  praedicti  quatuor  homines 
de  singulis  villis  non  jurabunt  de  propriis  catallis  suis,  nee 
eisdem  pretium  apponent,  sed  alii  quatuor  homines  de  singulis 
villis  ad  hoc  electi  per  milites  praedictos  jurabunt  de  catallis 
praedictorum  priorum  quatuor  hominum,  secundum  formaiu 
praedictam.  Null  us  autein  pauper  homo  vel  mulier  aliquid  ad 
hoc  conferet,  nTsi  habcat  in  bonis  plus  quam  quadraginta  dena- 
rios.  Debet  autem  reddi  pecunia  praedicta  ad  duos  terminos, 
videlicet,  medietas  in  crastino  Sancti  Andreae  anno  regni 
nostri  vicesimo  secundo,  et  altera  medietas  in  crastino  Sanctae 
Trinitatis  anno  eodem.  Tu  autem  ita  efficax  auxilium  et  utile 
cousilium  praedictis  militibus  praebeas  in  praedictis  exsequendis, 
quod  negotium  praedictum  ad  commodum  nostrum  et  utilitatem 
salubriter  procedat.  Nos  autem  concessimus  praedictis  archi- 
episcopis,  episcopis,  abbatibus,  prioribus,  comitibus,  baronibus  et 
aliis  magnatibus  regni  nostri,  quod  tarn  carta  nostra  de  foresta 
quara  alia  de  libertatibus,  quas  prius  eis  fieri  fecimus,  de  cetero 
in  omnibus  teneantur.  Nolumus  etiam  quod  occasione  hujus- 
rnodi  auxilii  sumatur  deinceps  occasio,  vel  trahatur  ad  consuetu- 
dinem  petendi  alias  consimile  auxilium.  Incipient  autem  iter 
praedictum  in  crastino  Exaltationis  Sanctae  Crucis,  quibus  die 


368  Henry  III.  [PART 

et  loco  eis  occurras  ad  sacramentum  ab  eis  recipiendum  et  auxi- 
lium  eis  impendendum,  sicut  tibi  dixerint  ex  parte  nostra.  Teste 
Rege  apud  Westmonasterium,  II.  die  Julii  anno  regni  nostri 
vicesimo  primo. — (Foedera,  i.  232.) 


A.D.  1242.    RECOBD  OP  A  DEBATE  IN  THE  COUNCIL  OF 
THE  NATION. 

The  following  record  was  drawn  up,  as  is  stated  by  Matthew 
Paris,  who  inserts  it  in  his  History,  that  the  answer  of  the 
barons  to  the  king's  demand  for  money  might  never  be  for- 
gotten. We  have  in  it  the  first  detailed  account  of  a  dispute  in 
the  National  Council  as  to  the  expediency  of  a  war,  or  the 
granting  of  an  aid.  No  doubt  many  discussions  on  the  latter 
point  had  taken  place  during  the  previous  years  of  the  reign, 
and  had  preceded  the  grants  that  purchased  the  reissue  of  the 
charters.  On  some  former  occasions,  too,  it  would  seem  that 
the  barons  made  it  a  condition  of  granting  the  tax,  that  it  should 
be  assessed  and  collected  in  a  particular  way.  This  appears, 
however,  to  be  an  early  and  very  important  instance  of  an  aid 
being  absolutely  refused.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  the  king 
exacted  a  scutage,  'fecit  extorqueri ; '  possibly  in  accordance 
with  the  article  of  the  charter  of  1225  in  which  he  asserted  the 
right. 

Cum  dominus  Eboracensis  archiepiscopus  et  omnes  episcopi 
Angliae,  abbates,  et  priores  per  se  vel  per  procuratores  suos,  nec- 
non  et  omnes  comites  et  fere  omnes  barones  Angliae  ad  manda- 
tum  domini  regis  convenissent  apud  Westmonasterium  die  Martis 
proxima  ante  Purificationem  beatae  Mariae,  A.D.  1242,  regni 
Henrici  regis  26*°,  audituri  domini  regis  voluntatem  et  negotium 
pro  quo  ipsos  mandaverat ;  et  idem  dominus  rex  transmittens 
ad  eosdem  dictum  dominum  Eboracensem  et  nobilem  virum 
dominum  comitem  Pvicardum  et  dominum  Willelmum  de  Eboraco 
praepositum  de  Beverlaco,  super  voluntate  domini  regis  et 
negotiis  suis,  scilicet  eisdem  expositis  per  eosdem  solemnes 
nuncios,  omnes  magnates  de  regno  suo  rogasset  de  consilio  ei 
dando  et  auxilio  faciendo  ad  haereditatem  suam  et  jura  sua 
perquirenda  in  partibus  transmarinis  quae  spectabant  ad  regnum 


vi.]  Debate  in  the  National  Council.  369 

suum  Angliae ;  tandem  dicti  episcopi,  abbates  et  priores, 
comites  et  barones,  magno  inter  eos  tractatu  praehabito,  in 
primis  domino  regi  per  praedictos  magnates  dederunt  consilium, 
videlicet,  quod  dominus  ipse  rex  exspectaret  finem  treugarum 
inter  eum  et  regem  Franciae  initarum :  et  si  forte  dictus  rex 
Franciae  contra  formam  earundem  treugarum  aliquas  fecisset 
interprisas,  tune  dictus  rex  Angliae  mitteret  ad  eum  solenmes 
nuncios  ad  rogandum,  monendum  et  inducendum  ipsum  regem 
Franciae,  ut  treugas  initas  teneret  et  interprisas  emeudaret,  si 
quae  per  ipsum  vel  per  suos  factae  essent.  Quod  si  rex  Franciae 
facere  contradiceret,  libenter  ad  boc  consilium  apponerent  pro 
posse  suo  de  auxilio  ei  dando.  Omnes  ita  unauimiter  respon- 
derunt.  Similiter  postquam  fuerat  dominus  eoram,  multoties 
ad  instantiam  suam  ei  auxilium  dederunt,  videlicet  tertiam 
decimam  mobilium  suorum,  et  postea  quintam  decimam  et 
sextam  dec:mam  et  quadragesimam,  carucagium,  hydagium  et 
plura  scutagia,  et  postea  unum  magnum  Ecutagium  ad  sororem 
suam  Imperatricem  maritandam.  Postea  vero  nondum  quatuor 
annis  elapsis  vel  circiter,  petiit  ab  eis  iterum  auxilium,  et  tandem 
cum  magua  precum  instantia  obtinuit  tricesimam,  quam  ei  con- 
cesserunt,  tali  scilicet  conditione,  quod  ilia  exactio  vel  aliae 
praecedentes  amplius  non  traherentur  in  consequentiam.  Et 
inde  fecit  eis  cartam  suam.  Et  praeterea  concessit  eis  tune 
quod  omnes  libertates  contentae  in  Magna  Carta  extunc  in 
antea  plenius  tenerentur  per  totum  regnum  suum,  et  inde  fecit 
eis  quandarn  parvarn  cartam  suam  quam  adhuc  habent,  in  qua 
eaedem  continentur.  Praeterea  dominus  rex  concessit  eis  de 
voluntate  sua,  et  de  consilio  totius  baronagii  sui,  quod  tota 
pecunia  ex  dicta  tricesima  proveniens  salvo  deponeretur  in 
castris  domini  regis  sub  custodia  quatuor  magnatum  Angliae, 
scilicet  comitis  Warenniae  et  aliorum,  per  quorum  visum  et 
consilium  pecunia  ilia  expenderetur  ad  dicti  regis  et  regni 
utilitatem,  cum  necesse  esset.  Et  quia  barouagium  nescit  nee 
audivit  quod  de  dicta  pecunia  per  visum  vel  consilium  alicujus 
quatuor  magnatum  praedictorum  aliquid  expendatur,  credunt 
firmitcr  et  bene  intelligunt  quod  dominus  rex  adhuc  totam 
babet  illam  pecuniam  integram,  de  qua  nunc  potest  habere 
magnum  auxilium.  Praeterea  bene  sciunt  quod  post  tempus 
illud  tot  habuit  escaetas,  archiepiscopatum  Cantuariensem,  et 
plures  episcopatus  Angliae  ditiores,  et  terras  comitum  et  baronum 
et  militum  de  eo  tenentium  defunctorum,  quod  solummodo  de 
illis  escaetis  debet  ipse  babere  grandem  pecuniae  summam  si 
bene  custodiatur.  Praeterea  a  tempore  dictae  tricesimae  datae, 
uou  cessaverunt  justitiarii  itinerantes  itinerare  per  cmues  partes 

Bb 


Henry  III.  [PART 

Angliae  tarn  de  placitis  forestae  quam  de  omnibus  aliis  placitis, 
ita  quod  omnes  comitatus  Angliae  et  omnia  hundreda,  civitates 
et  burgi,  et  fere  omnes  villae  graviter  amerciantur ;  unde  solum- 
modo  de  illo  itinere  habet  dominus  rex  vel  habere  debet  maxi- 
mam  summam  pecuniae,  si  persolvatur  etbene  colligatur.  Unde 
bene  dicunt  quod  per  ilia  amerciamenta  et  per  alia  auxilia  prius 
data,  omnes  de  regno  ita  gravantur  et  depauperantur  quod 
parum  aut  nihil  habent  in  bonis.  Et  quia  dominus  rex  nun- 
quam,  post,  tricesimam  datam,  cartam  suam  de  libertatibus 
tenuit,  immo  plus  solito  postea  gravavit,  et  per  aliam  cartam 
eis  concesserat  quod  exactiones  hujusmodi  non  traherentur  in 
consequentiam,  responderunt  eidem  domino  regi  praecise,  quod 
nullum  ad  praesens  ei  facerent  auxili-um.  Verumtamen  quia 
dominus  eonim  est,  sic  se  gerere  poterit  erga  eos  usque  ad 
finem  dictarum  treugarum,  quod  tune  bonum  apponent  consilium 
pro  posse  suo.  Et  cum  dicti  magnates  nuncii  istud  domino  regi 
nunciassent  responsum,  redeuntes  ad  baronagium  dixerunt,  quod 
in  parte  sufficiens  dederunt  domino  regi  responsum ;  sed  dominus 
rex  voluit  scire  ab  eis  quid  facerent  si  rex  Franciae  ante  finem 
praedictarum  treugarum  rumperet  easdem  treugas.  Promise- 
runt  etiam  ex  parte  domini  regis  quod  si  ipse  alicui  magnatum 
Angliae  injuriam  fecisset,  ipse  illud  emendaret  per  considera- 
tionem  domini  Petri  de  Sabaudia  et  aliorum  de  consilio  suo. 
Ad  quae  magnates  sic  responderunt,  videlicet,  si  rex  Franciae 
rumperet  treugas  et  nollet  interprisas  emeudare,  tune  apponent 
consilium  sicut  prius  dixerant  se  apposituros  in  fine  treugarum, 
dummodo  constaret  eis  de  veritate  facti  regis  Franciae.  Ad  hoc 
quod  ipsi  promiserunt  emendas  ex  parte  domini  regis  super 
injuriis  eis  illatis,  responderunt  quod  noluerunt  ad  praesens  cum 
domino  rege  placitare;  et  in  concessione  tricesimae  adeo  bene 
et  fideliter  promiserat  eis  dcminus  "Willelmus  de  Rale  ex  parte 
domini  regis,  sicut  modo  ipsi  faciunt :  qualiter  dominus  rex 
tenuerit  promissa  sua  videat  ipse.  Postea  vero  dominus  rex 
examinavit  plures  singulariter ;  quid  ipsi  concesserint  universi- 
tas  ignorat. — (Matt.  Paris,  pp.  581,  582.) 


A.D.  1252.    "WRIT  FOR  ENFORCING  WATCH  AND  WARD 

AND    THE   ASSIZE   OF  ARMS. 

In  this  document  the  king  brings  together  the  two  very 
ancient  methods  of  ensuring  peace  and  defence,  of  which  several 
illustrations  have  been  given  already.  Their  connexion  with 


vi.]  Assize  of  Arms.  371 

constitutional  history  is  now  becoming  less  close,  but  it  is  im- 
portant to  observe  the  permanence  of  their  character,  and  the 
antiquity  as  well  as  the  elasticity  of  the  machinery  by  which 
they  are  worked.  Although  not  an  essential  part  of  the  Con- 
stitution, they  are  ancient  buttresses  of  the  fabric,  and  their 
very  permanence  attests  as  well  as  sustains  the  corporate 
identity  of  the  English  nationality,  which  feudalism  has  dis- 
guised but  has  not  been  able  to  mutilate. 

HENRICUS  Dei  gratia  rex,  etc.  vicecomiti  .  .  salutem.  Sciatis 
quod  ad  pacem  nostram  firmiter  observandam,  provisum  est  de 
consilio  nostro,  quod  vigjliae  fiant  in  singulis  civitatibus,  Imr^is.  '  , 
et  omnibus  aliis  vnTTs  comitatus  tui,  a  die  Ascensiouis  Domini 
u?qtie  ad  fcstum  Sahcti  Michaelis,  scilicet  in  singulis  civita- 
tibus ad  singulas  portas  per  sex  homines  armis  munitos,  et  in 
eingulis  burgis  per  duodecim  homines ;  et  in  singulis  villis 
integris_per  sex  homines  vel  quatuor  ad  mmus  Eiffllliter  armis 
munitos  secundum  numerum  inhabitantium  :  et  vigilent  con- 
tinue per  totam  noctem  ab  occasu  solis  usque  ad  ortum,  ita 
quod,  si  aliquis  extraneus  transitum  per  ipsos  faciat,  arrestent 
usque  mane ;  et  tune,  si  fidelis  sit,  dimittatur,  et  si  suspectus  sit, 
vicecomiti  Hberetur,  qui  ipsum  sine  omni  difficultate  et  dila- 
tione  recipiat  et  salvo  custodiat;  si  vero  hujusmodi  extranei, 
transitum  facientes,  se  non  permiserint  arrestari,  tune  praedicti 
vigiles  hutesium  levent  super  eos  undique,  et  eum  insequantur 
cum  tota  villata  et  vicinis  villatis,  cum  clamore  et  hutesio  d« 
villa  in  villam,  donee  capiantur;  et  tune  liberentur  vicecomiti 
sicut  praedictum  est,  ita  quod  nullus  occasione  hujusmodi 
arrestationis  vel  captionis  extraneorum  per  vicecomitem,  vel 
per  ballivos  suos  occasionetur ;  et  singulae  civitates,  burgi  et 
villae,  praemuniantur  ad  singulas  praedictas  vigilias  et  sectas 
ita  diligenter  faciendum,  ne  defectum  illorum  graviter  punire 
debeamus. 

Provisum  est  etiam  quod  singuli  vicecomites  una  cum  duobus  ' 
militibus  ad  hoc  specialiter  assignatis,  circumeant  comitatus  suos  \ 
de  hundredo  in  hundredum,  et  civitates  et  burgos,  et  convenire 
faciant  coram  eis  in  singulis  hundredis,  civitatibus  et  burgis,  j 
cives,  burgenses,  libere  tenentes,  yjljajios^et  alios  aetatis  quin- 
decim  annorum  usque  ad  aetatem  sexagmta  annorum,  et  eosdem 
faciar1:  r-  n:es  jurare  ad  arma,  secundum  quautitatem  terrarum 
et  catallorum  suorum ;   scilicet,  ad  quindecim  libratas  terrae, 
unam  loricam,  capellum  ferreum,  gladium,  cultellum  et  equum ; 
.  ad  decem  libratas  terrae  unum  habergetum,  capellum  ferreum, 

Bb  2 


373  Henry  III.  [PART 

/  gladium  et  cultellum ;  ad  centum  solidatas  terrae  unum  pur- 
punctum,  capellum  ferreum,  gladium,  lanceam  et  cultellum ;  ad 
quadraginta  solidatas  terrae,  et  eo  amplius  ad  centum  solidatas 
terrae,  gladium,  arcum,  sagittas  et  cultellum.  Qui  minus  habent 
quam  quadraginta  solidatas  terrae,  jurati  sint  ad  falces,  gisarmas, 
cultellos  et  alia  arma  miuuta.  Ad  cat  alia  sexaginta  mar  car  urn, 
unam  loricam,  capellum  ferreum,  gladium,  cultellum  et  equum : 
ad  catalla  quadraginta  marcarum,  unum  haubercum,  capellum 
ferreum,  gladium  et  cultellum ;  ad  catalla  viginti  marcarum, 
unum  purpunctum,  capellum  ferreum,  gladium  et  cultellum ;  ad 
catalla  novem  marcarum,  gladium,  cultellum,  arcum  et  sagittas ; 
ad  catalla  quadraginta  solidorum  et  eo  amplius  usque  ad  decem 
marcas,  falces,  gisarmas  et  alia  arma  minuta.  Omnes  etiam  illi 

,    qui  possuut  habere  arcus  et  sagittas  extra  forestam,  habeant; 

\  qui  vero  in  foresta,  habeant  arcus  et  pilatos. 

In  singulis  civitatibus  et  burgis  jurati  ad  arma  sint  coram 

f  majoribus  civitatis,  et  praepositis  et  ballivis  burgorum  ubi  non 
sunt  majores ;  insingulis  vero  villatis  aliis  constituatur  unus 
constabularius  veT^duo  secundum  nUmerum  inhabitantium  et 
provisionem  praedictorum  ;  in  singulis  vero  hundredis  constitua- 
tur unus  capitalis  constabularius,  ad  cujus  mandatum  omnes  jurati 
ad  arma  de  hundredis  suis  couveniaut,  et  ei  sint  intendentes  ad 
faciendum  ea  quae  spectant  ad  conservationem  pacis  nostrae. 

I.Clamare  etiam  faciant  singuli  vicecomites  per  civitates  et  burgos 
et  omnia  mercata  ballivorum  suorum  quod  nulli  conveuiant  ad 
turniandum  vel  burdandum,  nee  ad  alias  quascunque  aventuras, 
nee  etiam  aliqui  incedant  armati  nisi  specialiter  fuerunt  ad  cus- 
todiam  pacis  uostrae  deputati ;  et  si  aliqui  fuerint  inventi  sive 
incedentes  armati  contra  hanc  provisionem  nostram,  arrestentur 
et  vicecomiti  liberentur  :  et  si  se  non  permiserint  arrestari,  tune 
constabularii  singulorum  hundredorum  et  villatarum,  et  alii  qui- 
cunque  Bint,  hutesium  levent  super  eos  undique,  et  cum  viciuis 
villis,  et  de  villa  in  villam  ipsos  insequantur  donee  capiantur 
et  vicecomiti  liberentur,  sicut  praedictum  est ;  quoties  autem 
oontigerit  hutesium  levari  super  quoscunque  perturbatores  pacis 
nostrae,  praedones  et  malefactores  in  parcis  vel  vivariis,  statim 
propter  eos  fiat  hutesium,  et  ipsos  insequantur  donee  capiantur, 
et  vicecomiti  libereutur,  sicut  de  aliis  praedictum  est :  et  omnes 
vicecomites  et  eorum  ballivi,  constabularii,  jurati  ad  arma,  bur- 
genses,  libere  tenentes  et  villani,  talem  sectam  faciant  propter 
praedictos  malefactores,  ne  ipsi  malefactores  evadant,  et  ne,  si  pro 
eorum  defectu  evadant,  hii  in  quibus  defectus  inventus  fuerit 
graviter  puniri  debeant,  et  sic  per  consilium  nostrum  puniantur, 
quod  poena  illorum  aliis  metum  incutiat,  et  auferat  materiam 


vi.]  Sentence  of  Excommunication.  373 

delinquendi ;  suspectos  autem  de  die  per  quascunque  arrestationes 
recipiant  arrestatos,  vicecomites  sine  dilatione  et  difficultate 
salvo  custodiant,  donee  per  legem  terrae  deliberentur.  Et  ideo 
tibi  praecipimus,  quod  sicut  corpus  tuum  et  omnia  tua  diligis, 
una  cum  dilectis  et  fidelibus  nostris  Henrico  filio  Bernardi,  Petro 
de  Goldintuna,  quos  tibi  ad  hoc  assignavimus,  omnia  praedicta 
sub  forma  praescripta  cum  diligentia  exsequaris,  ne  pro  defectu 
tui  inde  et  praedictorum  Henrici  et  Petri  ad  te  et  ad  ipsos  nos 
graviter  capere  debeamus. 

Teste  archiepiscopo  Eboracensi  apud  "Westmonasterium  XXmo 
die  Mali,  anno  regni  nostri  tricesimo  sexto. — (Foedera,  i.  281.) 


A.D.  1253.     SENTENCE  OF  EXCOMMUNICATION  AGAINST 
TRANSGRESSORS  OF  THE  CHARTERS. 

Anno  Domini  MCCLTII.  iii°  idus  llaii,  in  magna  aula  regis 
apud  Westmonasterium,  sub  praesentia  et  assensu  domini  Henrici, 
Dei  gratia,  illustris  regis  Angliae,  et  dominorum  R.  comitis 
Cornub.,  fratris  sui,  R.  comitis  Norff.  et  Suff.,  marescalli  Angliae, 
H.  comitis  Heref.,  H.  comitis  Oxon.,  J.  comitis  War.  et  aliorum 
optimatum  regni  Angliae.  Nos  B.,Divina  miseratione,  Cant.archi- 
episcopus  totius  Angliae  primas,  F.  London.,  H.  Elyens.,  R.  Line., 
W.  Wygorn.,  W.  Norwic.,  P.  Hereford.,  W.  Sarr.,  W.  Dunolm., 
R.  Exon.,  S.  Karl.,  "W.  Bathon.,  L.  Roffeus.,  Thorn.  Menevens., 
episcopi,  pontificalibus  induti,  candelis  accensis,  in  trnnsgres- 
Bores  libertatum  ecclesiasticarum  et  libertatum  seu  liberarum 
consuetudinum  regni  Angliae,  et  praecipue  earum  quae  conti- 
nentur  in  carta  communium  libertatum  regni  et  carta  de  foresta, 
excommunicationis  sententiam  solempniter  tulimus  sub  hac 
forma.  Auctoritate  Dei  omnipotentis  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus 
Sancti,  et  gloriosae  Dei  genitricis  semperque  virginis  Mariae, 
beatorum  apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli  omniumque  apostolorum, 
beati  Thomae  archiepiscopi  et  martyris  omniumque  martyrum 
Dei,  beati  Edwardi  regis  Angliae  omniumque  confessorum  atque 
virginum,  omniumque  sanctorum  Dei,  excommunicamus,  anathe- 
matizamus  et  a  liminibus  sanctae  matris  ecclesiae  sequestramus, 
omnes  illos,  qui  amodo  scienter  et  malitiose  ecclesias  privaverint 
vel  spoliaverint  suo  jure ;  item  omnes  illos,  qui  ecclesiasticas 
libertates  vel  antiquas  regni  consuetudines  approbatas,  et  prae- 
cipue lihertates  et  liberas  consuetudines  quae  in  cartis  commu- 
nium libertatum  et  de  foresta  continentur  concessis  a  domino 
rege  archiepiscopis,  episcopis  et  ceteris  Angliae  praelatis,  comi- 


374  Henry  III.  [PART 

tibus,  baronibus,  militibus  et  libere  tenentibus,  quacunque  arte 
vel  ingenio  violaverint,  infregerint,  diminuerint,  seu  immuta- 
verint,  clam  vel  palam,  facto,  vei'bo,  vel  consilio,  contra  illas  vel 
earum  aliquam  in  quocunque  articulo  temere  veniemlo  ;  item 
omnes  illos,  qui  contra  illas  vel  earum  aliquam  statuta  aliqua 
ediderint  vel  edita  servaverint,  et  consuetudines  introduxerint 
vel  servaverint  iutroductas,  scriptores  statutorum  necnon  consili- 
atores  et  executores,  et  qui  secundum  ea  praesumpserint  judicare, 
qui  omnes  et  singuli  superius  memorati  hanc  sententiam  incur- 
suros  se  noverint  ipso  facto,  qui  scienter  aliquid  commiserint  de 
praedictis ;  qui  vero  ignoranter,  nisi  commoniti  infra  quindenam 
a  tempore  commonitionis  se  correxerint  et  arbitrio  ordinariorum 
satisfecerint  de  commissis,  extunc  sint  hac  seutentia  involuti. 
Eadem  etiam  sententia  innodamus  illos  qui  pacem  regis  et  regni 
praesumpserint  perturbare.  In  cujus  rei  memoriam  sempiternam 
nos  signa  nostra  duximus  apponenda. — (Blackstone  s  Charters, 
pp.  70-72;  Foedera,  i.  289.) 


A.D.  1253.      WHIT  FOR  CARRYING  OUT  THE  WATCH  AND  WARD 
AND  ASSIZE  OF  ARMS. 

The  minute  directions  given  in  the  following  writ  help  to 
supplement  the  Act  given  above,  p.  370.  The  articles  annexed 
are,  no  doubt,  the  instructions  which  the  sheriff  was  to  receive 
from  the  special  commissioner,  Henry  Colville. 

HEXRICTJS  Dei  gratia  Rex,  etc.,  vicecomiti  Essexiae  et  Hert- 
ford., salutem.  Summone  per  bonos  summonitores  omnes  milites 
et  omnes  libere  tenentes  de  comitatibus  praedictis,  et  de  qualibet 
villa  quatuor  homines  et  praepositum,  et  de  quolibet  burgo 
duodecim  legales  burgenses,  quod  sint  coram  dilecto  et  fideli 
nostro  Henrico  de  Colevilla  ad  dies  et  loca  quos  tibi  scire  faciet, 
ad  audiendum  et  faciendum  praeceptum  nostrum.  Venire  etiam 
facias  coram  eo  ad  eosdem  dies  et  loca  omnes  illos  qui  jurati 
sunt  ad  arma  et  jurari  debent,  cum  armis  suis  ad  quae  jurati 
sunt  et  esse  debent,  audituri  et  facturi  praeceptum  nostrum. 
Et  interim  diligenter  inquiras  qui  fecerunt  ultimo  scrutinium  de 
armis  in  comitatibus  praedictis,  et  qui  ultimo  inde  sacramentum 
ceperunt ;  et  ubi  rotuli  de  scrutinio  illo  et  sacramento  fuerunt. 
Et  rotulos  illos  habeas  coram  praefato  Henrico  praedictis  diebus 
et  locis  ;  et  tu  ipse  tune  ibi  sis  in  propria  persona  tua  ad  exse- 
quendum  ea  quae  idem  Henricus  tibi  ex  parte  nostra  praecipiet. 


vi.]  Summons  for  Knights  of  the  Shire.  375 

Et  si  ballivi  libertatum  qui  returnum  habent  brevium  nostrorum 
istud    mandatum   nostram   exsecuti   non  fuerint,  non   omittas 
quia  libertates  illas  ingrediaris  ad  idem  mandatum  exsequen-       «. 
dum.     Teste  me  ipso  apud  Portesmuthe,  XVIII.  die  Julii,  anno 
regni  nostri  XXXVII0. 
Articuli. 

1 .  Quod  vigiliae  fiant  per  singulas  villas  sicut  fieri  consue-  I  ,  J I 
verunt,  et  per  viros  probos  et  validos.  6^1 '   ' 

2.  Quod  sectae  de  utesiis  fiant  secundum  antiquum  debitum 
modum,  ita  quod  negligentes  et  utesium  sequi  nolentes,  capia'ntur 
tanquam  consentientes  malefactoribus  et  liberentur  vicecomiti. 
Et  insuper  in  qualibet  villa  provideantur  quatuor  homines  vel 
sex  secundum  quantitatem  villae,  ad  utesia  prompte  et  instanter 
prosequeuda  et  ad  malefactores  prosequendos  si  supervenerint 
et  uecesse  fuerit,  cum  arcubus  et  sagittis  et  aliis  levibus  armis, 
quae  debent  provideri  ad  custum  totius  villae  et  quae  semper 
remaneant  ad  opus  praedictae  villae.     Et  super  illos  provideatur 
de  quolibet  hundredo  duo  liberi  et  legales  homines  potentiores, 
qui  sint  superiores,  et  videant  quod  vigiliae  recte  fiant  et  prose- 
cutiones  praedictae. 

3.  Quod  nullus  extraneus  hospitetur  nisi  de  die,  et  de  clara  j 
discedat.  L 

4.  Quod  nullus  extraneus  receptetur  in   villis    campestribus   f 
ultra  unum  diem  vel  duos  ad  plus  extra  tempus  messium,  nisi   \ 
hospes  pro  illo  velit  respondere. 

5.  Quod  si  aliquis  malefactor,  vel  aliquis  de  quo  mala  suspicio 
habeatur,  capiatur  per  vigilatores  vel  alios  domini  regis  fidelea, 
vicecomes  vel  ballivus  de  huudredo   ipsum   sine   dilatione   vel 
mercede  aliqua  recipiet. 

6.  Quod  praecipiatur  majori  et  ballivis  singularum  civitatum 
et  burgorum,  quod  si  aliquis  mercator  vel  extraneus  deferens 
pecuniam  et  illam  eis  ostendat  et  conductum  petat,  quod  faciant 
ei  conductum  per  malos  passus  et  loca  ambigua  :  quod  si  aliquid 
amiserit  .pro  defectu  conductus  vel  in  eorum  ccnductu,  de  villata 
burgi  illius  vel  civitatis  ei  restituatur. — (Foedera,  i.  291,  292.) 


A.D.  1254.    WRIT  OP  SUMMONS  FOB  TWO  KNIGHTS  OF  THE 
SHIRE  TO  GRANT  AN  AID. 

This  is  an  important  landmark  in  the  parliamentary  history 
of  England ;  it  is  a  distinct  summons  to  the  counties,  through 
the  sheriffs,  to  return  two  knights  each,  for  the  purpose  of  grant- 


376  Henry  III.  [PAET 

ing  an  aid.  The  king  combines  with  this  a  direction  to  the 
sheriffs  to  compel  all  tenants  in  chief,  who  hold  lands  worth 
twenty  pounds  a  year,  to  present  themselves  in  person  for 
military  service.  It  is  to  be  observed  that,  in  the  order  to 
return  the  two  knights,  they  are  said  to  be  chosen  by  the 
counties,  that  is  the  county  courts,  no  restriction  of  the  power 
of  choice  to  tenants  in  chief,  or  to  knights,  being  specified. 
This  writ  is  sufficient  to  show  that  no  such  restriction  even  at 
this  early  period  existed.  The  aid  asked  for  is  a  national  and 
not  a  feudal  grant;  and  although  the  force  spoken  of  in  the 
early  part  of  the  writ  is  levied  on  the  feudal  principle,  the 
assembly  summoned  in  the  latter  part  of  it  is  of  a  different 
character  altogether. 

Forma  directa  magnatibus  et  vicecomitibus  Angliae. 

REX  Vicecomiti  Bedeford.  et  Bukingeham.,  salutem.  Cum 
comites  et  barones  et  ceteri  magnates  regni  nostri  nobis  firmiter 
promiserint,  quod  erunt  Londoniis  a  die  Paschae  proximo  future 
in  tres  septimanas  cum  equis  et  armis  parati  et  bene  muniti  ad 
tendendum  sine  ulla  dilatione  versus  Portesmuth,  ad  transfre- 
tandum  ad  nos  in  Vasconiam  contra  regem  Castellae  qui  terram 
nostram  Vasconiae  in  manu  forti  in  aestate  proximo  futura 
hostiliter  est  ingressurus,  et  tibi  mandaverimus  quod  omnes 
illos  de  ballia  tua  qui  tenent  xx.  libratas  terrae  de  nobis  in 
capite,  vel  de  aliis  qui  sunt  infra  aetatem  et  in  custodia  nostra, 
ad  idem  distringes ;  tibi  districte  praecipimus,  quod  praeter 
omnes  praedictos  venire  facias  coram  consilio  nostro  apud  West- 
monasterium  in  quindena  Paschae  proximo  futuri,  quatuor  le- 
gales  et  discretes  milites  de  comitatibus  praedictis  quos  iidem 
comitatus  ad  hoc  elegerint,  vice  omnium  et  singulorum  eorundem 
comitatuum,  videlicet  duos  de  uno  comitatu  et  duos  de  alio,  ad 
providendum,  una  cum  militibus  aliorum  comitatuum  quos  ad 
eundem  diem  vocari  fecimus,  quale  auxilium  nobis  in  tanta 
necessitate  impendere  voluerint.  Et  tu  ipse  militibus  et  aliis 
de  comitatibus  praedictis  necessitatem  nostram  et  tarn  urgens 
negotium  nostrum  diligenter  exponas,  et  eos  ad  oompetens 
auxilium  nobis  ad  praesens  impendendum  efficaciter  inducas; 
ita  quod  praedicti  quatuor  milites  praefato  consilio  nostro  ad 
praedictum  terminum  praecise  respondere  possint  super  prae- 
dicto  auxilio  pro  singulis  comitatuum  praedictorum.  Firmiter 
etiam  tibi  praecipimus  quod  omnia  debita  quae  nobis  a  retro 


VI. J  Charter  of  Oxford.  377 

Bunt  in  baillia  tua  et  solvi  debuerunt  ad  scaccarium  nostrum 

ante  Pascha  jam  instans,  vel  solvi  debent  ad  scaccarium  ejusdem 

Paschae,  habeas  ad  idem  scaccai'ium  in  quindena  praedicti  Pas- 

chae,  sciturus  quod  nisi  praedicta  debita  tune  ibidem  habueris  non 

solum  corpus  tuum  arrestari  faciemus,  sed  debita  ilia  de  terris  et 

tenementis  tuis  levari  faciemus  ad  damnum  tuum  non  modicum. 

\  T.  A.  Regina  et  R.  comite  Cornubiae  apud  Windlesoram  XI.  die 

^Februarii. — (Report  on  tlie  Dignity  of  a,  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  13.) 


A.D.  1255.     CHARTER  OF  HENKY  III  TO  OXFOKD. 

This  charter  is  not  given  as  a  specimen  of  the  ordinary 
borough  charters  granted  by  Henry  III :  on  the  contrary,  it  is 
distinguished  from  them  by  the  provisions  touching  the  Uni- 
versity. It  may  however  be  regarded  as  exhibiting  the  increased 
minuteness  and  distinctness  of  detail  that  was  now  being  intro- 
duced into  municipal  institutions. 

REX  omnibus,  etc.,  salutem.  Sciatis  quod  ad  pacem  et  tran- 
quillitatem  necnon  et  utilitatem  universitatis  scholarium  Oxouiae 
providimus  et  concessimus  quod  quatuor  aklernianni  fiant  in 
Oxonia,  et  octo  de  discretioribus  et  legajioribus  burgensibus 
ejusdem  vfllae  associentur  ipsis  aldermamiis,  qui  uninerf  jureut 
hobis  fideTitatem,  et  sint  assidentes  ej;  consulentes  majori  et 
ballivis  nostris  Oxoniae  ad  pacem  nostram  conservandam,  ad 
assisas  praedictae  villae  custodiendas,  et  ad  investigandum  male- 
factores  et  perturbatores  pacis  nostrae,  et  vagabundos  de  nocte, 
et  receptatores  latronum  et  malefactorum,  et  corporale  praestent 
Eacramentum  quod  omnia  praedicta  fideliter  observabunt.  In 
qualibet  autem  parochia  villae  Oxoniae  sint  duo  homines  electi 
de  legalioribus  parochianis  et  jurati  quod  in  qualibet  quindena 
iiiquirent  diligenter,  ne  quis  suspectus  hospitetur  in  parochia,  et 
si  aliquis  receptaverit  aliquem  per  tres  noctes  in  domo  sua, 
respondeat  pro  eo.  Nullus  etiam  regratarius  emat  victualia  in 
villa  Oxoniae,  vel  extra  versus  villam  venientia,  nee  aliquid  emat 
nee  iterum  vendat  ante  horam  nonam,  et  si  fecerit  amercietur, 
et  rem  emptam  amittat.  Si  laicus  inferat  clerico  gravem  vel ' 
enormem  laesionem,  statim  capiatur,  et  si  magna  sit  laesio, 
incarceretur  in  castro  Oxoniae,  et  ibi  detineatur  quousque 
clerico  satisfiat,  et  hoc  arbitrio  cancellarii  et  universitatis 
Oxoniae ;  si  clericus  protervus  fuerit,  si  minor  vel  levis  sit 
injuria,  incarceretur  in  villa.  Si  clericus  inferat  gravern  vel 


378  Henry  III.  [PART 

'  enormem  laesionem  laico,  incarceretur  in  praedicto  castro 
quousque  cancellarius  praedictae  universitatis  ipsura  postula- 
verit ;  si  minor  vel  levis  sit  injuria,  incarceretur  in  carcere 
villae  quousque  liberetur  per  cancellarium.  Pistores  et  bracia- 
tores  Oxoniae  in  primo  transgressu  suo  non  puniantur,  sed  iu 
secundo  amittant  panem,  et  in  tertio  transgressu  habeant  judi- 
cium  de  pillorio.  Quilibet  pistor  habeat  sigillum  suum  et 
signet  panem  suum,  per  quod  possit  coguosci  cujus  panis  sit. 
Quicunque  de  villa  Oxoniae  braciaverit  ad  vendendum,  exponat 
signum  suum,  alioquin  amittat  cervisiam.  Vina  Oxoniae  com- 
muniter  vendantur  et  iudifferenter  tarn  clericis  quam  laicis  ex 
quo  iubrochiata  fuerint.  Temptatio  panis  fiat  bis  in  anno,  vide- 
licet in  quindena  post  festum  Sancti  Michaelis,  et  circa  festum 
Sanctae  Mariae  in  Martio,  et  assisa  cervisiae  fiat  eisdem  ter- 
minis,  secundum  valorem  bladii  et  brasii.  Et  quotiescunque 
debeat  fieri  temptatio  panis  et  cervisiae,  intersit  cancellarius 
praedictae  universitatis  vel  aliqui  ex  parte  sua  ad  hoc  deputati, 
si  super  hoc  requisiti  intei'esse  voluerint.  Quod  si  non  inter- 
sint  nee  super  hoc  requisiti  fuerint,  nihil  valeat  temptatio  prae- 
dicta.  In  cujus  etc.  T.  E.  apud  Wodestok,  XVIII.  die  Julii. — 
(Foedera,  i.  323.) 


A.D.  1258.    DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  PROVISIONS  OP 
OXFORD. 

The  particular  train  of  events  which  led  to  the  crisis  marked 
in  English  history  by  the  Provisions  of  Oxford,  and  which 
helped,  in  conjunction  with  other  causes  of  disturbance,  to  pro- 
duce the  War  of  the  Barons,  began  as  early  as  1252.  In  that 
year  Innocent  IV  was  treating  with  the  king  for  the  bestowal 
of  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  on  Richard  Earl  of  Cornwall,  and 
sent  Albert  the  papal  notary  to  the  king  with  full  powers  to 
conclude  the  business.  After  a  long  negotiation,  Edmund,  the 
second  son  of  Henry,  received  the  cession  of  the  kingdom  from 
Albert,  at  Vendome,  March  6th,  1254  ;  and  this  was  confirmed 
by  the  pope  at  Assisi,  on  May  2nd.  After  the  death  of  Inno- 
cent, the  settlement  was  renewed  by  Alexander  IV  at  Naples, 
April  ptb,  1255.  Henry  seems  to  have  hung  back  at  first 
from  accepting  the  offer,  and  to  have  pleaded  a  vow  of  crusade, 
from  which  he  was  however  absolved  under  papal  orders  ;  but 


vi.]  Provisions  of  Oxford.  379 

on  the  1 8th  of  October,  1255,  he  directed  John  Maunsell  to 
affix  his  seal  to  the  formal  act  of  acceptance.  Immediately  after 
this  the  pecuniary  difficulties  of  the  king  in  connexion  with 
Sicily  begin  :  the  pope  waged  war  with  his  own  treasures,  but 
bound  Henry  to  himself  as  debtor  in  respect  of  the  expenditure, 
and  the  king  allowed  the  Bishop  of  Hereford,  his  envoy,  to  make 
him  responsible  for  the  outlay.  In  November,  1256,  Alex- 
ander IV  commissioned  the  Archbishop  of  Messina  as  his  ambas- 
sador to  Henry  ;  and  on  Midlent  Sunday,  1257,  in  the  chapter- 
house at  Westminster  the  Archbishop  stated  the  case  to  the 
great  council  of  the  nation.  At  this  time  the  debt  to  the  pope 
reached  135,000  marks  sterling.  The  demand  of  an  aid  was 
met  with  indignant  remonstrances ;  but  under  united  papal  and 
royal  pressure,  52,000  marks  were  wrung  from  the  clergy.  The 
next  year  the  like  demand  was  met  more  resolutely.  The 
Parliament  met  at  London  after  Hoke-tide,  April  gth ;  and  sat 
until  the  5th  of  May,  in  angry  debate  on  all  the  many  existing 
causes  of  discontent.  The  result  was  an  agreement  on  the  part 
of  the  king  to  place  the  execution  of  the  necessary  reforms  in 
the  hands  of  a  body  of  twenty-four  counsellors,  to  be  chosen  in 
a  parliament  at  Oxford  on  the  feast  of  S.  Barnabas,  June  nth, 
half  by  himself  and  half  by  the  barons.  To  the  determinations 
of  this  body  he  bound  himself  to  submit.  (Nos.  I.  and  II.) 
The  parliament  of  Oxford  met,  and  the  barons  presented  a  long 
petition  stating  the  reforms  they  desired.  (No.  III.)  The 
council  of  twenty-four  was  elected,  and  drew  up  a  body  of 
preliminary  articles,  which  are  commonly  known  as  the  Pro- 
visions of  Oxford.  (Xo.  IV.)  Under  this  constitution  a  council 
of  fifteen  was  chosen,  by  four  out  of  the  twenty-four,  to  advise 
the  king  on  all  points ;  another  body  of  twenty-four  was  ap- 
pointed to  treat  especially  of  aids  ;  and  a  third,  of  twelve 
members,  was  chosen  by  the  barons  to  represent  the  community 
in  three  annual  parliaments.  Further  reforms  were  to  be  re- 
ported before  the  following  Christmas.  In  the  meantime  the 
king  took  all  the  oaths  that  were  required  of  him,  and  published 
in  Latin,  French,  and  English  his  adhesion  to  the  Provisions,  on 
the  1 8th  of  October.  (No.  V.)  The  year  ended,  and  the  coun- 


380  Henry  III.  [PART 

sellers  had  not  completed  their  labours  or  published  the  further 
reforms,  to  which  it  seems  certain  that  the  king  had  sworn 
implicitly  beforehand.  In  October,  1259,  however,  under  the 
urgent  threats  of  Edward  and  others  of  the  barons,  they  produced 
at  Westminster  a  second  series  of  provisions,  based  upon  the 
petition  of  the  barons,  but  by  no  means  answering  their  expecta- 
tions. A  quarrel  between  the  Earls  of  Leicester  and  Gloucester, 
the  former  of  whom  was  supported  by  Edward,  and  the  latter 
by  Henry,  occupied  great  part  of  1260,  the  king  spending  some 
time  in  France,  and  being  to  all  intents  and  purposes  superseded 
by  the  council.  The  next  year  Henry,  having  obtained  absolu- 
tion from  his  oath,  repudiated  the  Provisions,  and  war  seemed 
imminent.  Henry's  policy  varied  between  stubborn  resistance 
end  false  submission.  The  year  1263  was  one  of  civil  war.  At 
last  both  parties  agreed  to  accept  the  arbitration  of  S.  Lewis, 
Dec.  i6th,  1263.  S.  Lewis  gave  sentence  in  favour  of  Henry, 
on  the  23rd  of  January,  1264;  and  the  Provisions  of  Oxford 
were  annulled.  The  barons,  as  soon  as  they  learned  that  the 
award  was  unfavourable,  renewed  hostilities  ;  and  in  the  battle 
of  Lewes,  May  1 3th,  the  king  and  Edward  were  captured,  the 
government  falling  at  once  into  the  hands  of  Simon  de  ITontfort. 

No.  I.     Tlw  King's  consent  to  a  project  of  Reform. 

HEX  omnibus,  etc.  Cum  pro  negotiis  nostris  arduis  nos  et 
regnum  nostrum  contingentibus,  proceres  et  fideles  regni  nostri 
ad  nos  Londonias  in  quindena  Paschae  proximo  praeteritae 
faceremus  convocari ;  et  cum  de  negotiis  supradictis  et  maxime 
de  prosecutione  negotii  Siciliae  diligenter  cum  eisdem  tractare- 
mus ;  ac  ipsi  nobis  responderint  quod  si  statum  regni  nostri  per 
consilium  fidelium  nostrorum  rectificandum  duxerimus,  et  domi- 
nus  papa  conditiones  circa  factum  Siciliae  appositas  meliora- 
verit,  per  quod  negotium  illud  prosequi  possemus  cum  effectu ; 
ipsi  diligentiam  fideliter  appouent  erga  communitatem  regni 
nostri  quod  nobis  commune  auxilium  ad  hoc  praestetur ;  nos  eis 
coucessimus  quod  infra  festum  Natalis  Domini  proximo  futurum 
per  consilium  proborum  et  fidelium  hominum  nostrorum  regni 
Angliae,  una  cum  consilio  legati  domini  papae,  si  in  Anglia 
meclio  tempore  venerit,  statum  regni  nostri  ordinabimus  et  ordi- 
nationem  illam  firmiter  observabimus  :  et  ad  hoc  fideliter  obser- 


VL.~]  Election  of  the  Twenty-four.  381 

vandum,  supponimus  nos  cohercioni  domini  papae,  ut  nos  ad  hoc 
per  censuram  ecclesiasticani,  prout  expedire  viderit,  valeat  arc- 
tare  :  protestamur  etiam  quod  Edwardus  filius  noster  primo- 
genitus,  praestito  sacramento  corporali,  per  litteras  suas  concessit 
quod  omnia  superius  expressa,  quantum  in  ipso  est,  fideliter  et 
inviolabiliter  observabit  et  in  perpetuum  observari  procurabit. 
In  cujus  etc.  Hiis  testibus,  Edwardo  filio  nostro  primogenito ; 
Galfrido  de  Lezignan,  Willelmo  de  Valentia,  fratribus  nostris; 
Petro  de  Sabaudia,  Johanne  de  Plessetis  comite  Warrewici,  Jo- 
hanne  Maunsell  thesaurario  Eboracensi,  Henrico  de  Wingeham 
decano  Sancti  Martini,  London. ;  Petro  de  Rivallis,  Guidone  de 
Kocheford,  Roberto  Walerand,  praesentibus  et  multis  aliis  comi- 
tibus,  baronibus  regni  nostri.  Datum  apud  Westmonasterium, 
secundo  die  Mali. — (Foedera,  i.  370.) 

No.  II.     The  King's  consent  to  tJte  Election  of  the  Twenty-four. 

I  REX  omnibus,  etc.  Noveritis  nos  concessisse  proceribus  et 
magnatibus  regni  nostri,  juramento  in  animam  nostram  per 
Robertum  Walerand  praestito,  quod  per  xii.  fideles  de  concilio 
nostro  jam  electos  et  per  alios  xii.  fideles  nostros,  electos  ex 
parte  procerum  ipsorum,  qui  apud  Oxoniam  a  festo  Pentecostes 
proximo  futuro  in  unurn  mensem  convenient,  ordinetur,  rectifi- 
cetur  et  reformetur  status  regni  nostri  secundum  quod  melius 
viderint  expedire  ad  honorem  Dei  et  ad  fidem  nostram  ac  regni 
..  nostri  utilitatem.  Et  si  forte  aliqui  electorum  ex  parte  nostra  ; 
absentes  fuerint,  liceat  illis  qui  praesentes  fuerint  alios  substi-  ^ 
tuere  loco  absentium ;  et  similiter  fiat  ex  parte  praedictorum 
procerum  et  fidelium  nostrorum.  Et  quicquid  per  viginti  qua- 
tuor  utrimque  electos  et  super  hoc  juratos,  vel  majorem  partem 
^orum,  circa  hoc  ordinatum  fuerit  inviolabiliter  observabimus  ; 
volentes  et  firmiter  ex  nunc  praecipientes  quod  ab  omnibus 
inviolabiliter  observetur  eorum  ordinatio.  Et  securitatem  omni- 
modam  quam  ipsi  vel  major  pars  eorum  ad  hujus  rei  observa- 
tionem  providerint,  vel  providerit,  eis  sine  qualibet  contradic- 
tione,  plene  faciemus  et  fieri  procurabimus.  Protestamur  etiam 
quod  Edwardus  filius  noster  primogenitus,  praestito  sacramento 
corporali,  per  litteras  suas  concessit  quod  omnia  euperius  ex- 
pressa  et  concessa  quantum  in  ipso  est  fideliter  et  inviolabiliter 
observabit  et  procurabit  in  perpetuum  observari.  Promiserunt 
etiam  comites  et  barones  memorati  quod,  expletis  negotiis  supe- 
rius tactis,  boua  fide  laborabunt  ad  hoc  quod  auxilium  nobis 
commune  praestetur  a  communitate  regni  nostri. 

In  cujus  etc.     Hiis  testibus,  ut  svpra. 

Datum  ul  kupra.—  (Fvedera,  i.  371.) 


382  Henry  III.  [PART 


No.  III.    Petition  of  the  Barons  at  the  Parliament  of  Oxford. 

This  important  schedule  of  grievances  is  an  exemplification  of 
the  way  in  which  the  provisions  of  the  Great  Charter  were  kept, 
and  also  of  the  progress  of  the  views  of  men  on  internal  reform 
since  the  date  of  the  Charter.  Few  of  the  details  are  in  them- 
selves of  material  importance  in  relation  to  the  constitution,  but 
they  supply  a  commentary  on  the  Charter  in  its  legal  articles 
which  is  of  interest  to  the  student  of  social  life  and  manners. 
The  constitutional  views  of  the  period  may  be  regarded  as  em- 
bodied in  the  elective  council,  rather  than  in  its  distinct  acts. 
In  point  of  fact,  although  the  name  of  the  Provisions  of  Oxford 
belonged  properly  to  the  first  articles  there  promulgated,  and 
indirectly  also  to  those  issued  at  Westminster  in  October,  1259, 
the  leading  idea,  probably,  understood  by  the  name  was  the 
maintenance  of  the  new  form  of  government.  Henry  might 
Lave  submitted  to  any  of  the  details,  but  not  to  be  permanently 
superseded  by  the  elective  council. 

i.  Petunt  comites  et  barones  de  successionibus,  quod  filius 
natus  et  primogenitus  vel  filia  post  patrem  libere  ingrediatur 
possessionem  patris,  ita  quod  capitalis  dominus  debet  habere 
eimplicem  seisinam  per  unum  ex  ballivis  suis,  ita  quod  nihil 
capiatur  per  praedictum  ballivum  de  exitibus  terrae  vel  reddi- 
tibus ;  quando  vero  haeres  fuerit  plenae  aetatis  et  prosecutus 
jus  suum  fuerit,  ad  faciendum  domino  suo  quod  facere  debet: 
et  ita  fiat  de  fratre  vel  sorore  et  de  avunculo  seisito,  si  obierit 
sine  haerede,  ad  nepotem  suum  filium  primogeniti ;  et  si  frater 
non  habeatur,  ad  liberos  fratris  vel  sororis,  et  sic  deinceps, 
per  rationabile  relevium  et  homagium  et  relevia  domino  feodi 
facienda ;  ita  quod  dominus  feodi  medio  tempore  nullum  faciat 
vastum  vel  exilium,  venditionem  vel  alienationem,  de  domibua 
vel  boscis,  vivariis,  parcis  sive  hominibus  villenagium  tenen- 
libus.  Quod  si  hoc  fecerit  et  inde  convictus  fuerit,  secundum 
quantitatem  delicti  puniatur.  Et  omnia  damna  quae  praedictus 
haeres  ea  occasione  habuerit,  sine  dilatione  restituet.  Et  cum 
haeres  fecerit  domino  regi  rationabile  relevium  cum  fuerit 
plenae  aetatis,  domina  regina  inde  petit  aunun  .cecundum 
aestimationern  cteclmae  partis,'  "et  videtur  "quod  non  debet 
habere  nisi  de  fine. 


vi.]  Petition  of  the  JBarons.  383 

2.  Item  petunt  remedium  quod  ubi  aliquis  infra  aetatem 
existens  tenet  plures  terras  de  pluribus  et  diversis  dominis, 
et  idem  teneat  aliquam  quantitatem  terrae  de  domino  rege  in 
capite  per  servitium  militare  vel  sergantiam,  occasione  cujus 
eervitii  dominus  rex  babet  custodiam  omnium  terrarum  et  tene- 
mentorum  praedictorum  haeredis,  de  quocumque  tenuerit ;  si 
dominus  rex  eat  in  exercitu,  licet  teneat  in  manu  sua  plura 
feoda  militum  de  feodis  aliorum,  sicut  praedictum  est,  nihilo- 
ininus  petit  totum  servitium  a  praedictis  dominis  feodi  qui  de 
eo  teuent  in  capite,  nee  eis  vult  quicquam  allocare  ex  hoc  quod 
tenet  custodiam  praedictorum  feodorum  in  manu  sua. 

3.  Item  petunt  barones  babere  custodiam  terrarum  et  tene- 
mentorum  suovum  qui  sunt  de  feodis  suis,  et  baeredum  usque 
ad  legitimam  aetatem  ipsorum ;  ita  quod  dominus  rex  habeat 
maritagium  et  custodiam  corporis  penes  se :  et  hoc  petunt  de 
jure  communi. 

4.  Item  petunt  quod  castra  regis  committantur  custodienda 
ad  fideles  suos  et  de  regno  Angliae  natos,  ob  plures  casus  qui 
poterunt  in  regno  Angliae  evenire  vel  emergere. 

5.  Item  petunt  quod  castra  regis  quae  sunt  supra  portus 
maris,  ubi  navigia  evenire  possunt,  committantur  fidelibus  homi- 
nibus  de  regno  Angliae  natis,  propter  pericula  plurima  evidentia 
quae  emergere  possunt  si  aliis  committerentur. 

6.  Item  petunt  de  maritagiis  domino  regi  pertinentibus,  quod 
non  maritentur  ubi  disparagentur,  videlicet  hominibus  qui  non 
Bunt  de  natione  regni  Angliae. 

7.  Item  petunt  remedium  quod  bosci  et  terrae  infra  metas 
forestae  non  existentes,  qui  per  ambulationem  proborum  homi- 
num,  et  per  quindecimam  partem  omnium  bonorum  hominum 
Angliae  domino  regi  datam,  deafforestari  fuerunt,  per  volunta- 
tem  suam  reafforestavit. 

8.  Item  petunt  de  assartis  factis  infra  metas  forestae  de  terris 
guis  propriis  et  tenementorum  suorum  de  novo  arentatis,  unde 
dominus  rex  vendicat  sibi  custodiam  haeredum  talium,  et  nihilo- 
niinus  vendicat  servitium  omne  inde  debitum. 

9.  Item  petunt  remedium  quod  forestae  deafforestatae  per 
cartam  regis  et  per  fidem  eidem  per  communitatem  totius  regni 
fact  am,  ita  quod  quisque  ubique  possit  libere  fugare,  dominus  rex 
de  voluntate  sua  pluribus  deilit  de  praedicta  libertate  warennas, 
quae  sunt  ad  nocumeutum  praedictae  libertatis  concessae. 
/  10.  Item  petuut  remedium,  quod  religiosi  non  intrent  in 
feodum  comitum  et  baronum  et  aliorum  sine  voluntate  eorum, 
per  quod  amittunt  in  perpetuum  custodias,  maritagia,  relevia 
et  eschaetas. 


384  Henry  III.  [PART 

n.  Item  petunt  remedium  de  abbatiis  et  prioratibus  fundatis 
de  feodis  comitum  et  baronum,  unde  dominus  rex  ad  vacationem 
dictarum  domorum  incle  petit  custodias,  ita  quod  non  possunt 
eligere  sine  voluntate  domini  regis  :  et  hoc  est  in  praejudicium 
comitum  et  baronum,  cum  servitia  inde  debita  domino  regi 
sustineant  ut  medii. 

12.  Item  petunt  remedium  de  hoc,  quod  dominus  rex  ali- 
quando  pluribus  dat  per  cartam  suam  aliena  jura,  dicens  ilia 
esse  eschaeta  sua,  unde  tales  dicunt  quod  uon  detent  nee  possunt 
respondere  sine  domino  rege.     Et  cum  justitiarii  hoc  ostendunt 
domino  regi,  nihil  justitiae  in  hac  parte  factum  est. 

13.  Item  petunt  remedium,  quod  cum  ipsi  comites  et  barones 
habeant  terras  suas  in  pluribus  comitatibus,  justitiarii  domini 
regis   sint   itinerantes    uno   tempore   in   omnibus    comitatibus 
praedictis,  ad  placitandum  de   omnibus   placitis,  et  de  foresta 
simul  et  semel,  et  nisi  ipsi  comites  et  barones  compareant  corara 
illis   primo    die   communis    summonitionis,    amerciabuntur   ad 
voluntatem  domini  regis  pro  sua  absentia,  nfei" habeant  breve" 
domini  regis  de  acquietantia. 

14.  Item  praedicti  justitiarii  capiunt  finem  gravem  pro  pul- 
chro  placitando  de  quolibet  cornitatu,  ne  occasionentur  ;  et  non 
debent  emere  jura,  et  de  aliis  pluribus  occasionibus  de  placitis 
coronae.    Et  si  villatae  quatuor  propinquiores  ad  mortem  ho- 
minis  interfecti  vel  submersi  non  accesserint,  omnes  de  aetate 
xii.    annorum   praedictarum   iv.  villatarum   graviter   amercia-  I 
buntur. 

15.  Item  petunt  quod  nullus  possit  firmare  castrum  supra  ' 
portum  maris,  vel  supra  insulam  infra  inclusam,  nisi  sit  de  con- 
sensu  concilii  totius  regiii  Angliae  :  quia  plura  pericula  possent 
inde  evenire. 

1 6.  Item  de  vicecomitum  firmis  et  aliorum  ballivorum  liber- 
orum  qui  capiunt   comitatus  et  alias   ballivas  ad  firmam,  qui 
etiam  habent  comitatus  suos  ad  tain  altam  firmam  quod  non 
possunt  dictam  firmam  inde  levare  ;    nee   amerciant  bQmjnea 
secundum  quantitatem  delicti,  sed  ad  redemptionem  ultra  vires 
eos  arctant. 

17.  Insuper  dicunt  quod  vicecomites  ad  duos  turnos  suos  per 
annum  demandant  personalem  adventum  comitum  et  baronum 
teiientium  baronias  suas  in  diversis  locis  et  comitatibus;  et  si 
non  venerint  ibi  personaliter,  amerciant  ipsos  sine  considerations 
et  judicio ;  et  hoc  quia  quilibet  vicecomes  dicit,  quod  in  dictis 
turnis  est  justitiarius  quoad  diem. 

18.  Item  ubi  aliquis  habet  aliquam  partem  terrae,  scilicet 
duas  acras  terrae  vel  plus  vel  minus,  sine  mansione  eidem  adja- 


vi.]  Petition  of  the  Barons.  385 

cente,  nisi  ratione  illius  terrae  ad  turnos  suos  veniat,  tune  pro 
voluntate  sua  amerciabitur. 

19.  Item  si  aliqua  justitiaria  mandata  fuerit  specialiter  coram 
aliquo  justitiario  assignato,  vel  de  nova  disseisina,  vel  de  morte 
antecessoris,  vicecomites  clamare  faciunt  in  mercatis,  quod  omnes 
milites  et  libere  tenentes  patriae  veniant  ad  certum  diem  et  lo- 
cum audituri  et  facturi  praeceptum  regis,  et  cum  ibi  non  vene- 
rint,  eos  amerciant  pro  voluntate  sua. 

20.  Item  petunt  remedium  de  hoc  quod  si  aliquis  conies  vel 
baro,  vel  ballivus,  vel  aliquis  alius  qui   libertatem  habeat  vel 
in  civitate  vel  in  villata,  ceperit  aliquem  malefactorem  et  ilium 
obtulerit  vicecomiti,  vel  suo  ballivo,  ad  incarcerandum  vel  cus- 
todiendum   quousque   de   eo  fiat  judicium,   vicecomes   recusat 
admittere  prisonem  ilium,  nisi  is  qui  ipsum  ceperit  fiuem  faciat 
per  sic  quod  ipsum  recipiat. 

r  21.  Item  de  eo  quod  multi  homines  de  diversis  partibus  regni 
I  propter  caristiam  temporis  venientes,  et  per  diversas  provincias 
i  transitum  facientes,  fame  et  inedia  moriuntur,  et  tune  per  legem 
I  terrae  visum  factum  est  per  coronatores,  et  quatuor  villatas 
<  vicinas,  et  cum  praedictae  villatae  de  ita  mortuis  nihil  sciunt  nee 
I  dicunt,  nisi  quod  casu  praedicto  moriuntur,  et  quia  nihil  de 
j  huthesia  Englescheria  assignatur,  amerciatur  patria  coram  jus- 
1  titiariis  tanquam  de  murdro. 

V-    22.  Item  de  prisis  domini  regis  in  nundinis  et  mercatis  et 
/  civitatibus, videlicet  quod  hi  qui  asssignati  fuerint  ad  praedictas 
prisas   capiendas,   eas   rationabiliter  capiant,    scilicet  quantum 
pertinet  ad  praedictos  usus  domini  regis ;  unde  conqueruntur, 
quod  dicti  captores  capiunt  in  duplo  vel  in  triplo  plus  quam 
cedit  ad  usus  domini  regis :  capiunt  etiam  totum  illud  superfluum 
\     ad  opus  suum,  vel  ad  opus  amicorum  suorum  retinent,  et  partem 
hide  aliquam  vendunt. 

23.  Item  conqueruntur  quod  dominus  rex  de  prisis  nullam 
fere   facit   pacationem,   ita  quod   plures   mercatores   de  regno 
Ausliae  ultra  modum  depauperentur,  et  alii  mercatores  extranei 
ea  occasione  subtrahunt  se  de  venieudo  in  terrain  istam  cum 
suis  mercibus,  unde  terra  magnam  incurrit  jacturam. 

24.  Item  petunt  remedium  de  sectis  de  uovo  levatis  in  regno,  | 
tarn  ad  comitatus  et  hundreda,  quam  ad  curias  libertatis,  quae  ! 
nunquam  aliquo  tempore  fieri  consueverunt. 

25.  Item  petunt  remedium  de  hoc,  quod  Judaei  aliquando 
debita  sua  et  terras  eis  invadiatas  [tradunt]  magnatibus  et  po- 
tentioribus  regni,  qui  terras  miuorum  ingrediuntur  ea  occasione : 
et  licet  ipsi  qui  debitum  debent,  parati  sint  ad  solvendum  prae- 
dictum  debitum  cum  usuris,  praefati  magnates  negotium  proro- 

cc 


386  Henry  III.  [PART 

\  gant,  ut  praedictae  terrae  et  tenementa  aliquo  modo  sibi  rema- 
nere  possint,  dicentes  quod  sine  Judaeo  cui  debebatur  debitum, 
nihil  possunt  nee  sciunt  facere  :  et  semper  differunt  solutionem 
dictae  pecuniae,  ita  quod  occasione  mortis  vel  alicujus  alterius 
casus,  evidens  periculum  et  manifesta  patet  imminere  exhaere- 
datio  his  quorum  praedicta  tenementa  fuerunt. 

26.  Item  petunt  remedium  de  Christianis  usurariis,  ut  de 
Caursinis  qui  degunt  Londoniis,  cum  Christianae  religioni  con- 
trarium  videatur  manutenere  vel  fovere  aliquos  hujusmodi, 
saltern  ex  quo  nomen  Christiani  induerunt.  Et  praeterea  per 
eorum  usuras  plures  depauperantur  et  destruuntur;  et  etiam 
plures  mercandias  venientes  versus  Londonias,  tarn  per  aquam 
quam  per  terrain,  occupant  et  emunt,  ad  magnum  detrimentum 
mercatorum  et  omnium  praedictae  civitatis,  et  ad  magnum  dam- 
num  domini  regis,  quia  cum  dominus  rex  talliat  praedictam 
civitatem,  in  nullo  participant  nee  participare  \olunt  cum  prae- 
dictis  civibus  in  tallagiis  et  aliis  domino  regi  faciendis. 
^  27.  Item  petunt  remedium  de  maritagiis  alienatis,  videlicet 
in  tali  casu  ;  si  aliquis  dederit  alicui  unam  carucatani  terrae 
in  maritagio  cum  filia  vel  sorore  habendam  et  tenendam  eis  et 
haeredibus  de  praedictis  filia  vel  sorore  exeuntibus,  ita  videlicet 
quod,  si  praedicta  filia  vel  soror  obierit  sine  haerede  de  corpore 
suo,  terra  cum  pertinentiis  integre  revertatur  ad  ipsum  qui 
terram  dederit  in  maritagium  vel  ad  haeredes  suos  ;  et  cum 
praedictum  donum  non  sit  absolutum  sed  conditionale,  tamen 
mulieres  post  mortem  virorum  suorum  in  viduitate  .sua  dant 
vel  vendunt  praedicta  maritagia  et  infeodant  pro  voluntate  sua, 
licet  haeredes  de  corpore  suo  non  habuerint,  nee  hnjusmodi 
feofamenta  hucusque  aliquatenus  fuerunt  revocata.  Unde  petunt 
quod  ex  aequitate  juris,  ratione  praedictae  conditionis,  sive  per 
breve  de  ingressu,  vel  aliquo  alio  modo  competent!  provideatur 
remedium  ad  revocandum  hujusmodi  feofamenta,  et  quod  in  tali 
,  casu  procedatur  ad  judicium  pro  ipso  petente. 

28.  Item  petunt  remedium  de  hoc,  quod  dominus  rex  large 
facit  militibus  de  regno  suo  acquietantiam,  ne  in  assisis  ponan- 
tur,  juramentis  vel  recognitionibus,  propter  quod  in  pluribus 
comitatibus  pro  defectu  militum  non  potest  capi  aliqua  magna 
assisa,  et  ita  remanent  hujusmodi  loquelae,  ita  quod  petentes 
nunquam  justitiam  consequuntur. 

29.  Item  in  pluribus  comitatibus  usitatum  est,  quod  si  aliquis 
defert  breve  de  recto  directum  proximo  capitali  domino  feodi, 
et  petens  probaverit  defaltam  curiae  ipsius  capitalis  domini  pro 
consuetudine  regni,  et  post  eat  ad  comitatum  et  petat  quod  ad- 
versarius  suus  summoueatur  quod  sit  ad  proximum  comitatum, 


vi.]  Provisions  of  Oxford.  387 

veniet  superior  capitalis  dominus  feodi  ejusdem  et  petit  suain 
curiam  inde  et  habebit :  et,  probata  defalta  curiae,  veuiet  adhuc 
alter  superior  dominus  feodi  illius  et  petit  similiter  curiam  suam 
et  habebit  :  et  sic  de  singulis  capitalibus  dominis  quotquot 
fuerint  superiores.  Quod  est  aperte  contra  justitiam,  cum  in 
brevi  contineatur  quod  capitalis  dominus  feodi  cui  breve  diri- 
gitur  plenum  rectum  teneat  quod  vicecomes  faciat,  etc. — 
(Annals  of  Burton,  439-443.) 


No.  IV.     Provisions  of  Oxford. 
Provisio  facta  apud  Oxoniam. 

Provisum  est  quod  de  quolibet  comitatu  eligantur  quatuor 
discreti  et  legales  milites,  qui,  quolibet  die  ubi  tenetur  comita- 
tus,  conveniant  ad  audiendum  omnes  querelas  de  quibuscunque 
transgressionibus  et  injuriis  quibuscunque  personis  illatis  per 
vicecornites,  ballivos,  ECU  quoscunque  alios,  et  ad  faciendum 
tachiamenta  quae  ad  dictas  querelas  pertinent  usque  ad  primum 
adventum  capitalis  justitiarii  in  partes  illas.  Ita  quod  suffici- 
entes  capiant  plegios  a  conquerente  de  prosequendo,  et  de  eo  de 
quo  queritur,  veniendo  et  juri  parendo  coram  praefato  justitiario  \ 
in  primo  adventu  suo.  Et  quod  praedicti  quatuor  milites  in- 
rotulari  faciant  omnes  praedictas  querelas  cum  suis  attachia-  \ 
mentis  ordinate  et  serie,  scilicet  de  quolibet  hundredo  eeparatim 
et  per  se.  Ita  quod  praefatus  justitiarius  in  primo  adventu^-' 
suo  possit  audire  et  terminare  praefatas  querelas  Bigillatim  de 
quolibet  hundredo.  Et  scire  faciant  vicecomiti  quod  venire 
faciant  coram  praefato  justitiario  in  proximo  adventu  suo  ad 
dies  et  loca  quae  eis  scire  faciet,  omnes  hundredarios  et  ballivos 
suos ;  ita  quod  quilibet  hundredarius  venire  faciat  omnes  con- 
querentes  et  defendentes  de  balliva  sua,  successive,  secundum 
quod  praefatus  justitiarius  duxerit  de  praedicto  hundredo  pla- 
citare ;  et  tot  et  tales  tarn  milites  quam  alios  liberos  et  legales 
homines  de  balliva  sua  per  quos  rei  veritas  melius  convinci 
poterit,  ita  quod  omnes  simul  et  semel  non  vexentur,  sed  tot 
veniant  quot  possunt  una  die  placitaii  et  terminari. 

Idem  provisum  est  quod  nullus  miles  de  praedictis  comi- 
tatibus,  occasione  acquietantiae  quod  non  ponatur  in  juratis 
vel  assisis,  per  cartam  domini  regis  deferatur,  nee  quietus  sit 
quoad  provisionem  istam  sic  factam  pro  communi  utilitate 
totius  regni. 


C  c  2 


388  Henry  III.  [PART 

Electi  ex  parte  domini  Regis. 

Dominus  Londoniensis  episcopus,  dominus  Wintoniensis 
electus,  dominus  H.  filius  regis  Alemanniae,  dominus  J.  comes 
Warennae  ;  dominus  Guido  de  Lysinan,  dominus  W.  de 
Valentia,  dominus  J.  Comes  Warewici,  dominus  Johannes 
Mansel,  frater  J.  de  Derlington,  Abbas  Westmonasterii,  do- 
minus H.  de  Hengham. 

Electi  ex  parte  comitum  et  baronum. 

Dominus  "Wygornensis  episcopus,  dominus  Symon  comes 
Leycestrensis,  dominus  Bicardus  comes  Gloverniae,  dominus 
Humfridus  comes  Herefordiae,  dominus  Rogerus  Harescallus, 
dominus  Rogerus  de  Mortuo  llari,  dominus  J.  filius  Galfridi, 
dominus  Hugo  le  Bigot,  dominus  Ricardus  de  Gray,  dominus 
W.  Bardulf,  dominus  P.  de  Monteforti,  dominus  Hugo  Dis- 
pensarius. 

Et  si  contingat  aliquem  istorum  necessitate  interesse  non 
posse,  reliqui  istorum  eligant  quern  voluerint,  scilicet  alium  ne- 
cessarium  loco  absentis  ad  istud  negotium  prosequendutn. 

Ceo  jura  le  commun  de  Engleterre  a  Oxeneford. 

Nus,  tels  et  tels,  fesum  a  saver  a  tute  genz,  ke  nus  avurn  jure 
sur  seintes  Evangeles,  e  sumus  tenuz  ensemble  par  tel  serment, 
e  promettuns  en  bone  fei,  ke  chescun  de  nus  e  tuz  ensemble  nus 
entre  eiderums,  e  nus  e  les  nos  cuntre  tute  genz,  dreit  fesant,  e 
rens  pernant  ke  nus  ne  purrum  sanz  mef  fere,  salve  la  fei  le  rei 
e  de  la  corune.  E  promettuns  sur  meime  le  serment,  ke  nul  de 
nus  ja  ren  ne  prendra  de  tere  ne  de  moeble  par  que  cest  serment 
purra  estre  desturbe,  u  en  nule  ren  empeyre.  E  si  nul  fet 
encontre  ceo,  nus  le  tendrums  a  enemi  mortel. 

Ceo  est  le  serment  a  vint  e  quatre. 

Chescun  jura  sur  seintes  Evangeles,  ke  il  al  honur  de  Deu,  e 
a  la  fei  le  rei,  e  al  profit  del  reaume,  ordenera  e  tretera  ovekes 
les  avant  dit  jures  sur  le  refurmement  e  le  amendement  del  estat 
del  reaume.  E  ke  ne  lerra  pur  dun,  ne  pur  promesse,  pur  amur, 
Tie  pur  hange,  ne  pur  pour  de  nulli,  ne  pur  gain,  ne  pur  perte, 
ke  leaument  ne  face  solum  la  tenur  de  la  lettre,  ke  le  rei  ad  sur 
ceo  done  et  sun  fez  ensement. 

Ceo  jura  le  haute  justice  de  Engletere. 
H  jure  ke  ben  et  leaument  a  sun  poer  fra  ceo  ke  apent  a 


vi.]  Provisions  of  Oxford.  389 

la  justicerie  de  dreiture  tenir,  a  tute  genz  al  prou  le  rei  e  del 
reaume,  solum  la  purveaunce  fete  et  a  fere  par  les  viht  et 
quatre,  et  par  le  cunseil  le  rei  e  les  hauz  humes  de  la  tere,  ki  li 
jurruut  en  cestes  choses  a  aider  e  a  meintenir. 

Ceo  jura  le  Chanceler  de  Engletere. 

Ke  il  ne  enselera  nul  bref  fors  bref  de  curs  sanz  le  com- 
mandement  le  rei,  e  de  sun  cunseil  ke  serra  present :  ne  enselera 
dun  de  grant  garde,  ne  de  grant  ...  ne  de  eschaetes,  sanz 
le  assentement  del  grant  cunseil  u  de  la  greinure  partie :  ne 
ke  il  ne  enselera  ren  ke  seit  encontre  le  ordinement,  ke  est  fet 
et  serra  a  fere  par  les  vint  et  quatre,  u  par  la  greinure  partie. 
Ne  ke  il  ne  prendra  nul  loer  autrement  ke  il  nest  divise  as 
autres.  E  lem  li  baudra  un  companiun  en  la  furme  ke  le  cun&eil 
purverra. 

Ceo  est  le  serment  Jce  les  gardens  des  chastels  firent. 

Ke  il  les  chastels  le  rei  leaument  e  en  bone  fei  garderunt  al 
ces  le  rei  e  de  ses  heyrs.  E  ke  eus  les  rendrunt  al  rei  u  a  ses 
heyrs  et  a  nul  autre,  e  par  sun  cunseil  et  en  nule  autre  manere  ; 
ceo  est  a  saver,  par  prodes  homes  de  la  tere  esluz  a  sun  cunseil, 
u  par  la  greinure  partie.  E  ceste  furme  par  escrit  dure  deske 
a  duze  ans.  E  de  ilokes  en  avant  par  cest  establement  et  cest 
serment  ne  seint  constreint,  ke  franchement  ne  les  pussent  rendre 
al  rei  u  a  ses  heirs. 


Ceo  sunt  ceus  ke  sunt  jurez  del  cunseil  le  rei. 

Archiepiscopus  Cantuariensis,  episcopus  Wygornensis,  comes 
Leycestrensis,  comes  Glovernensis,  comes  Mariscallus,  Petrus  de 
Sabaudia,  comes  Albemarliae,  comes  Warewik,  comes  Hereford- 
ensis,  Johannes  Mansel,  Johannes  filius  Galfridi,  Petrus  de 
Monteforti,  Ricardus  de  Gray,  Rogerus  de  Mortuo  Mari, 
Jacobus  de  Aldithelege. 

Les  duze  de  par  le  rei  unt  eslu  )  Le  cunte  Roger  le  Marescall, 
des  duze  de  par  le  commun  J  Hugo  le  Bigot. 

E  la  partie  ver  le  commun  ad  )  Le  cunte  de  Warewik, 
eslu  des  duze  ke  sunt  de  par  le  rei  /      Johannes  Mansell. 

E  ces  quatre  unt  poer  a  eslire  le  cunseil  le  rei,  et  quant  il  unt 
eslu,  il  les  mustrunt  as  vint  et  quatre ;  et  la  u  la  greinure  partie 
de  ces  assente,  seit  tenu. 


39°  Henry  III.  [PART 

Ces  sunt  les  duze  lee  sunt  eslu,  per  les  baruns  a  treter  a  frets     j 
parlemenz  per  an  oveke  le  cunseil  le  rei  pur  tut  le  commun  -    y, 
de  la  tere  de  commun  bosoine. 

Episcopus  Londoniensis,  comes  Wintoniensis,  comes  Here- 
fordensis,  Philippus  Basset,  Johannes  de  Bailol,  Johannes  de 
Verdun,  Johannes  de  Gray,  Hogerus  de  Sumery,  Rogerus  de 
Monte  Alto,  Hugo  Dispensarius,  Thomas  de  Gresley,  Aegidius 
de  Argenten. 

Ces  sunt  les  vint  et  quatre  ke  sunt  mis  per  le  commun  a  treter 
de  aide  le  rei. 

Episcopus  Wigornensis,  episcopus  Londoniensis,  episcopus 
Sarum ;  comes  Leycestrensis,  comes  Glovernensis,  comes  Mares- 
callus,  Petrus  de  Sabaudia,  comes  Herefordensis,  comes  Aube- 
marliae,  comes  Wintoniensis,  comes  Oxoniensis,  Johannes  films 
Galfridi,  Johannes  de  Gray,  Johannes  de  Bailol,  Rogerus  de 
Mortuo  Mari,  Kogems  de  Monte  Alto,  Rogerus  de  Sumery, 
Petrus  de  Monteforti,  Thomas  de  Greley,  Fulco  de  Kerdiston, 
Aegidius  de  Argenton,  Johannes  Kyriel,  Philippus  Basset,  Aegi- 
dius de  Erdinton. 

E  si  aukun  de  ces  ne  i  pusse  estre  u  ne  voile,  a  ces  ke  i 
serrunt  apent  poer  de  autre  eslire  en  sun  liu. 

•» 
« 

Del  estat  de  seint  Eglise. 

A  remembrer  fet  ke  le  estat  le  seint  Eglise  seifc  amende  par 
les  vint  et  quatre  esluz  a  refurmer  le  estat  del  reaume  de 
Engletere,  kant  il  verrunt  liu  et  tens,  soluni  le  poer  ke  il  en 
unt  par  la  lettre  le  rei  de  Engletere. 

De  la  haute  justice. 

Derichef  ke  justice  seit  mis  un  u  deus,  et  quel  poer  il  avera, 
i     et  ke  il  ne  seit  fors  un  an.      Issi  ke  al  chef  del  an  respoine 
devant  le  rei  et  sun  cunseil  de  sun  tens  et  devant  celui  ke  serra 
apres  lui. 

Del  tresorer  e  de  le  eschecker. 

Autel  del  tresorer.  lies  ke  il  rende  acunte  al  chef  del  an. 
E  bone  genz  autres  seient  mis  al  escheker  solum  le  ordenement 
les  avant  dit  viut  et  quatre.  E  la  vengent  totes  les  issues  de 
la  tere,  et  en  nule  part  ailurs.  E  ceo  ke  lem  verra  a  amender 
seit  amende. 


V 


vi.]  Provisions  of  Oxford.  391 

Del  Chanceler. 

Autel  del  chanceler.  Issi  ke  al  chef  del  an  respoine  de  sun 
tens.  E  ke  il  ne  ensele  hors  de  curs  par  la  sule  volunte  del  rei ; 
mes  le  face  par  le  cunseil  ke  serra  entur  le  rei. 

Del  poer  la  justice  e  de  bailivis. 

La  haute  justice  a  poer  de  amender  les  tors  fez  de  tutes  autres 
justices,  et  de  ballifs,  e  de  cuntes,  et  de  baruns,  et  de  tutes 
autres  genz,  solum  lei  et  dreit  de  la  tere.  E  les  brefs  seient 
pledez  solum  lei  de  la  tere  e  en  leus  deues.  E  ke  la  justice  ne 
prenge  ren  si  ne  seit  present  de  pain  et  de  vin  et  de  teles  choses, 
ceo  est  a  saver,  viandes  et  beifres,  sicum  lem  ad  este  acustume 
a  porter  as  tables  de  prodes  homes  a  la  jornee.  E  ceste  meime 
chose  seit  eutendue  de  tuz  les  cunseilers  le  rei  et  de  tuz  ses 
ballifs.  E  ke  nul  ballif  par  achesun  de  plai  u  de  sun  office  ne 
prenge  nul  loer  par  sa  main,  ne  par  autru  en  nule  manere. 
E  si  il  est  ateint,  ke  il  seit  reint,  et  cil  ke  done  autresi.  E  si 
covent  ke  le  rei  done  a  sa  justice  et  a  sa  gent  ke  le  servent,  ke 
il  ne  eient  mester  ke  il  ren  prengent  de  autrui. 


De  vescuntes. 


Les  vescuntes  seient  purveus  leus  genz  et  prodes  homes  et 
tere  tenanz  ;  issi  ke  en  chescun  cunte  seit  un  vavasur  del  cunte 
memes  vescunte,  ke  ben  et  leuement  trete  la  gent  del  cunte  et 
dreitement.  E  ke  il  ne  prenge  loer,  e  ke  il  ne  sei  vescunte  fors 
un  an  ensemble.  E  ke  en  le  an  rende  ses  acuntes  al  echeker,  e 
respoine  de  sun  tens.  E  ke  le  rei  lui  face  del  soen,  solum  sun 
aflferant  coment  il  pusse  garder  le  cunte  dreitement.  E  ke  il 
ne  prenge  nul  loer,  ne  li  ne  ses  ballifs.  E  si  il  seient  ateint, 
seient  reinz. 

A  remembrer  fet  ke  lem  mette  tel  amendement  a  la  Gyuerie 
et  as  gardeins  de  la  Gyurie,  ke  lem  i  sauve  le  serement. 

De  Eschaeturs. 

Bons  eschaeturs  seient  mis.  E  ke  il  ne  prengent  rens  des 
bens  as  morz,  de  queles  teres  deivent  estre  en  la  main  le  rei. 
Mes  ke  les  eschaeturs  eicnt  franche  administraciun  des  bens, 
deske  il  averunt  fet  le  gre  le  rei  si  dette  lui  deivent.  E  ceo 
solum  la  furme  de  la  chartre  de  franchise.  E  ke  lem  enquerge 
des  tors  fez  ke  eschaeturs  unt  fet  ca  en  arere,  et  seit  amende  de 
tel  et  de  tel.  Ne  tailage  ne  autre  chose  ne  prenge,  fors  si  coine 
il  devera  solum  la  chartre  de  franchise. 

La  chartre  de  franchise  seit  garde  fermement. 


392  Henry  III.  [PART 

Del  Eschange  de  Lundres. 

A  remembrer  fet  del  eschange  de  Lundres  amender,  et  de  la 
cite  de  Lundres,  et  de  totes  les  autres  citez  le  rei,  ke  a  hunte  et 
a  destrucciuns  sunt  alez  per  tailages  et  autres  oppressions. 

De  hospitio  regis  et  reginae. 
A  remembrer  fet  del  hostel  le  rei  et  la  regine  amender. 

Des  parlemenz,  quanz  serrunt  tenuz  per  an  et  coment. 

II  fet  a  remembrer  ke  les  xxiv.  sunt  ordene  ke  treis  parle- 
menz seient  par  an.  Le  premerein  as  utaves  de  Sein  Michel :  le 
secund  le  demein  de  la  Chandelur :  le  terz  le  premer  jor  de 
June,  ceo  est  a  saver,  treis  sememes  devant  le  Seint  John. 
A  ces  treis  parlemenz,  vendrunt  les  cunseillers  le  rei  esluz,  tut 
ne  seient  il  pas  mandez  pur  ver  le  estat  del  reaume  et  pur  treter 
les  cummuns  bosoingnes  del  reaume  et  del  rei  ensement.  E  autre 
fez  ensement  quant  mester  serra  per  le  mandement  le  rei. 

Si  fet  a  remembre  ke  le  commun,  eslise  xii.  prodes  homes, 

ke  vendrunt  as  parlemenz  ef  autre  fez  quant  mester  serra,  quant 

le  rei  u  sun  cunseil  les  mandera  pur  treter  de  bosoingnes  le  rei  et 

del  reaume.     E  ke  le  commun  tendra  pur  estable  ceo  ke  ces  xii. 

\frunt.     E  ceo  serra  fet  pur  esparnier  le  cust  del  commun. 

Quinze  serrunt  nomez  par  ces  quatre,  ceo  est  a  saver  per  le 
cunt  le  Marechall,  le  cunte  de  Warewik,  Hugo  le  Bigot,  et  John 
Mansel,  ki  sunt  esluz  par  les  xxiv.  pur  nomer  les  devant  dit 
quinze,  les  queus  serrunt  de  cunseil  le  rei.  E  serrunt  cunfermez 
par  les  avant  dit  xxiv.  u  par  la  greinore  partie  de  els.  E  averunt 
poer  del  rei  conseiler  en  bone  fei  del  governement  del  reaume, 
et  de  totes  choses  ke  al  rei  u  al  reaume  pertenent.  E  pur 
amender  et  adrescer  totes  les  choses  ke  il  verrunt  ke  facent 
a  adrescer  et  amender.  E  su  le  haute  justice,  et  sur  totes  autres 
genz.  E  si  il  ne  poent  tuz  estre,  ceo  ke  la  greinure  partie  fra, 
serra  ferm  et  estable. 

Ceo  sunt  les  nums  des  cJieveteins  chasteaus  le  rei,  et  de  ceus  Jce 
les  unt  en  garde. 

Robertas  de  Neville ;  Bamburg,  Novum  castrum  super  Tyne. 
Gilbertus  de  Gant;  Scardeburg.  Willelmus  Bardulf;  Noting- 
ham.  Radulfus  Basset  de  Sapercot ;  Norhamton.  Hugo  Bigot ; 
Turris  Londoniarum.  Ricardus  de  Gray ;  Doveria.  Nicolaus  de 
Moules ;  Roucestria  et  Cantuaria.  —  Wintonia.  Rogerus  de 
Samford  ;  Porcestria.  Stephanus  Longe  Espee ;  Corfe.  Matheus 


vi.]  Provisions  of  Oxford.  393 

de  Besill ;  Gloucestria.  Henricus  de  Tracy ;  Exonia.  Ricardus 
de  Rochele;  Haldesham.  Johannes  de  Gray;  Hereforclia. 
Kobertus  Walrant ;  Sarum.  Hugo  Dispensarius ;  Horestan. 
Petrus  de  Monteforti  ;  Brugewalter.  Comes  Warewik ;  Divises. 
Johannes  filius  Bernard! ;  Oxonia. — (Ann.  Burton,  pp.  446-453.) 


TBANSLATION. 

This  the  commonalty  of  England  swore  at  Oxford. 

We,  so  and  so,  make  known  to  all  men,  that  we  have  sworn  upon  the 
holy  Gospels,  and  are  held  together  by  such  oath,  and  promise  in  good 
faith,  that  each  one  of  us  and  we  all  together  will  mutually  aid  each  other, 
both  ourselves  and  those  belonging  to  us,  against  all  people,  doing  right 
and  taking  nothing  that  we  cannot  without  doing  mischief,  saving  faith  to 
the  king  and  the  crown.  And  we  promise  under  the  same  oath,  none  of 
us  will  henceforth  take  land  or  moveables  by  which  this  oath  can  be  dis- 
turbed or  in  anyways  impaired.  And  if  any  one  acts  against  this,  we  will 
hold  him.  as  a  mortal  enemy. 

This  it  the  oath  to  the  twenty-four. 

Each  swore  on  the  holy  Gospels,  that  he  to  the  honour  of  God,  and 
to  his  faith  to  the  king,  and  to  the  profit  of  the  realm,  will  ordain  and  treat 
with  the  aforesaid  sworn  persons  upon  the  reformation  and  amendment  of 
the  state  of  the  realm.  And  that  he  will  not  fail  for  gift,  nor  for  promise, 
for  love,  nor  for  hate,  nor  for  fear  of  any  one,  nor  for  gain,  nor  for  loss, 
loyally  to  do  according  to  the  tenour  of  the  letter  which  the  king  and  his 
son  have  together  given  for  this. 

This  the  chief  justice  of  England  swore. 

He  swears  that  he  will  well  and  loyally  according  to  his  power  do  that 
which  belongs  to  the  justiciar  of  right  to  hold,  to  all  persons,  to  the  profit 
of  the  king  and  the  kingdom,  according  to  the  provision  made  and  to  be 
made  by  the  twenty-four,  and  by  the  counsel  of  the  king  and  the  great 
men  of  the  land  who  shall  swear  in  these  things  to  aid  and  support  him. 

This  the  chancellor  of  England  swore. 

That  he  will  seal  no  writ,  excepting  writs  of  course,  without  the  com- 
mandment of  the  king  and  of  his  council  who  shall  be  present.  Nor  shall 
he  seal  a  gift  of  a  great  wardship,  or  of  a  great  [  ]*,  nor  of 

escheats,  without  the  assent  of  the  great  council  or  of  the  major  part.  And 
that  he  will  seal  nothing  which  may  be  contrary  to  the  ordinance  which  is 
made  and  shall  be  made  by  the  twenty-four,  or  by  the  major  part.  And 
that  he  will  take  no  fee  otherwise  than  what  is  given  to  the  others.  And 
he  shall  be  given  a  companion  in  the  form  which  the  council  shall  provide. 

*  A  blank  space  in  the  MS. 


394  Henry  III.  [PART 

This  is  the  oath  which  the  guardians  of  the  Icing's  castles  made. 

That  they  will  keep  the  castles  of  the  king  loyally  and  in  good  faith  for 
the  use  of  the  king  and  of  his  heirs  ;  and  that  they  will  give  them  up  to 
the  king  or  to  his  heirs,  and  to  none  other,  and  by  his  counsel  and  in  no 
other  manner,  to  wit,  by  honest  men  of  the  land  elected  as  his  council,  or 
by  the  major  part.  And  this  form  by  writ  lasts  for  twelve  years.  And 
from  that  time  forward  by  this  settlement  and  this  oath  they  shall  not  be 
hindered  so  that  they  cannot  freely  give  them  up  to  the  king  and  his 
heirs. 

These  are  those  who  are  sworn  of  the  Icing's  council. 
[The  names  follow.] 

The  twelve  on  the  king's  side  have  elected  out  of  the  twelve  on  that  of 
the  commonalty  the  Earl  Roger  the  Marshall,  and  Hugh  Bigot. 

And  the  party  of  commonalty  have  elected  out  of  the  twelve  who 
are  on  the  king's  side  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  John  Mansel. 

,And  these  four  have  power  to  elect  the  council  of  the  king,  and  when 
they  have  elected  them,  they  shall  present  them  to  the  twenty-four ;  and 
there,  where  the  greater  part  of  these  agree,  it  shall  be  held. 

These  are  the  twelve  who  are  elected  by  the  barons  to  treat  at  the  three  parlia- 
ments by  year  with  the  king's  council  for  all  the  commonalty  of  the  land  of 
the  common  need. 

[The  names  follow.] 

These  are  the  twenty-four  who  are  appointed  by  the  commonalty  to  treat 
of  aid  to  the  king. 

[The  names  follow.] 

And  if  any  one  of  these  cannot  or  will  not  serve,  those  who  shall  be 
there  have  power  to  elect  another  in  his  place. 

Of  the  state  of  holy  church. 

Be  it  remembered  that  the  state  of  the  holy  church  be  amended  by  the 
twenty-four  elected  to  reform  the  state  of  the  realm  of  England,  when  they 
shall  see  place  and  time,  according  to  the  power  which  they  have  respect- 
ing it  by  the  letter  of  the  King  of  England. 

Of  the  chief  justice. 

Moreover,  that  a  justice  be  appointed,  one  or  two,  and  what  power  he 
shall  have,  and  that  he  be  only  for  a  year.  So  that  at  the  end  of  tho  year 
he  answer  concerning  his  time  before  the  king  and  his  council  and  before 
hirri  who  shall  follow  him. 

Of  the  treasurer,  and  of  the  exchequer. 

The  like  of  the  treasurer.  That  he  too  give  account  at  the  end  of  the 
year.  And  other  good  persons  are  to  be  placed  at  the  exchequer  accord- 
ing to  the  direction  of  the  aforesaid  twenty-four.  And  there  let  all  the 
issues  of  the  land  come,  and  in  no  part  elsewhere.  And  let  that  which 
shall  be  seen  to  require  amendment,  be  amended. 


vi.]  Provisions  of  Oxford.  395 

Of  the  chancellor. 

The  like  of  the  chancellor.  That  he  at  the  end  of  the  year  answer 
concerning  his  time.  And  that  he  seal  nothing  out  of  course  by  the  sole 
will  of  the  king.  But  that  he  do  it  by  the  council  which  shall  be  around 
the  king. 

Of  the  power  of  the  justice  and  baili/s. 

The  chief  justice  has  power  to  amend  the  wrongs  done  by  all  the 
other  justices  and  bailiffs,  and  earls  and  barons,  and  all  other  people, 
according  to  the  law  and  justice  of  the  land.  And  let  the  writs  be  pleaded 
according  to  the  law  of  the  land,  and  in  fit  places.  And  that  the  justice 
take  nothing  unless  it  be  presents  of  bread  and  wine,  and  such  things, 
to  wit,  meat  and  drink,  as  have  been  used  to  be  brought  to  the  tables  of 
the  chief  men  for  the  day.  And  let  this  same  thing  be  understood  of 
all  the  king's  councillors  and  all  his  bailiffs.  And  that  no  bailiff,  by  occa- 
sion of  plea  or  of  his  office,  take  any  fee  in  his  own  hand,  or  through  the 
agency  of  another  in  any  manner.  And  if  he  is  convicted,  that  he  be 
punished,  and  he  who  gives  likewise.  And  if  it  be  fitting,  that  the  king 
give  to  his  justiciar  and  his  people  who  serve  him,  so  that  they  have  no 
occasion  to  take  anything  from  elsewhere. 

Of  the  eheri/g. 

Let  there  be  provided  as  sheriffs,  loyal  people,  and  substantial  men, 
and  land  tenants  ;  so  that  in  each  county  there  be  a  vavasour  of  the  same 
county  as  sheriff,  to  treat  the  people  of  the  county  well,  loyally,  and 
rightfully.  And  that  he  take  no  fee,  and  that  he  be  sheriff  only  for  a  year 
together  ;  and  that  in  the  year  he  give  up  his  accounts  at  the  exchequer 
and  answer  for  his  time.  And  that  the  king  grant  unto  him  out  of  his  own, 
according  to  his  contribution,  so  that  he  can  guard  the  county  rightfully. 
And  that  he  take  no  fee,  neither  he  nor  his  bailiffs.  And  if  they  be  con- 
victed, let  them  be  punished. 

Be  it  remembered  that  such  amendment  is  to  be  applied  to  the  Jewry, 
and  to  the  wardens  of  the  Jewry,  that  the  oath  as  to  the  same  may  be  kept. 

Of  the  etchcaiors. 

Let  good  escheators  be  appointed ;  and  that  they  take  nothing  of  the 
effects  of  the  dead,  of  such  lands  as  ought  to  be  in  the  king's  hand.  Also 
that  the  escheators  have  free  administration  of  the  goods  until  they  shall 
have  done  the  king's  will,  if  they  owe  him  debts.  And  that,  according  to 
the  form  of  the  Charter  of  liberty.  And  that  inquiry  be  made  into  the 
wrongs  done  which  the  escheators  have  done  there  aforetime,  and  amend- 
ment be  made  of  such  and  such.  Nor  let  tallage  on  anything  else  be 
taken,  excepting  such  as  ought  to  be  according  to  the  Charter  of  liberty. 

Let  the  Charter  of  liberty  be  kept  firmly. 


Be  it  remembered  to  amend  the  exchange  of  London,  and  the  city  of 
London,  and  all  the  other  cities  of  the  king  which  have  gone  to  shame  and 
destruction  by  the  tallages  and  other  oppressions. 


396  Henry  III.  [PAUT 

Of  the  place  of  reception  of  the  king  and  queen. 
Be  it  remembered  to  amend  the  hostelry  of  the  king  and  the  queen. 

Of  the  parliaments,  how  many  shall  be  held  by  year,  and  in  what  manner. 

It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  twenty-four  have  ordained  that  there  be 
three  parliaments  a  year.  The  first  at  the  octave  of  S.  Michael.  The 
second  the  morrow  of  Candlemas.  The  third  the  first  day  of  June,  to  wit, 
three  weeks  before  S.  John.  To  these  three  parliaments  the  elected  coun- 
cillors of  the  king  shall  come,  even  if  they  are  not  sent  for,  to  see  the  state 
of  the  realm,  and  to  treat  of  the  common  wants  of  the  kingdom,  and  of  the 
king  in  like  manner.  And  other  times  in  like  manner  when  occasion  shall 
be,  by  the  king's  command. 

So  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  commonalty  elect  twelve  honest  men, 

(who  shall  come  at  the  parliaments  and  other  times  when  occasion  shall  be, 
when  the  king  or  his  council  shall  send  for  them,  to  treat  of  the  wants  of 
the  king  and  of  the  kingdom.  And  that  the  commonalty  shall  hold  as 
established  that  which  these  twelve  shall  do.  And  that  shall  be  done  to 
spare  the  cost  of  the  commonalty. 
There  shall  be  fifteen  named  by  these  four,  to  wit,  by  the  Earl  Marshall, 
the  Earl  of  Warwick,  Hugh  Bigod,  and  John  Mansel,  who  are  elected  by 
the  twenty-four  to  name  the  aforesaid  fifteen,  who  shall  be  the  king's 
council.  And  they  shall  be  confirmed  by  the  aforesaid  twenty-four,  or  by 
the  major  part  of  them.  And  they  shall  have  power  to  counsel  the  king  in 
good  faith  concerning  the  government  of  the  realm  and  all  things  which 
appertain  to  the  king  or  to  the  kingdom ;  and  to  amend  and  redress  all 
things  which  they  shall  see  require  to  be  redressed  and  amended.  And 
over  the  chief  justice  and  over  all  other  people.  And  if  they  cannot  all  ba 
present,  that  which  the  majority  shall  do  shall  be  firm  and  established. 

These  are  the  names  of  the  principal  castles  of  the  Icing,  and  of  those 
who  have  them  in  keeping. 

[The  names  follow.] 
(Chiefly  from  the  Translation  by  Mr.  Luard,  Ann.  Burton,  pp.  501-505.) 

No.  V.     Proclamations  of  the  Kings  Adhesion  to  tJie 
Provisions. 

i.  HENK'  bur}  Godes  fultume  king  on  Engleneloande,  Lhoauerd 
on  Yrloand',  Duk  on  Norm'  on  Aquitain'  and  eorl  on  Aniow 
send  igretinge  to  alle  hise  holde  ilserde  and  ileawede  on  Hun- 
tendon'  schir'.  bset  witen  je  wel  alle  bset  we  willen  and  unnen 
bget.  baet  ure  raedesmen  alle  ober  be  moare  dael  of  heom  baet 
beo]?  ichosen  bur}  us  and  bur}  baet  loandes  folk  on  ure  kuneriche. 
habbejj  idon  and  schullen  don  in  be  worbnesse  of  Gode  and  on 
ure  treowbe.  for  be  freme  of  be  loande.  bur}  be  besi}te  of  ban 
toforeniseide  redesmen ;  beo  stedefsest  and  ilestinde  in  alle 
binge  abuten  sende.  And  we  hoaten  alle  ure  treowe  in  be 


VI.]  Provisions  of  Oxford. 

treowbe.  taet  heo  us  ojen.  baet  heo  stedefaestliche  healden  and 
swerien  to  healden  and  to  werien  bo  isetnesses  baet  beon  imakede 
and  beon  to  makien  Jmr^  ban  toforeniseide  raedesmeu  ober  fmrj 
be  moare  dael  of  heom  alswo  alse  hit  is  biforen  iseid.  And 
Jjset  sehc  o)>er  helpe  baet  for  to  done  bi  )>an  ilche  obe  ajenes  alle 
men.  rijt  for  to  done  and  to  foangen.  And  noan  ne  nime  of 
loande  ne  of  ejte.  wherjmr}  bis  besigte  mu^e  beon  ilet  ober 
iwersed  on  onie  wise.  And  3  if  oni  ober  onie  cumen  her  onjenes  : 
we  willen  and  hoaten  baet  alle  ure  treowe  heom  healden  dead- 
liche  ifoan.  And  for  baet  we  willen  baet  bis  beo  Btedefaest  and 
lestinde;  we  senden  3ew  bis  writ  open  iseined  wij>  ure  seel,  to 
halden  a  manges  3ew  inehord.  Witnesse  us  seluen  aet  Lunden'. 
bane  E^tetenjje  day.  on  ]>e  Monbe  of  Octobr'  In  be  Two  aud 
fowerti3J>e  3eare  of  ure  cruninge.  And  bis  wes  idon  aetforen 
ure  isworene  redesmen.  Bonefac'  Archebischop  on  Kant' bur'. 
Walt'  of  Cantelow.  Bischop  on  Wirechestr'.  Sim'  of  Muntfort. 
Eorl  on  Leirchestr'.  Bic'  of  Clar'  Eorl  on  Glowchestr'  and  on 
Hurtford'.  Bog.  Bigod  Eorl  on  Northfolk'  and  Ifarescal  on 
Engleneloand'.  Perres  of  Sauueye.  Will'  of  Fort  Eorl  on 
Aubem'.  Joh'  of  Blesseiz  Eorl  on  Warewik'.  Joh'  Gefirees 
sune.  PeiTes  of  Muutfort.  Bic'  of  Grey.  Bog'  of  Mortemer. 
James  of  Aldithel  and  aetforen  obre  inoje. 

•  And  al  on  bo  ilche  worden  is  isend  in  to  aevrihce  obre  shcire 
ouer  al  baere  kuneriche  on  Engleneloande.  and  ek  in  tel  Ire- 
londe. — (Foedera,  i.  378,  collated,  with  the  edition  of  A.  J.  Ellis, 
London,  1868.) 

TBANSLATIOIT. 

Henry,  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  England,  lord  of  Ireland,  duke  of 
Normandy  and  Aquitaine,  and  count  of  Anjou,  to  all  his  faithful,  clerk 
and  lay,  in  Huntingdonshire,  greeting.  Know  ye  all  well  that  we  will 
and  grant  that  that  which  our  counsellors,  all  or  the  greater  part  of  them, 
that  be  chosen  by  us  and  by  the  people  of  the  land  of  our  kingdom,  have 
done  and  shall  do  in  honour  of  God  and  in  loyalty  to  us,  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  country,  by  the  provision  of  the  aforesaid  counsellors,  be  steadfast 
and  lasting  in  all  things  without  end.  And  we  command  all  our  true  men 
in  the  troth  that  they  owe  us,  that  they  steadfastly  hold  aud  swear  to  hold 
and  to  defend  the  statutes  that  be  made  or  to  be  made  by  the  aforesaid 
counsellors  or  by  the  greater  part  of  them  as  is  aforesaid ;  and  that  each 
help  other  that  for  to  do  by  the  same  oath,  against  all  men,  right  for  to  do 
and  to  receive  ;  and  let  no  one  take  of  land  or  of  goods,  whereby  this  pro- 
vision may  be  hindered  or  damaged  in  any  wise.  And  if  any  person  or 
persons  come  there  against,  we  will  and  command  that  all  our  faithful  hold 
them  as  deadly  foes.  And  for  that  we  will  that  this  be  steadfast  and 
lasting,  we  send  you  this  writ  open,  sealed  with  our  seal,  to  keep  among  you 
in  store.  Witness  ourself  at  London,  the  1 8th  of  October,  in  the  forty- 
second  year  of  our  reign.  And  this  was  done  before  our  sworn  counsellors 
— Boniface,  archbishop  of  Canterbury ;  Walter  of  Cantelupe,  bishop  of 


398  Henry  III.  [PART 

Worcester ;  Simon  of  Montfort,  earl  of  Leicester  ;  Richard  of  Clare,  earl 
of  Gloucester  and  Hertford ;  Roger  Bigod,  earl  of  Norfolk  and  marshall  of 
England  ;  Peter  of  Savoy  ;  William  de  Fortibus,  earl  of  Albemarle ;  John 
of  Plessis,  earl  of  Warwick ;  John,  son  of  Geoffrey ;  Peter  of  Montfort ; 
Richard  of  Grey  ;  Roger  of  Mortimer  ;  James  of  Audley ;  and  before  other 
enough.  And  all  in  the  same  words  is  it  sent  into  every  other  shire  over 
all  the  kingdom  of  England  and  also  into  Ireland. 


2.  Henri,  par  la  grace  de  Deu  rei  de  Engletere,  due  de  Nor- 
mandie,  de  Aquitanie,  et  cunte  de  Angou,  a  tuz  ses  feus  et 
leus  saluz.  Pur  coe  ke  nus  desirrums  et  volums  ke  hastive 
dreiture  seit  fete  par  tote  nostre  reaume  autresi  ben  as  poveres 
cum  a  riches,  nus  volums  et  comanduns  ke  tuz  les  torz  ke  unt 
este  fet  de  nostre  tens  en  vostre  cunte,  ki  unkes  le  avera  fet, 
eeint  mustre  as  quatre  chevalers  ke  nus  avum  a  coe  aturne,  si 
en  avant  ne  lur  eit  este  mustrez.  E  nus,  al  plus  hastivement  ke 
nus  purrums,  les  frum  amender  et  adrescer.  Mes  si  nus  ne  pur- 
rums  si  hastivement  ceste  chose  fere  cume  nus  vodrums,  et  cume 
mester  serreit  a  vous  et  a  nus,  ne  nus  ne  vous  devez  pas  amer- 
veiler  ke  la  chose,  ke  est  si  longement  malement  ale  a  nostre 
damage  et  al  vostre,  ke  eles  ne  poent  si  tost  estre  amendez.  lies 
par  les  premer  amendemenz  ke  serrunt  fet  al  cunte  u  nus  ave- 
rum  nostre  justice  et  de  nos  autres  prodes  homes,  pur  coe  poez 
aver  certeyn  esperance  ke  ausi  fra  lem  a  vous  al  plus  tost  ke 
lem  purra.  Sachez  ke  nus  avum  fet  jurer  chescun  de  nos 
/vescuntes  icel  serment,  ke  il  nus  servira  lewement,  et  lewement 
tendra  a  son  poer  ceo  ke  est  desuz  escrit ;  ceo  est  a  saver,  ke  il 
fra  dieiture  communement  a  tute  gent  solum  le  poer  ke  il  a  de 
sun  office.  E  ceo  ne  lerra  pur  amur,  ne  pur  hayne,  ne  pur  pour 
de  nul,  ne  pur  nule  coveytise,  ke  il  ausi  ben  et  ausi  tost  ne  face 
hastive  dreiture  al  povere  home  cume  al  riche  ;  ne  de  nuly  ren 
preudra  par  li,  ne  par  autre  en  nule  manere,  par  art  ne  par 
engyn  par  achesun  de  la  baylie,  fors  solement  mangers  et  beyfrea 
ke  lem  est  acustume  a  porter  as  tables,  ausi  cume  a  une  jornee 
al  plus ;  ne  ke  il  ne  avera  fors  eyne  chevaus  en  lyu  ou  il  her- 
berge  ovekes  autre  par  achesun  de  sa  bayllie ;  ne  oveke  nul  ne 
herbergera  ke  eit  meins  de  quarante  livere  de  tere,  ne  en  nule 
mesun  de  religion  ke  eit  meins  de  value  de  cent  mars  chescun  an 
de  teres  ou  de  rentes ;  ne  ovekes  les  lyus  dites  ne  herbergera  ke 
une  net  par  an,  ou  deus  al  plus.  E  ceo  ne  fra  fors  par  lur  priere 
et  par  lur  bone  volunte.  E  ke  ceo  a  custume  ne  trerra.  E  si 
il  covent  ke  il  herberge,  ke  plus  ne  prendra  de  presenz  ue  de 
autre  chose  ke  plus  vaile  ke  duze  deners.  E  ke  de  serganz  ne 
avera  fors  tant  cum  li  covendra  convenablement  tenir  pur  garder 
sa  bayllie,  e  teus  serganz  prendra,  des  queus  il  seit  si  seur  ke  il 


vi.]  Provisions  of  Oxford.  299 

/  pusse  respondre  de  lur  fet.     E  ke  le  pais  ne  seit  trop  greve  pur 

/  lur  manger  ne  pur  lur  beyfres.  E  ceul  tant  cume  il  sunt  en 
bayllie,  nul  home  clerc  ne  lay,  franc  ne  vilein,  de  mesun  de 
religion  ne  de  vilee,  ne  demanderunt  ne  prendrunt  aygnel,  garbe, 
blee,  ne  leine,  ne  nul  autre  manere  de  moble,  ne  deners  ne  ke  le 
vaille,  si  come  plusurs  unt  acustume  ca  en  arere.  E  co  lur  face 
jurer  le  vescunte  kant  il  les  mettra  en  bailie.  E  ke  cuntez, 
hundrecles,  wapetakes,  ne  nul  autre  manere  de  baillies  de  nostre 
reaume  debaudra  a  ferme  a  nulli.  E  seient  certeins  vescuntes, 
et  tote  maneres  de  autres  baillis,  ke  si  nul  est  ateint  de  nule 
manere  de  autre  prise  ke  suz  est  escrit  par  achesun  de  sa  baillie, 
ke  il  serra  reint  ausi  ben  le  donur  come  le  recevur;  kar  nus 
avum  purveu  par  le  cunseil  de  nos  hauz  homes  ke  tuz  jurs  mes 
seit  fete  plenere  et  hastive  dreiture  a  tuz  sanz  nule  manere  de 
luer.  E  pur  co  nus  comanduns  et  defenduns  a  tuz  et  a  totes, 
ke  a  nul  de  nos  baillis  rens  ne  offrent,  ne  promettent,  ne  donent, 
sur  peine  de  estre  reint ;  kar  quant  le  vescunt  vendra  al  chef 
del  an  sur  sun  acunte,  lem  li  livera  ses  covenables  despenses  ke 
avera  fet,  pur  sa  baillie  garder  et  pur  le  luer  de  ses  serganz.  E 
pur  co  le  donums  nus  del  nostre,  ke  nus  ne  volums  ke  il  eient 
achesun  de  rens  prendre  de  autru.  E  nus  volums  ke  nul  de  nos 
baillis  ke  nus  metums  en  nostre  tere,  viscunte  ne  autre,  demerge 
en  sa  baillie  plus  de  un  an.  E  pur  co  le  vous  fesums  a  saver  ke 
si  duresces  ou  torz  seient  fetes  par  les  avant  dites  baillis,  ke  vus 

•  meins  les  dotez,  et  plus  seurement  lurs  torz  mostrez.  Teste- 
moigne  memes  a  Westmostre,  le  vintime  jur  de  Octobre,  le  an  de 

V  nostre  regne  xlii. 

TRANSLATION. 

Henry,  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  England,  duke  of  Normandy,  Aqui- 
taine,  and  count  of  Anjou,  to  all  his  faithful  and  loyal  subjects,  health. 
Forasmuch  as  we  desire  and  wish  that  speedy  justice  be  done  through  the 
whole  of  our  realm,  as  well  to  the  poor  as  to  rich,  we  wish  and  command 
that  all  the  wrongs  which  have  been  done  in  our  time  in  your  county, 
whoever  shall  have  done  them,  be  shown  to  the  four  knights  whom  we 
have  assigned  for  this,  if  they  have  not  before  been  shown  to  them.  And 
we,  as  speedily  as  we  can,  will  have  them  amended  and  redressed.  But  if 
we  cannot  as  speedily  do  this  as  we  wish,  and  as  occasion  shall  be  to  you 
and  to  us,  neither  we  nor  you  ought  to  wonder  that  what  has  for  so  long 
gone  on  ill  to  our  loss  and  to  yours,  cannot  so  quickly  be  amended.  But 
by  the  first  amendments  that  shall  be  done  in  the  county  where  we  shall 
have  our  justiciar  and  our  other  proved  men,  by  this  you  can  have  certain 
hope  that  thus  it  shall  be  done  to  you  as  soon  as  possible.  Know  that  we 
have  made  each  one  of  our  sheriffs  swear  this  oath,  that  he  will  serve  us 
loyally,  and  loyally  will  keep  according  to  his  power  that  which  is  written 
above,  to  wit,  that  he  will  do  right  in  common  to  all  people,  according  to 
the  power  which  he  has  from  his  own  office.  And  that  he  will  not  fail  for 


400  Henry  III.  [PART 

love,  not  for  hate,  nor  for  fear  of  any,  nor  for  any  greed,  as  well  and  as 
soon  to  do  speedy  justice  to  poor  as  to  rich ;  and  that  he  will  not  take 
from  any  one  anything  by  himself  nor  by  another  in  any  manner,  by  art 
or  by  device,  by  occasion  of  the  bailiwick,  excepting  only  meat  and  drink 
which  are  accustomed  to  be  brought  on  the  tables,  and  that  as  for  one  day 
at  the  most ;  nor  that  he  shall  have  more  than  his  own  horse  in  the  place 
where  he  lodges  with  another  by  occasion  of  his  bailiwick  ;  nor  shall  he 
lodge  with  any  one  who  has  less  than  forty  librates  of  land,  nor  in  any 
religious  house  which  has  less  than  the  value  of  100  marks  each  year  in 
lands  or  in  rents ;  nor  shall  he  lodge  in  the  said  places  more  than  once 
a  year,  or  twice  at  most ;  and  that  he  shall  not  do  except  at  their  prayer 
and  their  good  will ;  and  that  that  shall  not  be  drawn  into  a  custom.  And 
if  it  be  convenient  for  him  to  lodge,  that  he  shall  take  no  more  of  presents 
nor  of  other  things  than  is  worth  twelve  pence.  And  that  of  servants  he 
shall  have  only  so  many  as  shall  be  rightful  for  him  to  have  conveniently 
to  protect  his  bailiwick,  and  those  servants  shall  he  take  of  whom  he  may 
be  sure  that  he  can  answer  for  their  deeds.  And  that  the  country  be  not 
too  much  pressed  for  their  meat  or  for  their  drink.  And  they,  so  long  as 
they  are  in  the  bailiwick,  shall  not  ask  nor  take  from  any  man,  clerk  or  lay, 
free  or  villein,  from  religious  house  or  township,  lamb,  sheaf,  corn,  nor  wool, 
nor  any  other  kind  of  moveable  property,  nor  money,  nor  what  is  worth 
it,  as  many  have  been  accustomed  aforetime.  And  this  the  sheriff  is  to 
make  them  swear  when  he  puts  them  in  charge.  And  that  he  shall  not 
deliver  up  counties,  hundreds,  wapentakes,  nor  any  other  kind  of  baili- 
wicks of  our  realm  to  farm  to  any  one.  And  let  them  be  certain,  sheriffs 
and  all  kinds  of  other  bailiffs,  that  if  any  one  is  convicted  of  any  kind  of 
other  prisage  than  is  written  above,  by  occasion  of  his  bailiwick,  that  he 
shall  be  punished,  as  well  the  giver  as  the  receiver.  For  we  have  provided, 
by  the  counsel  of  our  great  men,  that  for  ever  after  there  be  done  full  and 
speedy  justice  to  all  without  any  kind  of  fee.  And  for  this  we  command 
and  prohibit  to  all  men  and  all  women,  that  to  no  one  of  our  bailiffs  shall 
they  offer,  or  promise,  or  give  anything,  on  pain  of  being  punished  ;  for 
when  the  sheriff  shall  come  at  the  end  of  the  year  upon  his  account,  there 
shall  be  paid  to  him  his  proper  expenses  which  he  shall  have  made  to 
guard  his  bailiwick  and  to  fee  his  servants.  And  for  that  we  give  him  of 
our  own,  because  we  will  not  that  he  have  occasion  to  take  anything  from 
another.  And  we  will  that  no  one  of  our  bailiffs  whom  we  put  in  our 
lands,  sheriff  or  other  person,  remain  in  his  bailiwick  more  than  a  year. 
And  for  that  we  cause  you  to  know,  that  if  hardships  or  wrongs  are  done 
by  the  aforesaid  bailiffs,  that  you  fear  them  less  and  more  surely  show  their 
wrong  doings.  Witness  ourselves  at  Westminster,  the  zoth  day  of  October, 
in  the  42nd  year  of  our  reign. — (Ann.  Burton,  pp.  453,  505.) 


No.  VI.     A.D.  1259.     The  Provisions  of  the  Barons. 

These  were  drawn  up  in  pursuance  of  the  plan  initiated 
by  the  Provisions  of  Oxford,  and  were  published  and  ratified 
by  the  king  on  the  feast  of  S.  Edward,  1259.  They  were 
republished  by  Henry  in  1262,  when  he  was  at  one  with  the 
barons;  and  again  in  1264,  during  his  captivity.  They  were, 


vi.]  Provisions  of  Westminster.  401 

after  the  general  pacification,  embodied  in  the  Statute  of  Marl- 
borough  in  1267. 

Anno  ab  Incarnatione  Domini  M0CC°L0IX°  regni  autem 
Henrici  regis,  filii  regis  Johannis  xliii0,  convenientibus  apud 
Westmonasterium  in  quindena  Sancti  Michaelis  ipso  domino 
rege  et  magnatibus  suis,  de  communi  consilio  et  consensu 
dictorum  regis  et  magnatum  factae  sunt  provisiones  sub- 
scriptae  per  ipsos  regem  et  magnates  et  publicatae  in  hunc 
modum. 

1.  De  sectis  faciendis  ad  curias  magnatum  et  aliorum  domi- 
norum  ipsarum  curiarum,  provisum  est  et  concorditer  statutum 
quod  nullus  qui  per  cartam  feofatus  est,  distringatur  de  cetero 
ad  sectam  faciendam  ad  curiam  domini  sui,  nisi  per  formam 
cartae  suae  specialiter  teneatur  ad  sectam  faciendam ;  hiis  tan- 
turn  exceptis  quorum  antecessores  vel  ipsimet  hujusmodi  sectam 
facere  consueverunt  ante  primam  transfrdtationem  dicti  domini 
regis  in  Britanniam,  a  tempore   cujus   transfretationis   elapsi 
fuerunt  xxix.  anni  et  dimidius  tempore  quo  haec  constitutio 
facta  fuit :  et  similiter  nullus  feofatus  sine  carta  a  tempore  con- 
quaestus  vel  alio  antique  feofamento  distringatur  ad  hujusmodi 
sectam  faciendam,  nisi  ipse  vel  antecessores  sui  earn  facere  con- 
sueverunt ante  primam  transfretationem  domini  regis'  in  Bri- 
tanniam. 

2.  Et  si  haereditas  aliqua,  de  qua  tantum  una  secta  debebatur, 
ad  plures  haeredes  participes  ejusdem  devolvatur,  ille  qui  habet 
einesciam  haereditatis  illius  unicam  faciat  sectam  pro  se  et  parti- 
cibus  suis :   et  participes  sui  pro  portione  sua  contribuant  ad 
sectam  illam  faciendam.     Similiter  etiam  si  plures  feofati  fuerint 
de  haereditate  aliqua,  de  qua  unica  secta  debebatur,  dominus 
illius  feodi  unicam  habeat  inde  sectam,  nee  possit  de  praedicta 
haereditate  nisi  unicam  sectam  exigere,  sicut  fieri  prius  con- 
suevit.     Et  si  feofati  illi  warantum  vel  medium  non  habeant  qui 
iiide  eos  acquietare  debeat,  tune  omnes  feofati  contribuant  pro 
portione  sua  ad  sectam  illam  faciendam. 

3.  Si  autem  contingat  quod  domini  curiarum  tenentes  suos 
contra  bane  provisionem  pro  hujusmodi  secta  distringant,  tune 
ad  querimoniam  tenentium  illorum  attachientur  quod  ad  curiam 
regis   veniant   ad   brevem    diem    inde  responsuri ;    et   unicum 
habeant  essonium  si  fuerint  in  regno  ;  et  incontinent!  delibe- 
rentur   conquerenti   averia   sive    districtiones   aliae   hac   occa- 
sione  factae,  et  deliberata  remaneant  donee  placitum  inter  eoa 
terminetur.    Et  si  domini  curiarum,  qui  districtiones  hujusmodi 
fecerint,  ad  diem  ad  quem  attachiati  fuerint  non  venerint,  vel 

Dd 


r 


4O2  Henry  III.  [PART 

diem  per  essonium  sibi  datum  non  observaverint,  tune  mandetur 
vicecomiti  quod  eos  ad  diem  ilium  venire  faciat,  ad  quern  diem 
si  non  venerint,  mandetur  vicecomiti  quod  distringat  eos  per 
omnia  quae  habent  in  ballia  sua,  ita  quod  regi  respondeat  de 
exitibus,  et  quod  habeat  eorum  corpora  ad  certum  diem  praefi- 
gendum,  ita  quod,  si  die  illo  non  venerint,  pars  conquerens  eat 
inde  sine  die,  et  averia  sive  aliae  districtiones  deliberata  rema- 
neant  donee  ipsi  doniini  sectam  illam  recuperaverint  per  cou- 
Biderationem  curiae  domini  regis  ;  et  cessent  interim  districtiones 
hujusmodi,  salvo  dominis  curiarum  jure  suo  de  sectis  illis  per- 
quirendis  in  forma  juris,  cum  inde  loqui  voluerint.  Et  cum 
domini  curiarum  venerint  responsuri  conquerentibus  de  hujus- 
modi districtionibus,  si  super  hoc  convincantur,  tune  per  con- 
siderationem  curiae  recuperent  conquerentes  versus  eos  damna 
sua  quae  sustinuerunt  occasione  praedictae  districtionis.  Simili 
autem  modo  si  tenentes  post  hanc  constitutionem  subtrahant 
dominis  suis  sectas  quas  facere  debent,  et  quas  ante  tempus 
Bupradictae  transfretationis  et  hactenus  facere  consueverunt, 
per  eandem  justitiam  et  celeritatem  quo  ad  dies  praefigendos 
et  districtiones  adjudicandas  consequantur  domini  curiarum 
justitiam  de  sectis  illis,  una  cum  damnis  suis,  quemadmodum 
tenentes  sua  damna  recuperant.  Et  hoc  scilicet  de  damnis 
recuperandis  intelligatur  de  subtractionibus  sibi  factis,  et  non  de 
Bubtractionibus  factis  praedecessoribus  ipsorum ;  verum  tamen 
domini  curiarum  versus  tenentes  suos  seisinam  de  sectis  hujus- 
modi recuperare  non  poterunt  per  defaltam,  sicut  nee  hactenus 
fieri  consuevit.  De  sectis  autem  quae  ante  tempus  supradictae 
transfretationis  subtractae  fuerunt,  cuiTat  lex  communis  sicut 
prius  currere  consuevit. 

4.  De  turno  vicecomitis  provisum  est,  ut  necesse  non  habeant 
ibi   venire    archiepiscopi,    episcopi,    abbates,   priores,    comites, 
barones,  nee  aliqui  religiosi  seu  mulieres,  nisi  specialiter  eorum 
praesentia  exigatur ;  sed  teneatur  turnus  sicut  temporibus  prae- 
decessorum  domini  regis  teneri  consuevit.     Et  si  qui__in_  hun- 
dredis    diversis   habeant   tenementa,    non   habeant   necesse   ad 
hujusmodi  turnum  venire,  nisi  in  balliis  ubi  fuerint  conver- 
santes ;  et  teneantur  turni  secundum  formam   Magnae   Cartae 
regis,  et  sicut  temporibus  regum  Johannis   et  Eicardi  teneri 
consueverunt. 

5.  Provisum  est  etiam  quod  nee  in  itinere  Justitiarum  nee  in 
comitatibus,  nee  in  curiis  baronum,  de  cetero  ab  aliquibus  reci- 
piantur  fines  pro  pulchre  placitando,  neque  per  sic  quod  non 
occasionentur. 

6.  In  placito  vero  dotis  quod  dicitur,  unde  nihil  ftabet,  dentur 


VI.]  Provisions  of  Westminster.  403 

de  cetero  quatuor  dies  per  annum  ad  minus,  et  plures  si  com- 
mode fieri  posset. 

7.  In  assisis  ultimae  praesentationis,  et  In  placito  quare  im- 
pedit  de  ecclesiis  vacantibus,  detur  dies  de  quindena  in  quinde- 
nam,  vel  de  tribus  septimanis  in  tres  septimanas,  prout  locus 
propinquus  fuerit  vel  remotus.  Et  in  placito  Quare  Impedit, 
si  ad  primum  diem,  ad  quem  summonitus  fuerit,  non  veniat  nee 
essonium  mittat  impeditor,  tune  attachietur  ad  diem  alium,  quo 
die  si  non  venerit  nee  essonium  mittat,  distringatur  per  magnam 
districtionem  superius  dictam.  Et  si  tune  non  venerit,  per  ejus 
defaltam  scribatur  episcopo  quod  reclamatio  impeditoris  ilia  vice 
conquerenti  non  obsistat,  salvo  impeditori  alias  jure  BUO,  cum 
inde  loqui  voluerit. 

r  8.  De  cartis  vero  exemptionis  et  libertatis  ne  ponantur  impe- 
trantes  in  assisis,  juratis  vel  recognitionibus,  provisum  est,  ut  si 
adeo  necessarium  sit  eorum  juramentum  quod  sine  eo  justitia 
exhiberi  non  possit,  veluti  in  magna  assisa  et  perambulationibus 
et  ubi  in  cartis  vel  scripturis  conventionum  fuerint  testes  nomi- 
nati,  aut  in  attinctis  vel  casibus  aliis  consimilibus,  jurare  cogan- 
tur,  salva  sibi  alias  libertate  et  exemptione  sua  praedicta. 

9.  Si  haeres  aliquis  post  mortem  sui  antecessoris  infra  aetatem 
exstiterit,  et  dominus  suus  custotliam  terrarum  suarum  habuerit, 
si  dominus  ille  dicto  baeredi,  cum  ad  legitimam  aetatem  per- 
venerit,  terrain  suam  sine  placito  reddere  noluerit,  haeres  ille 
terrain  suam  ut  de  morte  sui  antecessoris  recuperabit,  una  cum 
damnis  quae  sustinuerit  per  illam  detentionem  a  tempore  quo 
legitimae  fuerit  aetatis ;   quod  si  haeres  in  morte  sui  anteces- 
Boris  plenae  fuerit  aetatis,  et  haeres  ille  apparens  et  pro  baerede 
cognitus  inventus  sit  in  baereditate  ilia,  capitalis  dominus  ejus 
eum  non  ejiciat  nee  aliquid  ibi  capiat  vel  amoveat,  sed  tantum 
fcimpl'cem  seisinam  faciat  per  recognitionem  dominii  sui. 

10.  Et    si    capitalis    dominus    haeredem    hujusmodi    extra 
Feisinam  malitiose  teneat,  per  quod  per  afttionem  mortis  ante- 
cessoris  vel    consanguinitatis   oporteat    ipsum   placitare,   tune 
damna  sua  recuperet  sicut  in  actione  novae  disseisinae. 

11.  Nulli  de  cetero  liceat  ex  quacunque  causa  districtiones 
facere  extra  feodum  suum,  neque  in  regia  aut  communi  strata, 
nisi  domino  regi  et  ministris  suis. 

1 2.  Provisum  est  etiam  quod  si  terra  quae  tenetur  in  socagium 
;  sit  in  cnstodia  parentum  haercdis,  eo  quod  haeredes  infra  aetatem 
'  iuerint,  custodes  illi  vastum  facere  non  possunt  neque  venditio- 
i  nem  nee  aliquam  destructionem  de  haereditate  ilia,  sed  salvo 
\enrn  custodiant  ad  opus  dicti  baeredis  ;  ita  quod  cum  ad  aetatem 
nervenerit,  sibi  respondeant  per  legitimam  computationem  de 

D  d  2 


4°4  Henry  III.  [PART 

'  exitibus  dictae  liaereditatis  ;  salvis  ipsis  custodibus  rationabilibus 
misis  suis.     Nee  etiam  possunt  dicti  custodes  maritagium  dicti 
'  haeredis  dare  vel  vendere  nisi  ad  commodum  ipsius  haeredis. 

13.  Nullus  escaetor,  aut  inquisitor,  vel  Justitia  ad   assisas 
aliquas  capiendas  specialiter  assignatus,  vel  ad  querelas  aliquas 
audiendas  et  terminandas,  de  cetero  potestatem  habeant  amerci- 
andi  pro  defalta  communis  summonitionis,  nisi  capitalis  Justitia 
vel  Justitiarii  itinerantes  in  itineribus  suis. 

14.  Viris  autem  religiosis  non  liceat  ingredi  feodum  alicujus 
sine  licentia  capitalis  domini,  de  quo  scilicet  res  ipsa  immediate 
tenetur. 

15.  De  essoniis  autem  provisum  est  quod  in  comitatibus,  hun- 
dredis  aut  curiis  baronum,  vel  alibi,  nullus  habeat  necesse  jurare 
pro  essonio  suo  warantizando. 

1 6.  Nullus  de  cetero  excepto  rege  placitum  teneat  in  curia 
sua   de   falso  judicio   facto    in  curia  tenentium   suorum,  quia 
hujusmodi  placita  ad  coronam  specialiter  pertinent  et  dignitatem 
regis. 

17.  Provisum  est  etiam  quod  si  averia  alicujus  capiantur  et 
injuste    detineantur,    vicecomes    post    querimoniam    inde    tibi 
factam,  ea  sine  impedimento  vel  contradictione  ejus  qui  dicta 
averia  cepit,  deliberare  possit,  si  extra  libertates  capta  fuerint ; 
et  si  infra  libertates  hujusmodi    capiantur   averia,    et   ballivi 
libertatum  ea  deliberare  noluerint,  tune  vicecomes  per  defectum 
dictorum  ballivorum  ea  faciat  deliberari. 

1 8.  Nullus  de  cetero  distringere  possit  libere  tenentes  suos  ad 
respondendum  de  libero  tenemento  suo,  neque  de  aliquibus  ad 
liberum  tenementum  suum  spectantibus,  sine  brevi  regis,  nee 
jurare  faciat  libere  tenentes  suos  contra  voluntatem  suam,  de- 
sicut  nullus  hoc  facere  potest  sine  praecepto  regis. 

19.  Provisum  est  etiam  quod  si  ballivi  qui  compotum  dominis 
suis  reddere  tenentur  se  subtraxerint,  et  terras  vel  tenementa 
non  habuerint  per  quae  distringi  possint,  tune  per  eorum  cor- 
pora attachientur,  ita  quod  vicecomites  in  quorum  balliis  in- 
venientur,  eos  venire  faciant  ad  compotum  suum  reddendum. 

20.  Item  firmarii  tempore  suarum  firm  arum  vastum  vel  ven- 
ditionem  vel  exilium  non  faciant  de  boscis,  domibus,  hominibus 
nee  de  aliis  aliquibus  ad  tenementa  quae  ad  firmam  habuerint 
ppectantibus,  nisi  specialem  habeant  concessionem  per  scripturam 
puae  conventionis  mentionem  habentis  quod  hoc  facere  possint. 
Et  si  fecerint,  et  de  hoc  convincantur,  damna  plene  refundant. 

21.  Justitiarii  itinerantes  de  cetero  non  amerciant  villatas  in 
itinere  suo,  pro  eo  quod  singuli  xii.  annorum  non  venerint  coram 
vicecomitibus  et  coronatoribus  ad  inquisitiones  de  morte  hominis 


vi.]          Summons  of  Three  Knights  of  the  Shire.  405 

aut  aliis  ad  coronam  pertinentibus,  dum  tamen  de  villis  illis 
veniant  sufficienter  per  quos  inquisitiones  hujusmodi  plene  fieri 
possint. 

22.  Murdrum  de  cetera  non  adjudicetur  coram  Justitiis  ubi 
infortunium  tantummodo  adjudicatum  est ;    sed  locum  habeat 
murdrum  in  interfectis  per  feloniam  et  non  aliter. 

23.  Provisum  est  insuper  quod  nullus   qui  coram  Justitiis  ' 
itinerantibus  vocatur  ad  warantum  de  placito  terrae  vel  tene- 
menti,  amercietur  de  cetero  pro  eo  quod  praesens  non  fuerit, 
excepto    primo    die    adventus   ipsorum    Justitiaruui :    sed    si 
warantus  ille  sit  infra  comitatum,  tune  injungatur  vicecomiti 
quod  ipsum  infra  diem  tertium  vel  quartum  secundum  locorum 
distantiani  faciat  venire,  sicut  in  itinere  Justitiarum  fieri  consue- 
vit;  et  si  extra  comitatum  maneat,  tune  rationabilem  habeat 
summonitionem  xv.  dierum  ad  minus  secundum   discretionem 
Justitiarum  et  legem  communem. 

24.  Si  clericus  aliquis  pro  crimine  aliquo  vel  retto  quod  ad 
coronam  pertineat,  arestatus  fuerit,  et  postmodum  de  praecepto 
regis  in  ballium  traditus  vel  replegiatus  exstiterit,  ita  quod  hii 
quibus  traditur  in  ballium  eum  habeant  coram  Justitiis,  non 
amercientur  de  cetero  illi  quibus  traditus  fuit  in  ballium,  vel 
alii  plegii  sui,  si  corpus   suum  habeant  coram  Justitiis,  licet 
coram  eis  propter  privilegium  clericale  respondere  nolit  vel  noil 
possit. — (/Statutes  of  tlie  Realm,  L  8-n.) 

No.  VII.     A.D.  1261.      Writ  summoning  three  Knights  of  tfo 
Shire  to  Parliament  at  Windsor. 

REX  Vicecomiti  Norfolchiae  et  Suffolchiae,  salutem.  Cum  ex 
parte  episcopi  Wigornensis,  comitum  Leycestriae  et  Gloucestriae 
et  quorundam  aliorum  procerum  regni  nostri  vocati  sint  tres 
milites  de  singulis  comitatibus  nostris  quod  sint  coram  ipsis 
apud  Sanctum  Albanum  in  instanti  festo  Sancti  Matthaei  Apo- 
stoli  secum  tractaturi  super  communibus  negotiis  regni  nostri, 
et  nos  et  praedicti  proceres  nostri  in  eundem  diem  apud  Winde- 
soram  convenerimus  ad  tractandum  de  pace  iuter  uos  et  ipsos, 
tibi  praecipimus  quod  illis  militibus  de  ballia  tua,  qui  vocati 
sunt  coram  eis  ad  diem  praedictuni,  firmiter  injungas  ex  parte 
nostra  ut,  omni  occasione  postposita,  ad  nos  die  praedicto  veniant 
apud  Windesoram,  et  eis  etiam  districte  inhibeas  ne  dicto  die 
alibi  quam  ad  nos  accedant,  sed  eos  modis  omnibus  venire  facias 
coram  nobis  ad  diem  praedictum,  nobiscum  super  praemissis 
colloquium  habituros,  ut  ipsi  per  effectum  operis  videant  et  in- 
tclligant  quod  nihil  attemptare  propouimus  nisi  quod  honori  et 


406  Ilenry  III.  [PART 

communi  utilitati  regni  nostri  noverimus  convenire.  T.  R.  apud 
Wiudesoram,  XL  die  Septembris. — (Report  on  the  Dignity  of  a 
Peer,  App.  i.  p.  23.) 

No.  VIII.     A.D.  1264.     Award  of  S.  Lewis. 

LUDOVICUS,  Dei  gratia,  Francorum  rex,  universis  praesentes 
litteras  inspecturis,  salutem.  Notum  facimus  quod  carissimus 
consanguineus  noster  Henricus  illustris  rex  Angliae  et  subscript! 
barones  Angliae  in  nos  compromiserunt,  prout  continetur  in  lit- 
teris  eorum  infra  scriptis  :  tenor  autem  litterarum  ipsius  regis 
talis  est ;  '  Henricus,  Dei  gratia,  Rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hiberniae 
et  dux  Aquitanniae,  omnibus  ad  quos  praesentes  litterae  per- 
venerint,  salutera.  Noveritis  quod  nos  compromisimus  in  domi- 
num  Ludovicum  regem  Francorum  illustrem  super  provisionilms, 
ordinationibus,  statutis,  et  obligationibus  omnibus  Oxoniensibus, 
et  super  omnibus  contentionibus  et  discordiis  quas  habemus  et 
habuimus  usque  ad  festum  Omnium  Sanctorum  nuper  praeteri- 
tum,  adversus  barones  regni  nostri,  et  ipsi  adversus  nos,  occa- 
sione  provisionum,  ordinationum,  statutorum  vel  obligationum 
Oxoniensium  praedictarum ;  promittentes  et  per  dilectos  et 
fideles  nostros  Willelmum  Belet  militem  et  Robertum  Fulconis 
clericum  de  mandate  nostro  speciali  in  animam  nostram  jurantes 
tactis  sacrosanctis  evangeliis,  quod  quicquid  idem  rex  Franciae 
super  omnibus  praedictis  vel  eorum  aliquibus  de  alto  et  basso 
ordinaverit  vel  statuerit  nos  observabimus  bona  fide,  ita  tamen 
quod  idem  dominus  rex  Franciae  dicat  super  his  dictum  suum 
citra  Pentecosten  proximo  venturam.  In  cujus  rei  testimonium 
praeseritibus  litteris  sigillum  nostrum  fecimus  apponi.  Nos 
autem  Edwardus  praedicti  domini  regis  Angliae  primogeni- 
tus ;  Henricus  filius  Ricardi  regis  Alemanniae ;  Rogerus  le 
Bigod  comes  Norfolciae  et  marescallus  Angliae  ;  Johannes  de 
Warenna ;  Willelmus  de  Yalentia ;  Humfredus  de  Bohun  comes 
Herefort  et  Essex  ;  Hugo  le  Bigod ;  Philippus  Basset ;  Johannes 
Filius  Alani ;  Robertus  de  Brus ;  Rogerus  de  Mortuo  Mari ; 
Johannes  de  Verdun  ;  Willelmus  de  Breus  ;  Johannes  de  Baillol ; 
Henricus  de  Percy ;  Reginaldus  Filius  Petri  ;  Jacobus  de  Aldi- 
thele  ;  Alanus  le  Zuche  ;  Rogerus  de  Clifford  ;  Hamo  Extraneus ; 
Johannes  de  Grey ;  Philippus  Marmion ;  Robertus  de  Neville  ; 
Johannes  de  Vallibus ;  Johannes  de  Muscegros ;  Warinus  de 
Bassingburn ;  Adam  de  Gesemuth ;  Rogerus  de  Somery ;  Ri- 
cardus  Foliot ;  Rogerus  de  Leyburn;  et  Willelmus  le  Latimere; 
praedicto  compromisso,  per  dictum  dominum  nostrum  regem 
Angliae  facto,  sicut  praedictum  est,  consentimus  et  juramus  tac- 


vi.]  Award  of  S.  Lewis.  407 

tis  sacrosanctis  evangeliis,  quod  quicquid  dominus  rex  Franciae, 
super  omnibus  praedictis  vel  eorum  aliquibus,  de  alto  et  basso, 
ordinaverit  vel  statuerit,  observabimus  bona  fide ;  ita  tameu 
quod  idem  dominus  rex  Franciae  dicat  super  his  dictum  suum 
citra  Pentecosten  proximo  futuram,  sicut  superius  est  expres- 
sum.  In  cujus  rei  testimonium  praesenti  scripto,  sigillo  domini 
nostri  praedicti  regis  Angliae  signato,  sigilla  nostra  fecimus 
apponi.  Datum  apud  "Windesoram,  Dominica  proxima  post 
festum  Sanctae  Luciae  Virginis  A.D.  M°CC°LX°III<>.  Confec- 
tioni  istius  instrument!  interfuerunt  Johannes  de  Chishul, 
Willelmus  de  Wilton ;  frater  Johannes  de  Derlington ;  magister 
Ern.  cancellarius  regis  Alemanniae,  Rogerus  de  Messenden,  et 
plures  alii/ 

Litterae  vero  baronum  tales  sunt ;  '  Universis  praesentes 
litteras  inspecturis,  H.  Londoniensis,  W.  Wigornensis  epis- 
copi  ;  Simon  de  Monteforti  comes  Leycestriae  et  senescallus 
Angliae ;  Hugo  le  Despenser  justitiarius  Angliae ;  Humfredus 
de  Boun  juvenis ;  H.  de  Monteforti ;  S.  de  Monteforti  ju- 
venis  ;  Adam  de  Novomercato  ;  Petrus  de  Monteforti ;  Radulfus 
Basset  de  Sapecot ;  Baldewinus  Wake ;  Robertus  de  Ros ; 
Willelmus  le  Blond ;  Willelmus  Marescallus ;  Walterus  de 
Coleville ;  Ricardus  de  Grey ;  Willelmus  Bardoulf ;  Ricardus 
de  Tanny ;  Henricus  de  Hastings ;  Johannes  Filius  Johannis  ; 
Robertus  de  Veteri  Ponte ;  Johannes  de  Vescy ;  Nicolaus  de 
Segrave;  Galfridus  de  Lucy;  salutem  in  Domino.  Noveritis  quod 
nos  compromisimus  in  dominum  Ludovicum,  regem  Franciae 
illustrem  super  provisionibus,  ordinationibus,  statutis,  et  obliga- 
tionibus  omnibus  Oxoniae,  et  super  omnibus  contentionibus  el 
discordiis  quas  habemus  et  habuimus,  usque  ad  festum  Omnium 
Sanctorum  nuper  praeteritum,  adversus  dominum  nostrum  regem 
Angliae  illustrem  et  ipse  adversus  nos,  occasione  provisionum, 
ordinationum,  statutorum,  vel  obligationum  Oxoniensium  prae- 
dictarum :  firmiter  promittentes,  et  jurantes  tactis  sacrosanctis 
evangeliis,  quod  quicquid  idem  rex  Franciae  super  omnibus 
praedictis  vel  eorum  aliquibus  de  alto  et  basso,  ordinaverit  vel 
statuerit,  nos  observabimus  bona  fide,  ita  tamen  quod  idem 
dominus  rex  Franciae  dicat  super  his  dictum  suum  citra  Pen- 
tecosten proximo  venturam.  Actum  Londoniis,  die  Sanctae 
Luciae  Virginis,  A.D.  MoCOLXoIIIo.' 

Insuper  praedictus  rex  Angliae  ex  una  parte  et  superius 
nomiuati  ex  alia  parte  barones,  de  omnibus  contentionibus 
exortis  inter  eos  post  praedictum  festum  usque  in  praeteritum 
diem  Sanctae  Luciae  occasione  praedicta,  in  nos  compromiserunt 
et  promiserunt  per  juramenta  tactis  sacrosanctis  evangeliis  prae- 


408  Henry  III.  [PART 

stita,  bona  fide  se  servaturos  quicquid  statuerimus  et  ordina- 
verimus  de  his  vel  eorum  aliquibus,  ita  tamen  quod  citra  Pente- 
costen  proximo  venturam  dicamus  super  his  dictum  nostrum, 
et  super  omnibus  quae  super  rebus  in  compromissum  deductis 
vel  circa  ipsas  interim  contigerit  attemptari.  Nos  vero,  parti- 
bus  propter  hoc  convocatis  Ambiani,  dicto  rege  personaliter  et 
quibusdam  de  baronibus  per  se  et  aliis  per  procuratores  com- 
parentibus  coram  nobis;  auditis  hinc  iiide  propositis  et  etiam 
defensionibus  ac  rationibus  partium  plenius  intellects,  attendentes 
per  provisiones,  ordinationes,  statuta  et  obligationes  Oxonienses, 
et  per  ea  quae  ex  eis  et  occasione  eorum  subsecuta  sunt,  juri  et 
honori  regio  plurimum  fuisse  detractum,  regni  turbationem, 
ecclesiarum  depressionem  et  depraeditationem,  et  aliis  personis 
ipsius  regni,  ecclesiasticis  et  saecularibus,  indigenis  et  alienigenis, 
gravissima  dispendia  provenisse  ;  et  quod  verisimiliter  timebatur 
ne  graviora  contigerint  in  futurum,  communicate  bonorum  et 
magnatum  consilio ;  IN  NOMINE  PATKIS  ET  FILII  ET  SPIKITUS  . 
SANCTI  praedictas  provisiones,  ordinationes,  statuta  et  obliga- 
tiones omnes,  quocunque  modo  censeantur,  et  quidquid  ex  eis 
vel  occasione  eorum  subsecutum  est,  per  dictum  nostrum,  seu 
ordinationem  nostram,  cassamus  et  irritamus,  maxime  cum  ap- 
pareat  surnmum  pontificem  eas  per  litteras  suas  cassas  et  irritas 
nunciasse;  ordinantes  quod  tarn  dictus  rex  quam  barones  et 
alii  quicunque  praesenti  compromisso  consenserunt,  et  de  prae- 
dictis  observandis  se  quoquomodo  astrinxerunt,  se  de  eisdem 
quietent  penitus  et  absolvant.  Adjicimus  etiam  quod  ex  vi  seu 
yiribus  praedictarum  provisionum  sive  obligationum  seu  ordina- 
tionum,  vel  alicujus  jam  super  hoc  concessae  potestatis  a  rege, 
nullus  nova  statuta  faciat  neque  jam  facta  teneat  vel  observet, 
nee  propter  non-observantiam  praedictorum  debeat  aliquis  alte- 
rius  capitalis  vel  aliter  inimicus  haberi,  vel  poenam  propter  hoc 
aliquam  sustinere.  Decerniinus  etiam  quod  omnes  litterae,  super 
praemissis  provisionibus  et  eorum  occasione  confectae,  irritae 
sint  et  inanes,  et  ordinamus  quod  ipsi  regi  Angliae  restituantur  a 
baronibus  et  reddantur.  Item  dicimus  et  ordinamus  quod  castra 
quaecunque  fuerint  tradita  custodienda  ad  securitatem  seu  occa- 
sione praedictorum  et  adhuc  sunt  detenta,  libere  a  dictis  baroni- 
bus eidem  regi  reddantur,  tenenda  ab  eodem  rege  sicut  ea 
tenebat  ante  tempus  dictarum  provisionum.  Item  dicimus  et 
ordinamus  quod  libere  liceat  praedicto  regi  capitalem  justitia- 
rium,  cancellarium,  thesaurarium,  consiliarios,  justitiarios  mi- 
nores,  vicecomites  et  quoscunque  alios  officiales  ac  ministeriales 
regni  sui  ac  domus  suae  praeficere,  destituere  et  amovere,  pro 
suae  libito  voluntatis,  sicut  faciebat  et  facere  poterat  ante  tern- 


vi.]  Government  by  the  Barons:  409 

pus  provisionum  praedictarum.  Item  retractamus  et  cassamus 
illud  statutum  factum  quod  regnum  Angliae  de  cetero  per 
indigenas  gubernetur,  necnon  ut  exirent  alienigenae  non  re- 
versuri,  exceptis  illis  quorum  moram  fideles  regni  communiter 
acceptarent ;  ordinantes  per  dictum  nostrum  quod  liceat  alieni- 
genis  morari  in  dicto  regno  secure;  et  quod  rex  possit  alienigenas 
et  indigenas  vocare  secure  ad  consilium  suum,  quos  sibi  viderit 
utiles  et  fideles,  sicut  facere  poterat  ante  tempus  praedictum. 
Item  dicimus  et  ordinamus,  quod  dictus  rex  plenam  potestatem 
et  liberum  regimen  Labeat  in  regno  suo  et  ejus  pertinentiis, 
et  sit  in  eo  statu  et  in  ea  plenaria  potestate  in  omnibus  et  per 
omnia  sicut  erat  ante  tempus  praedictum. 

Nolumus  autem  nee  intendimus  per  praesentem  ordinationem 
derogare  in  aliquo  regiis  privilegiis,  cartis,  libertatibus,  statutis^/ 
et  laudabilibus  consuetudinibus  regni  Angliae,  quae  erant  ante 
tempus  provisionum  ipsarum.  Ordinamus  etiam  quod  idem  rex 
praedictis  baronibus  indulgeat  et  remittat  omnem  rancorem 
quem  habet  adversus  eos  occasione  praemissorum,  et  similiter 
barones  eidem ;  et  quod  unus  alterum,  occasione  praemissorum 
de  quibus  in  nos  exstitit  compromissum,  per  se  vel  per  alium  de 
cetero  non  gravet  in  aliquo  vel  offeudat.  Hanc  autem  ordina- 
tionem nostram  seu  dictum  nostrum  protulimus  Ambianis,  in 
crastino  beati  Vincentii  Martyris,  A.D.  M°CC0LX0III°,  mense 
Januario.  In  cujus  rei  testimonium  praesentibus  litteris  nos- 
trum apponi  fecimus  sigillum.  Acturu  anno,  mense,  die  et  loco 
praedictis. — (Foedcra,  i.  pp.  433,  434.) 


A.D.  1264.     DOCUMENTS  CONNECTED  WITH  SIMON  DE 
MOSTFORT'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

The  surrender  of  the  king  and  his  son  immediately  after  the 
battle  of  Lewes  placed  the  supreme  authority  in  the  hands  of  the 
Earl  of  Leicester.  The  text  of  the  Mise  of  Lewes,  which  contained 
the  terms  of  the  surrender,  is  not  preserved,  but  it  is  known  to 
have  included  an  agreement  for  a  second  arbitration  as  to  all 
controversies  between  the  king  and  his  adversaries.  Until  this 
award  should  be  given,  it  was  necessary  that  some  system  of 
administration  should  be  devised ;  the  royal  castles  were  imme- 
diately entrusted  to  adherents  of  the  barons ;  and  on  the  4th  of 
June  writs  were  issued  in  the  king's  name,  appointing  guardians 


4i o  Henry  III.  [PAUT 

of  the  peace  in  each  county,  and  summoning  four  knights  from 
each  to  treat  with  the  king  in  parliament  on  the  22nd  of 
the  same  month.  (No.  I.)  The  parliament  assembled  and  ap- 
proved a  scheme  of  government,  which  was  to  hold  good  until 
the  Mise  of  Lewes  was  executed,  by  which  the  supreme  power 
was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  king,  with  the  assistance  of 
nine  counsellors,  of  whom  three  were  to  be  in  constant  attend- 
ance upon  him.  This  body  was  to  be  nominated  by  three 
primary  electors,  (No.  IL)  The  three  electors  were  the  Bishop 
of  Chichester  and  the  Earls  of  Leicester  and  Gloucester. 

On  the  6th  of  July  the  whole  force  of  the  country  was  sum- 
moned to  London  for  the  3rd  of  August,  to  resist  the  army  which 
was  coming  from  France  under  the  queen  and  her  son  Edmund. 
The  invading  fleet  was  prevented  by  the  weather  from  sailing 
until  too  late  in  the  season.  Early  in  September,  Henry  of  AU 
main,  son  of  King  Richard,  was  sent  to  lay  the  terms  of  arbi- 
tration before  the  King  of  France.  The  papal  legate,  Guy 
Foulquois,  who  soon  after  became  Clement  IV,  threatened  the 
barons  with  excommunication,  but  the  bull  containing  the  sen- 
tence was  taken  by  the  men  of  Dover  as  soon  as  it  arrived,  and 
was  thrown  into  the  sea.  On  the  1 4th  of  December  the  Earl 
of  Leicester,  in  Henry's  name,  summoned  the  famous  parliament 
of  1265,  to  meet  at  Westminster  on  the  2oth  of  January. 
(No.  III.)  To  this  were  invited  a  small  number  of  barons,  a 
very  large  body  of  ecclesiastics,  two  knights  from  each  shire, 
and  two  burghers  from  each  town.  This  is  often  regarded  as 
the  '  origin  of  popular  representation ;'  but  it  is  not  in  any  sense 
entitled  to  this  praise.  The  novelty  was  simply  the  assembling 
the  representatives  of  the  towns  in  conjunction  with  those  of  the 
counties :  this  was  now  done  for  the  first  time  for  the  purpose 
of  the  national  council ;  but  we  have  seen  that  for  all  purposes 
of  local  self-government  it  had  long  been  usual,  and  that  the 
idea  of  the  National  Council  was  rapidly  becoming  that  of  tbe 
concentration  of  the  local  machinery.  The  really  popular  repre- 
sentation was  that  of  the  shires  rather  than  that  of  the  boroughs, 
and  this,  which  in  its  essence  was  of  immemorial  antiquity,  had 
long  been  incorporated  in  the  parliamentary  constitution.  The 


VI.]  Summons  of  Four  Knights  of  the  Shire.  411 

credit  of  making  both  the  popular  elements  necessary  to  the 
complete  parliament  belongs  to  Edward  I. 

On  the  loth  of  March,  in  the  parliament  thus  summoned, 
Edward  subscribed  the  peace  of  June,  1264  ;  and  on  the  2oth  the 
Earl  of  Leicester  was  put  in  possession  of  the  earldom  of  Chester 
and  other  estates,  by  the  surrender  of  which  Edward  obtained  the 
terms  of  reconciliation.  He  was  kept,  however,  still  under  strict 
surveillance.  His  escape  on  the  28th  of  May,  and  the  quarrel  of 
the  Earls  of  Gloucester  and  Leicester,  threw  new  life  into  the 
royal  party.  Earl  Simon  fell  at  Evesham  on  the  4th  of  August. 
But  the  elements  of  opposition  were  unquenched.  After  a  long 
siege,  Henry  III,  in  November  1266,  admitted  the  rebels  (who 
were  at  Kenil worth)  to  surrender.  During  the  siege  the  Dic- 
tum de  Kenilworth  (No.  VI.)  was  drawn  up  for  the  general  paci- 
fication of  the  kingdom;  and  in  July,  1267,  the  last  of  the 
king's  enemies  who  were  left  in  arms,  in  Ely,  were  admitted 
by  Edward  to  the  benefits  of  that  agreement.  The  parliament 
of  Maiiborough,  November  1267,  re-enacted  most  of  the  legal 
reforms  included  in  the  Provisions  of  the  Barons.  Imme- 
diately after  this  Edward  prepared  to  join  the  Crusade.  He 
left  England  in  May,  1269;  and  Henry  retained  undisturbed 
possession  of  the  royal  authority  until  his  death,  November  16, 
1272. 

No.  L     A.D.  1264.     Writ  for  Conservation  oftlie  Peace  and 
Summons  to  Parliament, 

REX  Adae  de  Novo  mercato,  salutem.  Cum  jam,  sedata  turba- ' 
tione  nuper  habita  in  regno  nostro,  pax  inter  nos  et  barones 
nostros,  Divina  cooperante  gratia,  ordinata  sit  et  firmata ;  ac  ad 
pacem  illam  per  totum  regnum  nostrum  inviolubiliter  observan- 
dam,  de  consilio  et  assensu  baronum  nostroruui  provisum  sit, 
quod  in  singulis  comitatibus  nostris  per  Angliam,  ad  tuitionem  et 
securitatem  partium  illarum,  custodes  pacis  nostrae  constituantur 
donee  per  nos  et  barones  nostros  de  slatu  re^ui~u6!3irl  Ulltery 
fuerit  ordinatum  ;  cumque  nos,  de  vestra  fidelitate  simul  et  iudus- 
tria  fiduciam  gerentes,  vos  de  consilio  dictorum  baronum  nos- 
trorum  custodem  nostrum  assignaverimus  in  comitatu  Lincolniae 
quamdiu  nobis  placuerit;  vobis  mandamus,  in  fide  qua  nobis 


412  Henry  III.  [PART 

tenemmi  firmiter  injungentes,  quatenus  custodiae  pacis  nostrae 
ibidem  et  hiis  quae  ad  conservationem  pacis  nostrae  pertinent, 
diligenter  intendatis,  ut  praedictum  est ;  firmiter  et  publice  per 
totum  comitatum  praedictum  inhibentes,  ex  parte  nostra,  ne 
quis  sub  poena  exhaeredationis  et  periculo  vitae  et  membrorum 
super  aliquem  currat  nee  aliquem  depraedetur,  nee  homicidia 
vel  incendia,  roberias,  toltas,  seu  alia  hujusmodi  perpetret  enor- 
mia,  nee  cuiquam  damnum  aliquod  inferat  contra  pacem  nos- 
tram ;  nee  etiam  de  cetero  arma  portet  in  regno  nostro,  sine 
licentia  nostra  et  mandate  nostro  special! ;  et  si  quos  hujusmodi 
malefactores  et  pacis  nostrae  perturbatores,  vel  etiam,  ut  prae- 
dictum est,  arma  portantes,  inveneritis,  eos  sine  dilatione  arestari 
et  salvo  custodiri  faciatis  donee  aliud  inde  praeceperimus.  Et 
ad  hoc  si  necesse  fuerit,  totum  posse  clicti  comitatus  cum  toto 
posse  comitatuum  adjacentium,  vobiscum  assumatis,  custodibus 
ipsorum  comitatuum  ad  consimilia  cum  opus  fuerit,  viriliter 
auxiliantes.  Et  si  forte  ipsos  malefactores  evadere  contiugat, 
quod  nulla  rations  vellemus,  tune  de  nominibus  eorum  nobis 
constare  faciatis,  ut  quod  justum  fuerit  de  ipsis  fieri  faciarnus. 
Et  quia  instanti  parliameuto  nostro,  de  negotiis  nostris  et  regni 
nostri,  cum  praelatis,  magnatibus  et  aliis  fidelibus  nostris  trac- 
tare  necessario  nos  oportebit,  vobis  mandamus  quatenus  quatuor 
de  legalioribus  et  discretioribus  militibus  dicti  comitatus,  per 
assensurn  ejusdem  comitatus  ad  hoc  electos,  ad  nos  pro  toto 
comitatu  illo  mittatis,  ita  quod  sint  ad  nos  Londoniis  in  octavis 
instantis  festi  Sanctae  Trinitatis  ad  ultimum,  nobiscum  tractaturi 
de  negotiis  praedictis ;  vos  autein  in  hiis  omnibus  exsequendis 
tarn  fideliter  et  diligenter  vos  habeatis,  ne  per  negligentiam 
vestri  ad  vos  et  vestra  graviter  capere  debeamus.  Teste  Rege 
apud  Sanctum  Paulum  Londoniis,  quarto  die  Junii. — (Foedera, 
I  442.) 

No.  II.     A.D.  1264.     Form  of  Peace  determined  on  in 
the  Parliament. 

HAEC  est  forma  pacis  a  domino  rege  et  domino  Edwardo  filio 
BUO,  praelatis  et  proceribus  omnibus  et  communitate  tota  regni 
Angliae,  communiter  et  concorditer  approbata;  videlicet,  quod 
quaedam  ordinatio  facta  in  parliaments  Londoniis  habito  circa 
festum  Nativitatis  beati  Johannis  Baptistae  proximo  praeteritum, 
pro  pace  regni  conservanda  quousque  pax  inter  dictum  domi- 
num  regem  et  barones  apud  Leues,  per  formam  cujusdam  misae 
praelocuta  compleretur,  duratura  omnibus  diebus  praedicti 
domini  regis,  et  etiam  temporibus  domini  Edwardi  postquam  in 


vi.]  Constitution  of  Government.  413 

regem  fuerit  assumptus,  usque  ad  terminum  quern  ex  nunc 
duxerit  moderandum,  firma  maneat,  stabilis  et  inconcussa ;  dicta 
autem  ordinatio  tails  est. 

Forma  regiminis  domini  regis  et  regni. 

Ad  reformationem  status  regni  Angliae  eligantur  et  nomi- 
nentur  tres  discreti  et  fideles  de  regno,  qui  habeant  auctoritatem 
et  potestatem  a  domino  rege  eligendi  seu  nominandi,  vice  domini 
regis,  consiliarios  noveni ;  tres  ad  minus  alternatim  seu  vicissim 
semper  sint  in  curia  praesentes ;  et  dominus  rex  per  consilium 
eorundem  novem,  ordinet  et  disponat  de  custodia  castrorum 
et  omnibus  aliis  regni  negotiis  :  praeficiat  etiam  dominus  rex  per 
consilium  praedictorum  novem,  justitiarium,  cancellarium,  thesau- 
rarium,  et  alios  officiates  majores  et  minores,  in  hiis  quae  spectant 
ad  regimen  curiae  et  regni.  Jurabunt  autem  primi  electores 
sive  nominatores  quod  secundum  conscientiam  suam  eligent  vel 
nominabunt  consiliarios  quos  credent  honori  Dei  et  ecclesiae, 
domino  regi  et  regno,  utiles  et  fideles.  Consiliarii  quoque  ac 
omnes  officiales,  majores  et  minores,  in  sua  creatione  jurabunt 
quod  officia  sua  pro  posse  suo,  ad  honorem  Dei  et  ecclesiae  et  ad 
utilitatem  domini  regis  et  regni,  absque  munere,  praeter  escu- 
lenta  et  poculenta  quae  communiter  in  mensis  praesentari  solent, 
fideliter  exsequentur.  Quod  si  praedicti  consiliarii  vel  aliqui 
seu  aliquis  eorum,  in  administratjione  sibi  commissa,  male  ver- 
sati  vel  versatus  fuerint  aut  fuerit,  seu  ex  alia  causa  mutandi 
fuerint,  dominus  rex  per  consilium  priorum  trium  electorum 
seu  nominatorum  quos  amovendos  viderit,  amoveat,  et  loco 
eorum,  per  eosdem,  alios  fideles  et  idoneos  subroget  et  sub- 
stituat.  Si  autem  officiales  majores  vel  minores,  in  officiis  suis 
male  versentur,  dominus  rex  per  consilium  praedictorum  novem 
ipsos  amoveat  et  alios  sine  dilatione  per  consilium  praedictorum, 
loco  eorum,  substituat.  Quod  si  primi  tres  electores  seu  nomi- 
natores in  electione  vel  nominatione  consiliariorum,  aut  forte 
consiliarii  in  creatione  officialium,  vel  aliis  negotiis  domini 
regis  et  regni  gerendis  seu  disponendis,  discordes  fuerint,  quod 
a  duabus  partibus  concorditer  factum  fuerit  vel  ordinatum 
firmiter  observetur ;  dummodo  de  illis  duabus  partibus,  unus 
sit  praelatus  ecclesiae  in  negotiis  ecclesiam  contingentibus.  Et 
si  contingat  duas  partes  dictorum  novem  in  aliquo  negotio  non 
esse  Concordes,  de  discordia  ilia  stabitur  ordinationi  primorum 
irium  electorum  vel  nominatorum  aut  majoris  partis  eorundem. 
Et  si  videatur  communitati  praelatorum  et  baronum  concorditer 
expedire,  quod  aliqui  vel  aliquis,  loco  aliquorum  aut  alicujus 


414  Henry  III.  [PART 

primorum  trium  nominatorum  subrogentur  vel  substituantur, 
dominus  rex,  per  consilium  coinmunitatis  praelatorum  et  baro- 
num,  alios  vel  alium  substituat.  Omnia  autem  praedicta  faciat 
dominus  rex  per  consilium  praedictorum  novem  in  forma  supra- 
dicta,  vel  ipsi  vice  et  auctoritate  domini  regis,  praesenti'  ordi- 
natione  duratura,  donee  misa  apud  Lewes  facta,  et  postea  a 
partibus  sigillata,  fuerit  concorditer  consummata ;  vel  alia  pro- 
visa  quam  partes  concorditer  duxerint  approbandam.  Haec 
autem  ordinatio  facta  fuit  Londoniis  de  consensu,  voluntate  et 
praecepto  domini  regis,  necnon  praelatorum,  baronum  ac  etiam 
communitatis  tune  ibidem  praesentis.  In  cujus  rei  testimonium 
domini  R.  Lincolniensis  et  Hugo  Eliensis  episcopi,  R.  comes 
Norfolciae  et  Marescallus  Angliae ;  R.  de  Veer  comes  Oxoni- 
ensis ;  Humfredus  de  Bohun,  Willelmus  de  Monte  Cacisio, 
et  major  Londoniensis,  signa  sua  huic  scripturae  apposue- 
runt.  Actum  in  parliamento  Londoniis,  mense  Junii  A.D. 
M°COLX°IVo. 

Item  ordinatum  est  quod  status  ecclesiae  Anglicanae  in  statum 
debitum  reformetur.  Item  ordinatum  est  quod  praedicti  tres 
electores  et  consiliarii,  de  quibus  fit  mentio  in  praedicta  ordina- 
tione  Londoniensi,  et  castrorum  custodes,  et  ceteri  ballivi 
domini  regis,  semper  sint  indigenae;  alienigenae  vero  pacifice 
veniant,  morentur  et  redeant ;  et  tarn  laici  in  suis  possessionibus 
quam  clerici  in  suis  beneficiis  residere  volentes ;  mercatores 
etiam  et  alii  omnes  pro  suis  aegotiis  procurandis,  libere  veniant 
et  pacifice  commorentur ;  dum  tamen  pacifice  sine  armis  et 
suspecta  multitudine  veniant,  et  quod  nullus  eorum  ad  aliquod 
officinm  vel  ballivam  in  regno  vel  hospitio  domini  regis  aliqua- 
tenus  assumatur.  Cartae  vero  libertatum  generalium  et  forestae 
indigenis  a  domino  rege  dudum  concessae,  et  statuta  super 
gravaminum  revocation! bus,  de  turnis  vicecomitis,  sectis  curiae 
et  aliis,  quae  dominus  rex  anno  praeterito  in  singulis  cotni- 
tatibus  per  suas  litteras  patentes  fecerat  publicari,  cum  lauda- 
bilibus  regni  consuetudinibus  et  diutius  approbatis,  in  perpetuum 
observentur,  et  provideatur  qualiter  melius  et  fortius  valeant 
observari.  Item  provisum  est  quod  dominus  rex  et  dominus 
Edward  us  baronibus,  et  biis  qui  cum  eis  steterunt,  omnem  inju- 
riam  et  rancorem  remittant,  ita  quod  nullum  ipsorum,  occasione 
eorum  quae  facta  sunt  in  turbatione  praeterita,  gravent  vel 
a  suis  gravari  permittant,  et  faciant  omnes  ballivos  suos  in 
assumptione  ballivae  jurare  quod  nullum  occasione  praedicta 
gravabunt,  sed  omnibus  aequaliter  justitiam  exhibebunt,  et  pro- 
videatur bona  securitas  quomodo  haec  oinuia  firmiter  obser- 
ventur.—  (Foedera,  i.  443.) 


vi.]  Summons  to  Parliament.  415 


No.  III.     A.D.  1264.     Summons  to  the  Parliament  0/1265. 

HEXBICUS,  Dei  gratia,  Rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hibemiae  et 
dux  Aquitanniae,  venerabili  in  Christo  patri  Roberto  eadem 
gratia  episcopo  Dunelmensi,  salutem.  Cum  post  gravia  turba- 
tionum  discrimina  dudum  habita  in  regno  nostro,  carissimus 
lilius  Edwardus  primogenitus  noster  pro  pace  in  regno  nostro 
assecuranda  et  firmanda  obses  traditus  exstitisset,  et  jam  sedata, 
benedictus  Deus,  turbatione  praedicta,  super  deliberatione  ejus- 
dem  salubriter  providenda,  et  plena  securitate  tranquillitatis  et 
pacis  ad  honorem  Dei  et  utilitatem  totius  regni  nostri  finnanda, 
et  totaliter  complenda,  ac  super  quibusdam  aliis  regni  nostri 
negotiis  quae  sine  consilio  vestro  et  aliorum  praelatorum  et 
niagnatum  nostrorum  nolumus  expediri,  cum  eisdem  tractatum 
habere  nos  oporteat ;  vobis  mandamus,  rogantes  in  fide  et  dilec- 
tione  quibus  nobis  tenemini,  quod  omni  occasione  postposita  et 
negotiis  aliis  praetermissis,  sitis  ad  nos  Londoniis  in  octavis 
Sancti  Hilarii  proximo  futuris,  nobiscum  et  cum  praedictis  prae- 
latis  et  magnatibus  nostris  quos  ibidem  vocari  fecimus  super 
praemissis  tractaturi  et  consilium  vestrum  impensuri.  Et  hoc 
sicut  nos  et  honorem  nostrum  et  vestrum  necnon  et  communem 
regni  nostri  tranquillitatem  diligitis  nullatenus  omittatis.  Teste 
rege  apud  Wygorniam,  XIIII.  die  Decembris. 

The  same  writ  was  addressed  to  the  Archbishop  of  York,  the  Bishop  of 
Carlisle,  the  Dean  of  York,  ten  abbots  and  nine  priors  of  the  northern 
province,  and  to  ten  bishops  and  four  deans  of  the  southern.  A  similar 
one  was  issued  at  Woodstock  on  the  24th  of  December,  to  fifty-five  abbots, 
twenty-six  priors,  the  Master  of  the  Temple,  and  the  Prior  of  the 
v  Hospitallers  ;  also  to  five  earls  and  eighteen  barons. 

Item  mandatum  est  singulis  vicecomitibus  per  Angliam  quod 
venire  faciant  duos  milites  de  legalioribus,  probioribus  et  discreti- 
oribus  militibus  singulorum  comitatuum  ad  regem  Loudoniis  in 
octavis  praedictis  in  forma  supradicta. 

Item  in  forma  praedicta  scribitur  civibus  Eboraci,  civibus 
Liucolniae,  et  ceteris  burgis  Angliae,  quod  mittant  in  forma  prae- 
dicta duos  de  discretioribus,  legalioribus  et  probioribus  tarn 
civibus  quam  burgensibus. 

Item  in  forma  praedicta  mandatum  est  baronibus  et  probis 
hominibus  Quinque  Portuum.  .  .  .  — (Report  on  tlie  Dignity  of 
a  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  33.) 
V 


4i 6  Henry  III.  [PART 


N"o.  IV.     A.D.  1265.     Confirmation  oftfie  Charters. 

REX  omnibus  de  comitatu  Eboracensi,  salutem.  Cuin  propter 
hostilem  turbationem  habitam  in  regno  nostro,  de  unanimi 
assensu  et  voluntate  nostra  et  Edwardi  filii  nostri  primogeniti, 
praelatorum,  comitum,  baronum  et  communitatis  regni  nostri,  pro 
regni  ipsius  pace  pro  cujus  securitate  dictus  Edwardus  et  Henricus 
filius  regis  Alemanniae  nepos  noster  obsides  dati  fuerunt,  concor- 
diter  sit  provisum,  quod  quaedam  ordinatio  de  unanimi  assensu 
nostro,  praelatorum,  comitum  ac  baronum  praedictorum  super 
nostro  et  rej;ni  nostri  statu  Londoniis,  mense  Junii  anno  regni 
nostri  XLoVIII0  facta,  inviolabiliter  observetur,  universitatem 
vestram  scire  volumus  quod  nos  ordinationem  ipsam  et  pacem 
et  tranquillitatem  regni  bona  fide  observare  et  in  nullo  contra- 
venire  ad  sancta  Dei  evangelia  juravimus,  hoc  adjecto  in  eodem 
Sacramento  specialiter  et  expresse,  quod  occasione  factorum 
praecedentium  tempore  turbationis  aut  guerrae  praecedentis 
neminem  occasionabimus  aut  inculpabimus  de  illis  aut  de  parte 
illorum  quos  tanquam  inimicos  diffidavimus,  puta  comites  Ley- 
cestriae  et  Gloucestriae  et  alios  sibi  adhaerentes,  ac  baronea 
seu  cives  nostros  Londoniarum,  et  Quinque  Portuum,  nee  alicui 
de  praedictis  dampnum  faciemus  aut  fieri  procurabimus  nee 
per  ballivos  nostros  aliquatenus  fieri  permittemus.  Juravimus 
insuper  quod  ea  omnia  quae  pro  liberatione  dictorum  filii  nostri 
ac  nepotis  sunt  provisa  et  sigillo  nostro  sigillata,  quantum  ad 
nos  pertinet,  inviolabiliter  observabimus  et  ab  aliis  pro  posse 
nostro  faciemus  observari.  Volentes  et  consentientes  expresse 
quod  si  nos  vel  dictus  Edwardus  filius  noster  contra  praedictam 
ordinationem,  provisionem  nostram,  seu  juramentum,  quod 
absit,  in  aliquo  venire,  seu  pacem  et  tranquillitatem  regni 
nostri  turbare,  seu  occasione  factorum  praecedentium  tem- 
pore turbationis  ac  guerrae  praecedentis,  aliquem  de  praedictis, 
aut  de  parte  praedictorum  quos  diffidavimus,  occasionare  sen 
alicui  de  eis  dampnum  facere  aut  fieri  procurare  praesumpseri- 
mus,  liceat  omnibus  de  regno  nostro  contra  nos  insurgere  et  ad 
gravamen  nostrum  opem  et  operam  dare  juxta  posse  ;  ad  quod  ex 
praesenti  praecepto  nostro  oinnes  et  singulos  volumus  obligari 
fidelitate  et  homagio  nobis  factis  non  obstantibus ;  ita  quod  nobis 
in  nullo  intendant  sed  omnia  quae  gravamen  nostrum  respiciunt 
faciant  ac  in  nullo  nobis  tenerentur,  donee  quod  in  hac  parte 
transgressum  fuerit  seu  commissum  satisfactione  congrua  in 
statum  debitum,  secundum  praedictorum  ordinationis  et  pro- 
visionis  nostrae  seu  juramenti  formam,  fuerit  reforniatum ;  quo 


vi-3  Confirmation  of  the  Charters.  417 

facto  nobis  sicut  prius  intendentes  existant.  Et  si  aliquis  alius 
de  regno  nostro  contra  praedicta  venire  seu  pacem  et  tranquilli- 
tatem  regni  nostri  turbare  praesumpserit,  seu  nobis  vel  Edwardo 
filio  uostro  aut  alicui  alteri  contra  praedicta  vel  aliquod  praedic- 
torum  venientibus  opem,  consilium,  consensum,  vel  auxilium 
quoqu*  modo  praestiterit,  si  hoc  notorium  fuerit  aut  de  hoc 
per  considerationem  consilii  nostri  et  magnatum  terrae  nos- 
trae  convictus  fuerit,  de  unaniini  assensu  nostro,  Edwardi  filii 
nostri,  comitum,  baronum,  et  communitatis  regui  nostri,  pro- 
visum  est  et  statutum  quod  corpus  ipsius,  si  inventum  fuerit, 
capiatur ;  alioquin  a  regno  nostro  utlagetur :  et  sive  inventus 
fuerit  sive  non,  tarn  ipse  quam  haeredes  sui  imperpetuum  ex- 
haeredentur;  et  de  terris  et  tenementis  ipsorum  fiat  prout  de 
terris  eorum  qui  de  felonia  convicti  sunt  secundum  leges  et  con- 
suetudines  regni  nostri  fieri  consuevit.  Ad  haec  de  unaniini 
assensu  et  voluntate  nostra,  Edwardi  filii  nostri,  praelatorum, 
comitum,  baronum  et  communitatis  regni  nostri  concorditer 
provisum  est,  quod  cartae  antiquae  communium  libertatum  et 
forestae,  communitati  regni  nostri  per  nos  dudum  concessae,  in 
quarum  violatores  ad  petitionem  nostram  sententia  excommuni- 
cationis  dudum  lata  est  et  per  sedem  apostolicam  specialiter  con- 
firmata,  necnon  et  omnes  articuli  de  nostro  et  magnatum  terrae 
nostrae  communi  assensu  dudum  provisi,  quos  nuper  apud 
Wigorniam  existentes  per  siugulos  comitatus  sub  sigillo  nostro 
transmisimus,  inviolabiliter  observentur  imperpetuum  :  ad  quo- 
rum observationem  sacramento  ad  sancta  Dei  evangelia  corpora- 
liter  praestito  sponte  nos  obligamus;  et  omnes  justiciaries, 
vicecornites  et  quoscunque  bal^vos  de  regno  nostro  tarn  nostros 
quam  aliorum  simili  sacramento  volumus  obligari,  ita  quod  nullus 
teneatur  alicui  ballivo  obedire  donee  sacramentum  praestiterit. 
Et  si  quis  contra  cartas  ipsas  vel  articulos  praedictos  in  aliquo 
venire  praesumpserit,  praeter  perjurii  reatum  et  excommuni- 
cationis  sententiam  quae  incurret,  per  considerationem  curiae  nos- 
trae graviter  puniatur ;  salvo  in  praemissis  prout  decet  privilegio 
clericali.  Et  quia  volumus  quod  haec  omnia  firmiter  et  inviola- 
biliter observentur,  universitati  vestrae  firmiter  injungendo  ac 
praecipiendo  mandamus,  quatinus  vos  omnes  et  singuli  praedicta 
omnia  et  singula,  sicut  superius  scripta  sunt,  faciatis,  teneatis  et 
inviolabiliter  observetis,  et  ad  ea  omnia  facienda  tenenda  et 
observanda,  ad  sancta  Dei  evangelia  Sacramento  corporaliter 
praestito,  ad  invicem  vos  obligetis.  In  cujus  rei  testimonium 
cartas  et  ordinationes  praedictas  cum  praesentibus  litteris  patenti- 
bus  vobis  sub  sigillo  nostro  transmittimus  in  comitatum  nostrum 
sub  custodia  fidedignorurn  ad  hoc  electorum  ad  rei  memoriam 

£6 


4i  8  Henry  III.  [PAET 

salvo  custodiendas.  Contra  quas  ne  quis  ignorantiam  prae- 
tendere  possit  in  futurum,  ad  minus  bis  in  anno  in  pleno  comi- 
tatu  ipsas  praecipimus  publicari,  ita  quod  fiat  prima  publicatio  in 
proximo  comitatu  post  instans  festum  Paschae,  secunda  vero  fiat 
in  proximo  comitatu  post  festum  Sancti  Michaelis,  et  sic  deinceps 
fiat  annuatim.  Volumus  insuper  quod,  salvis  omnibus*supra- 
dictis,  omnes  aliae  ordinationes  et  articuli  per  nos  et  consilium 
nostrum  hactenus  provisi,  qui  poterunt  ad  honorem  Dei  et 
ecclesiae,  fidem  nostram  et  regni  nostri  commodum,  observari, 
inviolabiliter  observentur  et  teneantur.  Ut  autem  praemissa 
omnia  et  singula  firma  maneant  et  inconcussa,  reverendi  patres 
episcopi  per  regnum  constituti  ad  instantiam  nostram  sen- 
tentiam  excommunicationis  fulminarunt  in  omnes  illos  qui  con- 
tra praemissa  vel  aliquod  praemissorum  scienter  venerint  aut 
venire  temptaverint  cum  effectu,  quorum  jurisdiction!  seu  coher- 
cioni  spontanea  voluntate  quantum  ad  praemissa  nos  submitti- 
mus ;  privilegiis  ncstris  omnibus  impetratis  aut  impetrandis  seu 
proprio  motu  domini  papae  nobis  concessis  aut  in  posterum  con- 
cedendis  in  boc  pure  renunciantes,  prout  in  litteris  super  hoc 
confectis  penes  dictos  praelatos  residentibus  plenius  continetur. 
In  cujus  rei  testimonium  lias  litteras  nostras  fieri  fecimus 
patentes.  Teste  meipso  apud  Westm.  XIVto  die  Martii,  anno 
regni  nostri  XLIX°. — (Blackstone's  Charters,  pp.  74-78.) 

No.  V.     A.D.  1265.  Summons  to  Parliament  at  Wincliester. 

REX  decano  et  capitulo  Eboracensi,  salutem.  Cum  praelatos 
et  magnates  regni  nostri  jam  vocari  fecerimus  quod  sint  ad  nos 
apud  Wintoniam  primo  die  Junii  proximo  venture  ad  tractandum 
nobiscum  super  nostris  et  regni  nostri  negotiis  quae  sine  eorum 
praesentia  finaliter  expleri  nolumus,  vobis  mandamus  in  fide  et 
dilectione  quibus  nobis  tenemini,  firmiter  injungentes  quatenus 
modis  omnibus  duos  de  discretioribus  concanonicis  vestris  ad 
dictos  diem  et  locum  mittatis  qui  plenam  habeant  potestatem 
vice  vestra  ad  tractandum  nobiscum  una  cum  praefatis  praelatis 
et  magnatibus  super  negotiis  antedictis,  et  ad  ea  faciendum 
nomine  vestro  quae  vos  ipsi  facere  possetis  si  praesentes  ibidem 
essetis.  Et  hoc  sicut  nos  et  utilitatem  regni  nostri  diligitis  nul- 
latenus  omittatis.  T.  R.  apud  Gloucestriam,  XV.  die  Maii. — 
(Report  on  tlie  Dignity  of  a  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  36.) 


vi. J  Dictum  de  Kenilworth. 


No.  VI.     A.D.  1266.     Dictum  de  Kenttworfh. 

IN  Nomine  Sanctae  et  Indivicluae  Trinitatis,  Amen.  Ad 
lionorem  et  gloriam  omnipotentis  Dei  Patris  et  Filii  et  Spiritus 
Sancti,  et  gloriosae  et  praecelsae  Dei  Genitricis  Virginis  Mariae 
et  omnium  beatorum  quorum  in  terris  meritis  et  intercessio- 
nibus  gubernamur ;  sacrosanctae  Catholicae  atque  Apostolicae 
Roinanae  Ecclesiae  quae  est  omnium  fideUum  mater  et  magistra ; 
sanctissimi  patris  et  domini  nostri  Clementis  ipsius  universalis 
ecclesiae  Summi  Pontificis ;  ad  honorem  et  bonum,  prosperum, 
et  pacificum  statum  Christianissimi  principis  domini  Henrici 
regis  Angliae  illustris  et  totius  regni  et  ecclesiae  Anglicanae; 
nos  vero  W.  Exoniensis,  W.  Bathoniensis  et  Wellensis,  N.  Wy- 
gornensis  et  R.  Menevensis  episcopi,  Gilbertus  de  Clare  comes 
Gloucestriae  et  Hertford,  et  Humfridus  de  Bohun  comes  Her- 
ford.,  P.  Basset,  Jobannes  de  Baillol,  Robertus  Walraund,  Alanus 
de  la  Sucbe,  Rogerus  de  Someri  et  Warinus  de  Bassingbourne, 
providendum  super  statum  terrae  nominatim  super  facto  exbae- 
redatorum,  habentes  a  domino  rege  praedicto  et  ab  aliis  baroni- 
bus,  consiliariis  regni,  et  proceribus  Angliae  plenariam  potesta- 
tem,  secundum  formam  conscriptam  in  litteris  publicis  sigillis 
praedictorum  regis  et  aliorum  munitis ;  ea  quidem  gratia  Divina 
favente  pro  vidimus  quae  secundum  juris  et  aequitatis  semitas 
Dei  beneplacito  et  paci  regni  putavimus  convenire,  nullius  in 
hac  parte  acceptantes  personam,  sed  habentes  prae  oculis  solum 
Deum,  ante  omnia  igitur  tanquam  in  conspectu  Dei  Omnipotentis 
facientes  et  ex  ordine  caput  membris  aptissime  praemittentes  : 

1.  Dicimus  et  providimus  quod  serenitsimus  priuceps  dominus 
Henricus  rex  Angliae  illustris  dommium  suum,  auctoritatem  et 
regiam  potestatem  babeat,  plenarie  obtineat,  et  libere  exerceat 
sine  cujuscunque  impedimento  vel  contradictione  per  quam  con- 
tra jura  approbata  et  leges  ac  regni  consuetuclines  diu  obtentas, 
dignitas  regia  offeudatur ;  atque  ab  universis  et  singulis  majo- 
ribus  et  minoribus  ipsius  regni  hominibus,  ipsi  domino  regi  et 
mandatis  ac  praeceptis  suis  licitis  plene  obediatur  et  humiliter 
iutenclatur.     Et  omnes  et  singuli  per  brevia  ad  curiam  domini 
regis  justitiam  petant  et  in  justitia  respondeant,  sicut  ante  tem- 
pus  bujus  turbationis  hacteuus  fieri  consuevit. 

2.  Rogamus  etiam  ipsum  dominum  regem  et  ipsius  pietati 
cum  reverentia  suademus,  ut  tales  ad  justitiam  faciendam  et 
reddendam  proponat,  qui  non  sua  sed  ea  quae  Dei  et  justitiae 
Bunt  quaerentes,  subjectorum  negotia  secundum  leges  et  consue- 

£62 


42O  Henry  III.  [PART 

tudines  regni  laudabiles  recte  componant,  et  ex  hoc  roboratum 
justitia  reddant  solium  regiae  majestatis. 

3,  Rogamus  pariter  et  suademus  eidem  domino  regi  ut  liber- 
tates  ecclesiasticas,  cartas  libertatum  et  forestae,  quas  servare  et 
custodire  tenetur  expresse  et  proprio  juramento,  plene  custodiat 
et  observet. 

4.  Provideat  etiam  dominus  rex  quod  concessiones  quas  fecit 
hactenus,  spontaneus  non  coactus,  observentur,  et  alia  necessaria 
quae  per  suos  ex  ejus  beneplacito  sunt  excogitata,  stabiliat  dui-a- 
tura.     Et  etiam  Anglicana  ecclesia  suis  libertatibus  et  consue- 
tudinibus,  quas  habuit  et  habere  debuit  ante  tempus  hujusmodi 
turbationis,  plene  restituatur  et  eis  uti  libere  permittatur. 

f  g.  Dicimus  et  providemus  ut  praefatus  dominus  rex  universis 
et  singulis  qui,  ab  initio  praesentis  turbationis  regni  et  occasione 
ipsius  usque  ad  hoc  tempus,  in  ipsum  vel  in  coronam  regiam 
commiserunt  injuriam  quamlibet  vel  offensam,  et  qui  ad  pacem 
ipsius  venerunt  infra  xl.  dies  post  publicationem  hujusmodi 
nostrae  provisionis,  omnino  remittat  et  parcat ;  ita  quod  nullo 
modo  nullaque  causa  vel  occasione  propter  hujusmodi  praeteritas 
injurias  vel  offensas,  in  eosdem  offensores  ullam  exercet  ultio- 
nem ;  aut  ipsis  poenam  vitae,  membri,  carceris,  vel  exilii  aut 
pecuniae  inferat  vel  vindictam ;  exceptis  hiis  qui  in  praesenti 
nostra  provisione  inferius  continentur. 

6.  Dicimus  etiam  et  providemus  ut  omnia  loca,  jura,  res,  et 
alia  ad  coronam  regiam  pertinentia,  ipsi  coronae  et  domino  regi 
restituantur,  per  eos  qui  ea  detinent  occupata,  nisi  ostendant  se 
ilia  per  rationabilem  warantiam  ab  ipso  domino  rege  vel  a  suis 
antecessoribus  possidere. 

!7-  Dicimus  etiam  et  providemus  quod  universa  scripta, 
obligationes  et  instrumenta,  quae  praefatus  dominus  rex,  vel 
dominus  Edwardus  ejus  primogenitus,  vel  alii  fideles  fecerint, 
seu  exposuerint  hactenus,  occasione  provisionum  Oxoniae  vel 
occasione  turbationis  in  regno  habitae,  ad  instantiam  quondam 
Simonis  de  Monteforti,  comitis  Leycestriae,  et  suorum  compli- 
cium,  penitus  adnihilentur  et  cassentur,  et  pro  cassis  et  pro  nullis 
penitus  habeantur.  Facta  etiam  dicti  Simouis  et  coinplicium 
suorum  praejudicialia  et  damnosa,  et  contractus  super  rebus 
immobilibus  ab  eis  facti  dum  essent  in  suo  potentatu,  adnihi- 
lentur et  pro  nullis  habeantur. 
8.  Rogantes  humiliter  tarn  dominum  legatum  quam  domi- 
num  regem  ut  ipse  dominus  legatus  sub  districtione  ecclesiastica 
prorsus  inhibeat,  ne  Simon  comes  Leycestriae  a  quocunque  pro 
sancto  vel  justo  reputetur,  cum  in  excommunicatione  sit  de- 
functus,  sicut  sancta  tenet  ecclesia  j  et  rnirabilia  de  eo  vana  et 


vi.]  Dictum  de  Kenilworih.  421 

fatua  ab  aliquibus  relata  nullis  unquam  labiis  proferantur ;  et 
dominus  rex  haec  eadem  sub  poeiia  corporal!  velit  districte 
inhibere. 

9.  Supplicaraus  reverenter  et  humiliter  venerabili  patri  nos- 
tro  domino  O.  Sancti  Adrian!  diacono  cardinal!  et  apostolicae 
eedis  legato,  ut  cum  tarn  domino  regi  expedire  cognoverit  qnam 
aliis  hominibus,  majoribus  et  minoribus  de  regno,  qui  cartas 
juratas  minime  observarunt,  ad  quas  observandas  omnes  per 
excommunicationis  sententiam  jam  latam,  inde  non  observantes, 
tenebantur,  beneficium  absolutionis  impendat. 

10.  Rogamus  etiam  et  suademus  quod  nullus,  eujuscunque 
conditionis  existat,  blada  ant  victualia  quaelibet  vel  alia  quae- 
cunque  bona,  sub  nomine  mutui  vel  provisione  futurae  solu- 
tionis,  capiat  sine  licentia  eorum  quorum  res  seu  bona  sunt ; 
salvis  regni  consuetudinibus  approbatis. 

11.  De  Londoniis  laudamus  et  praefatum  dominum  regem 
hortamur  et  rogamus,  ut  ipse  provideat  per  consilium  suum  de 
statu  reformando  civitatis,  quoad  terras,  redditus,  dominium  et 
libertates,  et  hujusmodi  provisio  cito  fiat. 

/->  12.  Super  statu  et  negotio  exhaeredatorum,  inter  cetera  quae 
/  ordinavimus  et  statuimus,  volentes  secundum  Deum  et  aequitatis 
tramitem  incedere,  ita  duximus  providendum,  de  assensu  vene- 
rabilis  patris  O.  Sancti  Adriani  diaconi  cardinalis  et  apostolicae 
sedis  legati  et  nobilis  Henrici  de  Alemannia  similiter  habentium 
potestatem,  quod  non  fiat  exhaeredatio  sed  redemptio,  videlicet, 
quod  incipientes  guerram  et  perseverantes  usque  nunc ;  item 
violenter  et  malitiose  detinentes  Norhampton  contra  regem ; 
item  expugnantes  et  debellantes  regem  apud  Lewes  ;  item  capti 
apud  Kenilworth  qui  venerunt  de  praedatione  Wyntoniae,  vel 
alibi  fuerint  contra  regem,  quibus  rex  non  remisit ;  item  bel- 
lantes  apud  Evesham  contra  regem ;  item  qui  fuerunt  apud 
Cestrefeud  contra  regem  in  bello  ;  item  qui  gratis  et  voluntarie 
et  non  coacti  miserunt  servitia  sua  contra  regem  vel  filium 
ejus  ;  item  ballivi  et  ministri  comitis  Leycestriae  qui  vicinos 
depraedati  sunt,  et  homicidia,  incendia  et  mala  alia  procurarunt; 
— solvent  quantum  valet  terra  eorum  per  quinque  annos  ;  et  ei 
isti  solvant  redemptionem,  rebabeant  terras  suas,  ita  quod,  si 
terra  vendi  debeat,  nullus  earn  habeat  nisi  ille  qui  earn  tenet  ex 
dono  doniini  regis,  si  tantum  velit  dare  quam  quilibet  commu- 
niter  emens,  et  eisdem  terminis ;  similiter  si  ad  firmam  debeat 
dari,  nullus  sit  propinquior  eo  qui  earn  tenet  ex  dono  domini 
regis,  si  tantum  velit  dare  quam  quilibet  alius  pro  eo  ad  firmam 
velit  dare,  et  eisdem  terminis  habeat ;  similiter  satisfaciens  pro 
tota  terra  babeat  totam,  pro  medietate  medietatem  habeat,  et 


423  Henry  III.  [PART 

pro  tertia  parte  statira  tertiam  partem  habeat.  Quod  si  ultimo 
termino  statute  redimens  non  satisfecerit,  medietas  terrae  re- 
manentis  remaneat  illis  quibus  terrae  collatae  sunt  per  dominum 
regem ;  liberum  autem  sit  redimenti  infra  ilium  terminum  ven- 
dere  totum  vel  partem  terrae  secundum  formam  venditionis  su- 
perius  annotatam,  et  similiter  ad  firmam  tradere. 

13.  Et  si  aliqui  habeant  nemora  et  velint  venders  ad  re- 
demptionem  suam,   ille  qui  tenet  earn  ex  dono  domini  regis 
habeat  fidelem  suum  qui  recipiat  inde  pecuniam,  et  exhaere- 
datus  ille  qui  vendit  silvam  habeat  unum  de  quo  confidat ;  et 
isti  duo  recipientes  solvant  in  conspectu  illorum  denarios,  quos 
recipiunt  de  nemore,  illis  quibus  debet  dari  redemptio. 

14.  Item  comes  de  Ferrariis  puniatur  quantum  valet  terra 
sua  per  vii.  annos,  et  milites  et  armigeri  qui  fuerunt  praedones, 
et  cum  principalibus  praedonibus  in  bellis  et  depraedationibus, 
si  non  habeant  terras  et  habeant  bona,  solvant  pro  redemptione 
sua  medietatem  bonorum  suorum,   et  inveniant   fidejussiouem 
competeutem  quod  pacem  regis  et  regni  amodo  conservabunt. 
Qui  vero  nihil  habuerint  veniant  et  jurent  ad  sancta  Dei  evan- 
gelia,  et  inveniant  fidejussionem  competentem  quod  pacem  regis 
et  regni  amodo  servabunt,  et  subeant  satisfactionem  competentem 
et  poenitentiam  secundum  judicium  ecclesiae,  exceptis  banuitis 
quibus  solus  rex  potest  remittere. 

ig.  Ceterum  domini  haeredum  infra  aetatem  et  in  custodia 
existentium  solvant  pro  eis ;  et,  cum  venerint  haeredes  ad  legi- 
timam  aetatem,  solvant  redemptionem  dominis  eisdem  terminis 
per  tres  vel  per  duos  annos,  quibus  alii  solverunt ;  ita  quod 
domini  terrae  habeant  custodia  s  haeredum  cum  maritagiis  usque 
ad  legitimam  aetatem  haeredum.  Si  autem  domini  terrae  nolunt 
solvere  redemptionem  illis  quibus  terrae  datae  sunt  per  dominum 
regem,  iidem  habeant  custodiam  haeredum  cum  maritagiis  sine 
disparagatione,  usque  ad  legitimam  aetatem  haeredum,  et  tune 
haeredes  solvant  prout  alii  solverunt  eis  eisdem  terminis. 

1 6.  Custodiae  autem,  quae  debentur  domino  regi,  maneant 
illis  quibus  concessae  sunt  per  dominum  regem,  et,  cum  per- 
venerint  ad  legitimam   aetatem,  solvant  redemptionem  eisdem 
terminis  quibus  alii,  et  nulla  fiat  destructio  ab  hiis  qui  habent 
custodias;  sin  autem,  fiat  justitia  contra  illos  secuiiduin  quod 
continetur  in  Magna  Carta. 

17.  Omnes  de  castro  sint  in  communi  via  et  forma  pacis, 
exceptis  Henrico  de  Hastinges,  et  mutilatoribus  nuncii  domini 
regis  ;  qui  vii.  annis  puniantur  vel  in  misericordia  domini  regis 
se  ponant. 

1 8.  Si  quis  autem  ad  bellum  de  Lewes  fuerit  cum  domino 


vi.J  Dictum  de  KenilwortTi.  423 

rege  et  post  bellum  sit  exhaeredatus,  quia  noluit  venire  ad  filium 
regis  et  ejus  adjutorium,  dicat  rex  voluntatem  suam  de  eo  per 
fidele  dictum  suum. 

19.  Nemora   ab    eis    qui   tenent   nunc  non  vendantur  nee 
destruantur  aliquo  modo,  nisi  post  terminum  ultimum  non  ob- 
servatum  ;    necessaria  tamen  ad  custodiain  vel  restaurationem 
domorum  habeant  illi  quibus  terrae  locatae  sunt  per  regem ;  sin 
autem,  graviter  puniantur. 

20.  Si  aliquis  sit  de  quo  timetur  quod  velit  guerram  facere 
seu  procurare,  provideant  se  domini  legatus  et  rex  securitatem 
quam  viderint  expedire,  mittendo    extra   regnum   ad   tempus 
vel  aliter  sicut  expedire  viderint ;  ita  tamen  quod,  si  contingat 
ilium  impediri  a  solutione  suae  redemptionis,  propter  hoc  non 
exhaeredetur. 

21.  Si  aliquis  non  sit  contentus  ista  provision e,  subeat  judi- 
cium  in  curia  domini  regis  infra  festum  Sancti  Hilarii ;  extra 
regnum  vero  existens  habeat  inducias  transmarinas  secundum 
legem  et  consuetudinem  terrae,  ita  tamen  quod  teneat  se  in  pace, 
aliter  non  sit  in  forma  pacis. 

22.  Quia  rex  tenetur  multis  qui  eum  juverunt  et  ei  fideliter 
affuerunt,  quibus  de  terris  non  providit,  et  quidam  plus  habent 
quam  habere  debent,  provideat  dominus  rex  de  redemptions 
capienda  quod  abundanter  eos  respiciat,  ne  sit  materia  novae 
guerrae. 

23.  Provideant  etiam  se  domini  legatus,  rex,  et  Henricus 
de  Aleinannia,  quod  eligant  xii.  qui  ista  diligenter  et  fideliter 
exsequantur,  et  ilia  faciat  dominus  rex  et  haeredes  sui  firmiter 
observari   et   manuteneri.       Isti  inquirant  et  compleant  quae 
a  supradictis  xii.  electis  sunt  ordinata,  secundum  formam  or- 
dinationum  quae  jam  factae  sunt ;  sin  autem,  faciant  aestima- 
tiones  rationabiles  et  veraces  secundum  quod  xii.  providebunt 
executores. 

24.  Firmarii   qui   fuerunt   contra  dominum  regem   careant 
firmis  suis,  salvis  juribus  dominorum  quibus  reddant  censum 
annuum,  detinentes  firmas,  et  elapso   termino  revertantur  ad 
veros  dominos. 

25.  De  castris  aedificatis  per  cartas  domini  regis  et  con- 
sensum  ejus  et  sine  consensu  exhaeredati,  dicimus  quod,  post 
redemptionem  solutam  termino  trium  annoruin,  solvat  dominus 
terrae  infra  sex  annos  custum  qui  imponebatur  ante  publicatio- 
nem  per  consensum  regis,  vel  rationabile  escambium  terrae. 

26.  Laici   manifeste   procurantes    negotia    domini    comitis 
et  complicium  suorum,  attrabendo  homines  per  mendacia,  per 
falsitates  instigando   parti   comitis    et  complicium    suorum,  et 


424  Henry  III.  [PAUT 

detraliendo  partem  domini  regis  et  filii  sui,  puniantur  quantum 
valet  terra  eorum  per  duos  annos. 

27.  Coacti  vel  metu  ducti  qui  venerunt  ad  bellum,  qui  non 
expugnaverunt  nee  malum  fecerunt ;  impotentes  qui  vi  vel  metu 
miserunt  servitia  sua  contra  regem  vel  filium  suum ;  coacti  vel 
metu  ducti  qui  fuerunt  praedones  et  cum  principalibus  praedo- 
nibus  depraedationes  fecerunt,  et  quando  commode  poterant,  a 
praedationibus    cessaverunt   et   ad   domos   suas    redierunt,  ex- 
istentes  in  pace,  redimantur  quantum  valet  terra  eorum  per 
unum  annum. 

28.  Emptores  scienter  rerum   alienarum  valorem   bonorum 
quae  emerunt  restituant,  et  sint  in  misericordia  domini  regis, 
qui  contra  justitiam  fecerunt,  quia  illud  inhibuit  dominus  rex 
jam  dimidio  anno  elapso. 

29.  Illi  qui  ad  mandatum  comitis  Leycestriae  ingressi  sunt 
Norhamptoniam,  nee  pugnaverunt  nee  malum  fecerunt,  si  ad 
ecclesiam  fugerunt  quando  regem  venientem  viderunt.  et  hoc  sit 
attinctum  per  bonos  ;  illi,  qui  tenebant  de  comite  Leycestriae 
et  venerunt  ad  mandatum  ejus,  solvent  quantum  valent  terrae 
eorum  per  dimidium  anni. 

Isti  qui  ex  feodo  comitis  tenebant  solum  sint  in  misericordia 
domini  regis. 

30.  Impotentes,  et  illi  qui  malum  non  fecerunt,  statim  reha- 
beant  terras  suas,  et  recuperent  damna  sua  in   curia  domini 
regis ;    et  puniantur  accusatores  quod  amodo  rex  non  credat 
eis  de  facili,  et  talis  poena  fiat  eis  qualis  debet  fieri  illis  qui 
injuste  fecerunt  fideles  regis  exhaeredari,  sine  tamen  periculo 
vitae   et   mutilationis   et    exhaeredationis  ;    malitiose    accusati 
statim  rehabeant  terras  suas  et  recuperent  damna  sua  in  curia 
regis  ut  supra. 

31.  Mulieres  autem  habeant  haereditates  suas  et  dotes   de 
primis  dominis ;  de  terris  autem  maritorum  qui  fuerunt  contra 
regem,  habeant  secundum  quod  rex  statuit,  et  redimantur. 

32.  Redemptio   eorum  qui  fuerunt  contra  dominum  regem 
stet,  sed  in  illis  qui  in  nullo  fuerunt  contra  regem,  nee  stet 
redemptio ;  sed  statim  rehabeant  terras  suas  et  recuperent  damna 
sua,  ut  supra. 

33.  De   malitiose  accusatis  dictum  est   et  accusantes  puni- 
antur ut  supra.     Submissio  facta  dicto  domini  regis  vel  aliorum 
dominorum  per  vos  vel  per  concordiam  vel  pacem  factam  stet  in 
robore  suo. 

34.  De  Simone  de  Monteforti  comite  et  filiis  comitis  nihil 
dicimus,   quia  dominus  rex  Angliae  factum   eorum   posuit   in 
manus  regis  Franciae. 


vi.]  Dictum  de  Kenilwortii.  425 

35.  Omnes  recepti  in  pace  per  illos  qui  habuerunt  potes- 
tatem,  remaneant  in  statu  in  quo  recepti  sunt.  Omnes  qui 
redempti  sunt  Bon  teneantur  respondere  de  damnis  et  trans- 
gressionibus  per  eos  factis  super  illos  quos  impugnaverunt  tern- 
pore  turbationis  praedictae,  sed  damna  et  transgressiones  ex  utra- 
que  parte  remittantur,  salva  tamen  actione  cuicunque  se  non 
intromittenti  de  dicta  turbatione  et  salvo  quod  ad  ecclesiam 
pertinet. 

/  36.  Et  quia  periculosura  videtur  quod  castra  essent  in 
potestate  eorum  qui  male  egerunt  contra  regem,  dicimus  et 

.  providimus  de  castris  de  Eardele,  Byham  et  Certeleye,  quod 
pro  ipsis  detur  rationabile  excambium. 

37.  Omnes    de    cetero    teneant    firmam   pacem,    et   nullus 
faciat  honiicidia,  incendia,  roberias,  nee  aliquas  transgressiones 
contra  pacem  ;  et  qui  fecerit  et  convictus  fuerit  habeat  judicium 
et  legem  secundum  consuetudinem  regni. 

38.  Item    omnes    quorum    interest    jurent    super    Sancta 
Evangelia,  quod  nullus  capiet  vindictam,   nee  procurabit,  nee 
consentiet,  nee  fieri  sustinebit  quod  vindicta  capiatur,  occasione 
turbationis.    Et  si  aliquis  vindictam  capiat,  puniatur  per  curiam 
domini  regis,  et  satisfaciant  ecclesiae  hii  qui  earn  laeseruut. 

39.  Si  quis  etiain  non  velit  dictum  istud  tenere,  vel  judi- 
cium curiae  domini  regis  per  pares  subire,  et  sic  exhaeredati  qui 
se   dicunt  tales,  nullum  jus  habeant  ad  recuperandum  terras. 
Et   si  aliquis  qui  tenet  terras  exhaeredatorum  rebellet  dicto, 
nihil  juris  per  donum  domini  regis  vendicare  possit  in  terra  vel 
redemptione.     Insuper  quicunque  isti  dicto  non  consenserit,  sit 
publicus  inimicus  domini  regis  et  filiorum  suorum  et  communi- 
tatis  ;  populus  et  clerus,  quantum  canonica  jura  permittant,  pro- 
sequantur  eum  tanquam  inimicum  pacis  ecclesiae  et  regni. 

40.  Imprisonati  seu  incarcerati,  praestita  sufficienti  et  rationa- 
bili  securitate,  liberentur  per  obsidem  vel  per  aliain  securitatem 
competentem  et  rationabilem,  secundum  provisionem  dictorum 
legati  et  regis. 

41.  Nullus  praeterea  occasione  praeteritae  turbationis  possit 
aliquem  exhaeredare,  qui  sibi  aliquo  jure  succedere  debeat. 

Datum  et  publicatum  in  castro  apud  Kenilworthe,  pridie 
kalendas  Novembris  anno  gratiae  M°CC0LX0VI°,  regni  vero 
domini  Henrici  regis  Angliae  anno  quinquagesimo  primo. — 
(Statutes  of  the  Eealm,  i.  12-17.) 


PART   VII. 

SELECT  CHARTERS  AND  EXCERPTS  ;  Edward  /. 
A.D.  1272-1307. 

Archbishops    of   Canterbury.     Kobert   Kilwardby,    1273-1278;   John 

Peckham,  1279-1292;  Robert  Winchelsey,  1294-1313. 
Chief  Justices  of  the  King's  Bench.     Ralph  de  Hen^ham,  1273-1289  ; 

Gilbert  de  Thornton,  1289-1295;  Roger  Brabazon,  1295. 
Chancellors.     Walter  de   Merton,   1272;   Robert   Burnell,   1273-1292; 

John  Langton,  1292  ;  William  Greenfield,  1302  ;  William  of  Hamilton, 

1304;  Ralph  Baldock,  1307. 

JN  0  prince  ever  came  to  the  English  throne  better  qualified  to 
rule  strongly  and  well  than  Edward  I.  He  had  benefited  by 
early  experience,  by  intercourse  with  great  men,  by  much  know- 
ledge of  the  world  outside  of  England,  and  by  the  warnings  and 
examples  of  his  father's  reign.  His  own  personal  character  was 
high,  pure,  and  true.  The  part  which  he  had  taken  in  English 
politics  before  his  accession  was  settled  for  him  by  circumstances 
rather  than  by  choice.  He  had  more  than  once  revolted  in 
disgust  from  the  foolish  falseness  of  Henry,  and  it  was  only 
when  he  found  that  he  must  not  expect  even  bare  justice  from 
the  reforming  party  that  he  threw  himself  heart  and  soul  upon 
his  father's  side.  From  the  temperament  of  the  Angevin  family 
he  was  nearly  free :  a  tendency  to  legal  captiousness  does  however 
present  itself  to  view  in  many  of  his  most  important  transac- 
tions, a  flaw  inherent  in  the  very  turn  of  his  mind,  brought  into 
prominence  moreover  by  the  condition  of  the  age  and  by  the 
character  of  his  advisers. 

The    age    of  the  lawyers  was    coming   in  :    Edward's  great 
advisers  were  lawyers  rather  than  clerks  and  bishops  :  the  great 


Character  of  the  Reign.  427 

men  who  were  his  examples  were,  like  Lewis  IX,  Frederick  II, 
and  Alfonso  the  Wise,  framers  of  laws  and  constitutions  :  the 
great  distinguishing  mark  of  his  reign  in  English  history  is 
legal  definition.  Legal  chicanery  was  the  most  characteristic 
sin  of  the  Angevin  house  :  and  a  disposition  to  take  advantage 
of  the  letter  of  the  law  marks  the  greatest  errors  of  Edward's 
own  policy — his  severities  in  Wales,  his  assumptions  in  Scot- 
land, and  especially  the  arbitrary  measures  by  which  he  placed 
himself  in  such  a  position  as  to  be  obliged  to  confirm  and 
extend  the  provisions  of  the  Great  Charter. 

The  temper  of  the  age  was  in  itself  a  temptation  to  this  :  the 
period  lies  midway  between  the  prolific  premature  life  of  the 
early  thirteenth  century  and  the  splendid  formal  hollowness  of 
the  fourteenth.  The  principles  and  policy  which  had  been 
springing  up  in  the  first  half  were  being  clothed  in  forms  and 
hardened  into  definitions :  fifty  years  more  would  see  the  forms 
stronger  and  the  definitions  harder  still,  but  the  life,  the  genius, 
the  spirit  of  all,  fainting  and  wearing  out  under  the  incubus  of 
false  chivalry,  cruel  extravagance,  and  the  lust  of  war. 

In  every  branch  of  administration  the  process  of  definition 
goes  on,  almost  uniformly.  Parliament,  convocation,  the  central 
courts  of  law,  the  provincial  jurisdictions,  take  their  permanent 
historic  forms  :  the  theory  of  representation,  so  long  in  the 
process  of  crystallisation,  becomes  fixed  in  the  assemblies  of 
both  Church  and  State.  The  Courts  of  King's  Bench,  Exchequer, 
and  Common  Pleas  take  each  to  itself  a  distinct  staff  of  judges 
and  a  distinct  sphere  of  work.  The  administration  of  justice  in 
the  shires  is  completed  and  made  symmetrical  by  a  long  series 
of  statutes.  The  relations  of  Church  and  State  are  not  indeed 
settled,  but  a  strong  effort  is  made  to  reduce  them  to  order,  by 
defiance  of  Home,  by  the  act  of  Mortmain,  by  the  summoning 
of  the  clergy  to  parliament,  and  by  securing  representation  in 
the  church  assemblies.  In  taxation,  in  legislation,  in  the  admi- 
nistration of  justice  and  police,  the  same  tendency  is  visible : 
a  tendency  in  the  age,  which  produced  other  legislators  besides 
Edward,  and  which  brought  out  the  weakness  of  other  kings 
who,  like  Philip  the  Fair,  had  none  of  Edward's  merits  :  a 


428  Edward  I.  [PART 

tendency  which,  in  Edward's  case,  falls  in  with  the  genius  of  the 
man,  giving  prominence  to  both  his  virtues  and  his  faults. 

The  first  half  of  the  reign  was  occupied  with  legislation  and 
with  the  war  in  Wales,  the  second  with  constitutional  develop- 
ment and  war  with  France  and  Scotland.  The  two  features 
common  to  both  periods  are  war  and  financial  difficulties : 
the  latter  owing  of  course  in  some  measure  to  the  former,  but 
largely  increased  by  the  evils  of  the  late  reign,  the  impoverish- 
ment of  the  crown,  and  the  ignorance  on  the  part  of  both 
government  and  people  of  what  may  be  by  anticipation  called 
the  principles  of  political  economy.  Edward's  expedients  for 
the  raising  of  money  are  most  diversified  :  the  petition  for 
thirtieths,  twentieths,  fifteenths,  twelfths,  elevenths,  tenths, 
ninths,  eighths,  sevenths,  sixths,  fifths,  thirds,  runs  up  the  whole 
scale  of  fractions,  reaching  the  climax  in  the  demand  of  a  half  of 
clerical  revenue,  or  rather  perhaps  in  the  seizure  of  all  the 
wool.  When  direct  request  for  a  subsidy  is  hopeless,  he  falls 
back  on  the  old  feudal  aids,  his  daughter  to  be  married,  or  his 
son  to  be  knighted ;  or  the  scutage ;  or  respite  of  distraint  of 
knighthood,  itself  an  expansion  of  the  scutage  system  ;  or  an 
increase  in  the  customs  ;  or,  last  and  meanest,  a  revival  of  the 
almost  forgotten  talliage  on  demesne.  It  is  true  that  during 
great  part  of  the  reign  these  taxes  were  light,  for  it  is  only 
from  1 290  to  1297  that  there  is  any  pretence  of  severe  exaction  ; 
that  they  were  taken  with  scrupulous  regard  to  the  legal  letter 
of  royal  obligations  :  and  that  Edward's  own  outlay  was  mode- 
rate, and  free,  as  far  as  possible,  from  personal  extravagance. 
But  they  were  irritating  and  confusing  to  the  people,  and  con- 
tributed one  chief  ingredient  towards  the  troubled  atmosphere 
of  the  reign.  Of  the  wars  which  contributed  the  other,  it  is 
•unnecessary  to  speak  here. 

The  legislation  of  Edward  I  was  in  some  respects  a  consolida- 
tion of  the  principles  which  had  been  brought  into  organised 
working  by  Henry  II.  The  Statute  of  Winchester  bears  this 
relation  to  the  Assize  of  Arms  ;  the  Statute  of  Mortmain  to  the 
Constitutions  of  Clarendon ;  the  distraint  of  knighthood  to  the 
system  of  scutage  ;  the  statute  Quia  Emptores  to  the  antifeudal 


\ 


vii.]]  Excerpts.  429 

measures,  and  the  arrangements  of  the  courts  of  law  to  the 
numerous  judicial  devices,  of  the  first  Angevin  king.  Most  of 
these  were  indeed  rooted  in  a  far  more  distant  past ;  but  Henry 
nursed  them  into  life  after  a  long  winter  of  tyranny,  and  Edward 
pruned  and  trained  them  after  the  neglected  luxuriance  of  a  pre- 
mature summer. 

Up  to  the  reign  of  Edward  I  every  document  belonging  to 
every  branch  of  administration  has  a  constitutional  value.  After 
this  reign  much  that  has  had  historical  interest  becomes  merely 
archaeological.  This  is  owing  in  part  to  the  permanence  of  the 
type  defined  under  this  king,  and  in  part  to  the  permanent  dis- 
tribution of  the  system  which  he  and  his  advisers  arranged  in 
the  different  departments  of  work :  the  definition  of  each  part, 
and  the  definition  of  each  function,  of  the  machine  of  state.  For 
instance,  the  ordinary  courts  of  law,  the  practice  of  trial  by  jury, 
the  organisation  of  national  defence  and  police,  cease  to  have 
the  direct  bearing  on  constitutional  history  which  they  have 
had :  and  the  name  of  '  constitutional '  becomes  restricted  to  the 
parliamentary  history  and  to  the  departments  of  state  which 
exist  in  close  dependence  upon  or  in  temporary  rivalry  with  it. 
In  the  political  history  the  result  of  the  same  process  is  to  pro- 
duce local  and  personal  partisanships  rather  than  political  par- 
ties. The  struggles  of  the  succeeding  century  are  not  about  the 
framework  of  the  constitution,  but  about  the  management  of 
it :  the  vessel  is  complete,  but  the  helm  is  contested  by  Royalists 
and  Lancastrians ;  by  men  of  the  south  and  men  of  the  north  ; 
supporters  of  the  court  and  prerogative,  and  supporters  of  the 
old  liberties,  the  natural  opposition. 

EXCERPTS. 

A.D.  1273.  Axx.  WINTOX.  p.  113.  Hoc  anno,  scilicet  post 
festum  Sancti  Hilarii,  facta  couvocatione  omnium  praelatorum 
et  aliorum  niagnatum  regni  apud  Westmonasterium,  post  mor- 
tem illustris  regis  Henrici,  convenerunt  archiepiscopi  et  episcopi, 
comites  et  barones,  abbates  et  priores,  et  de  quolibet  comitatu 
quatuor  milites  et  de  qualibet  civitate  quatuor,  qui  omnes  in 
praesentia  dominorum  W.  scilicet  archiepiscopi  Eboracemis,  R. 
de  Mortuomari,  et  R.  Burnell  del  lei,  qui  in  loco  doniini  Edwardi 


430  Edward  I.  [PART 

regis  Angliae  praefuerunt,  sacramentum  eidem  domino  Edwardo 
tanquam  terrae  principi  praestiterunt,  et  de  pace  regni  fideliter 
et  firnriter  custodienda  praeceptum  susceperunt ;  ubi  domiuus 
Walterus  de  Mertona  cancellarius  constitutus  est,  et  ut  moram 
traliat  apud  Westmonasterium,  tanquam  in  loco  publico,  usque 
ad  adventum  principis ;  et  ubi  provisum  est  quod  nulli  sint 
justitiarii  itinerantes  usque  ad  adventum  principis,  sed  in 
i  banco. 

A.D.  1274.  ANN.  WINTON.  p.  118.  Hoc  anno  dominus  Ed- 
wardus  rex  Angliae  de  Terra  Sancta  et  de  Wasconia  reversus, 
secunda  die  mensis  August!  in  Angliam  applicuit  apud  Dorober- 
niam,  et  die  Dominica  proxima  post  Assumptionem  Beatae  Ma- 
riae  Yirginis,  per  impositionem  manuum  R.  archiepiscopi  Can- 
tuariensis  de  ordine  Praedicatorum,  unctus  est  in  regem  et  coro- 
natus  apud  Westmonasterium,  praesente  domino  rege  Scotiae  et 
multis  aliis. 

A.D.  1275.  ANN.  WINTON.  p.  119.  In  quindena  Paschae 
quae  fuit  in  principio  mensis  Maii,  facta  communi  convocatione 
omnium  magnatum  regni,  tenuit  dominus  rex  Edwardus  mag- 
num parliamentum  suum  apud  Westmonasterium,  ubi  quam- 
plures  de  regno,  qui  aliqua  feoda  de  corona  regia  tenuerunt,  ea 
dicto  domino  regi  reddiderunt,  compositione  tameu  facta  cum 
quibusdam  ut  ea  tenere  valeant  quoad  vitam.  In  quo  parlia- 
mento  de  assensu  communi  quasdam  novas  leges  constituit  ob- 
servandas  ad  communem  utilitatem  totius  regni. 

PATENT  ROLL,  July  24,  1276.  .  .  .  Cum  in  primo  general! 
parliamento  nostro  post  coronationem  nostram  in  crastino  oc- 
tavis  Paschae  anno  regni  nostri  tertio,  de  voluntate  nostra,  et 
consiliariorum  nostrorum  consilio  et  communitatis  regni  nostri 
ibidem  convocatorum  consensu  .  .  .  ordinaverimus.  .  .  . 

ANN.  WINTON.  p.  119.  Item  mense  Octobris  circa  festum 
Sancti  Lucae  Evangelistae,  iterum  tenuit  ibidem  aliud  magnum 
parliamentum  in  quo  quidem  alias  leges  constituit  inter  Judaeos 
observandas,  ubi  de  commuui  assensu  archiepiscoporum,  episco- 
porum,  comitum  et  baronum,  concessum  fuit  dicto  domino  regi 
quintum  decimuni  quorundam  bonorum.laicorum  omnium  pos- 
eessionum  regni  Angliae  in  subsidium,  causa  suae  novitatis,  ut  a 
quibusdam  dicebatur. 

CLOSE  ROLLS,  Oct.  24.  ..  Praelati,  comites,  barones  et  alii 
de  regno  nostro,  quiutam  decimam  de  omnibus  bonis  mobilibus, 
ad  relevationem  status  nostri,  nobis  concesserint  gratiose.  ... 


vii.]  Excerpts.  43 1 

A.D.  1276.  ANN.  "WAVERL.  p.  386.  Post  Pascha,  ad  parlia- 
mcntuin  Westmonastcrii  multis  proceribus  regni  congregatis,  rex 
pacem  suam  exhaeredatis  concessit.  In  quo  parliamento  quin- 
tam  decimam  omnium  bonorum  temporalium  tam  clericorum 
quam  laicorum,  inaudito  more  ad  unguem  taxatam,  rex  jusserat 
levari  et  confiscari.  .  .  .  Item  in  eodem  parliamento  concessit 
dominus  rex  et  demandavit  per  totum  regnum  Angliae  quod 
cartae  de  communibus  libertatibus  et  de  forestis  in  suo  robore 
permanentes  ab  omuibus  per  omnia  observarentur. 

ANN.  WINTON.  p.  1 20.  Praeterea  cum  anno  praecedenti  con- 
cessum  fuerit  domino  regi  quiutum  decimum  omnium  bonorum 
laicorum  in  regno,  dictus  dominus  rex,  pauperibus  parcere  volens, 
ordinavit  et  statuit  ut  qui  ad  valentiam  xv.  solidorum  non  ha- 
bent  in  boiiis  ad  hujusmodi  contributionem  nullatenus  compel- 
lerentur. 

A.D.  1277.  MATT.  WESTM.  p.  408.  In  quindena  Paschae  rex 
recedens  a  Westmonasterio  versus  Walliam  properavit  cum  omni 
militari  servitio  terrae  suae  Angliae,  barones  de  scaccario  et  jus- 
titiarios  de  banco  usque  Salopian!  secum  ducens. 

ANN.  T.  WYKES,  p.  274.  Rex  utique  reversus  de  "Wallia  cepit 
de  quolibet  feodo  militis  per  regnum  xl.  solidos  pro  scutagio, 
illis  dumtaxat  quietis  a  solutione  scutagii,  qui  secum  in  Wallia 
personaliter  vel  per  substitutos  idoueos  militabant. 

A.D.  1278.  CHRON.  W.  RISHANGER,  p.  93.  Tenuit  rex  par- 
liamentum  Gloverniae  in  octavis  Sancti  Johannis  Baptistae,  in 
quo  edita  sunt  statuta  quae  '  de  Glovernia '  appellantur. 

STAT.  GLOUCEST.  Preamble.  Le  rei  pur  le  amendement  de 
sun  reaume,  e  pur  plus  plenere  exhibicion  de  dreit,  si  com  le 
profit  de  office  regal  demauude,  appelez  le  plus  descrez  de  sun 
regne,  ausi  bien  des  greindres  cum  les  meindres,  establi  est  e 
concordaument  ordeine.  .  .  . 

ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  390.  Item  in  medio  mensis  Octobris  do- 
minus Eadwardus  rex  tenuit  magnum  parliamentum  apud  West- 
monasterium,  ubi  dominus  rex  Scotiae  venit  et  nomagium  dicto 
domino  regi  Angliae  fecit. 

CHRON.  W.  DE  HEMINGBURGH,  ii.  6.  Cito  post  inquietavit  rex 
quosdam  ex  magnatibus  teiTae  per  justitiarios  suos,  scire  volens 
quo  warranto  tenerent  terras  ;  et,  si  non  haberent  bonum  warran- 
tum,  seisivit  statim  terras  illorum ;  vocatusque  est  inter  ceteros 
comes  de  Warenna  coram  justitiarios  regis,  et,  interrogatus  quo 
warranto  teneret,  produxit  in  medium  gladium  autiquum  et 


433  Edward  I.  [PART 

aeruginatum  et  ait,  *  Ecce,  domini  mei,  ecce  warrantum  meum. 
Antecessores  enim  mei  cum  Willelrno  bastardo  venientes  con- 
quaesti  sunt  terras  suas  gladio,  et  easdem  gladio  defendaru  a  quo- 
cunque  eas  occupare  volente.  Non  enim  rex  per  se  terrain 
devicit  et  subjecit,  sed  progenitores  nostri  fuerunt  cum  eo  par- 
ticipes  et  coadjutores.' 

A.D.  1279.  ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  391.  Johannes  de  Peccham 
archiepiscopus  Cantuariensis  .  .  .  iii.  kalendas  Augusti  facta 
convocatione  quorundam  episcoporum  comprovincialium  apud 
Radinges,  quaedam  generalia  statuta  promulgavit  observauda. 

ANN.  OSNEY,  p.  286.  In  quodam  parliamento  facto  apud 
Londoniam  circa  festum  Omnium  Sanctorum,  rex  instanter  petiit 
a  clero  Angliae  quintam  decimam  bonorum  suorum  in  subsidium 
quod,  uti  praetactum  est,  a  populo  regni  sui  nuper  extorsit,  ut 
esset  clerussicut  et  yopulu§.  Archiepiscopus  autem  Eboracensis 
cedens^petitiouTregiae  pro  se  et  pro  clero  suae  metropolis  quin- 
tam decimam  per  duos  annos  primus  concessit.  Cautuariensis 
aliquantulum  ut  poterat  rebellando,  responsum  suum  super  hoc 
usque  in  parliamentum  post  Pascha  posuit  in  suspense,  et  tune 
regis  instantia  coercitus  pro  se  et  clero  suo  deciinam  trium  anno- 
rum  domino  regi  concessit. 

A.D.  1280.  WLLKINS,  Cone.  ii.  42.  Clerici  diocesis  Ebora- 
censis excepto  archidiacono  Richmundiae  .  .  .  concedunt  .  .  . 
decimam  beneficiorum  suorum  ecclesiasticorum  secundum  taxa- 
tionem  Norwycensem  prius  factam  .  .  .  per  duos  annos  duntaxat. 

Ib.  Clerus  nostrae  provinciae  .  .  .  (sc.  Cantuariensis)  .  .  . 
concesserit  domino  regi  quintam  decimam  bonorum  suorum  .  .  . 
per  tres  annos  solvendam. 

ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  392.  Dominus  rex  de  consilio  quorundam 
pontificum  et  baronum  statuit  quod  religiosae  person  ae  de  cetero 
in  acquisitione  terrarum  seu  reddituum  non  crescerent.  .  .  . 

A.D.  1281.  ANN.  OSNEY,  p.  285.  Nonis  Octobris  .  .  .  J. 
Cantuariensis  archiepiscopus  convocatis  universis  episcopis,  ab- 
batibus,  prioribus,  ac  universis  praelatis  et  clericis  suae  metro- 
polis, apud  Lamheye  sollemne  concilium  celebi-avit ;  in  quo 
constitutiones  Ottonis  et  Ottoboni  .  .  .  innovavit  et  in  posterum 
inviolabiliter  observandas  fore  decrevit.  ...  In  eodem  concilio 
proposuerat  quasdam  libertates  ad  coronam  domini  regis  spec- 
tantes  et  a  multis  retroactis  temporibus  usitatas  anuullare, 
videlicet  cognitionem  juris  patronatus.  prohibitiones  regias  in 
placitis  de  catallis  et  hujusmodi  quae  spiritualitatem  mere  con- 
tingere  videbautur ;  cui  rex  per  quosdam  de  suis  in  eodem 


vii.]  Excerpts.  433 

concilio  publice  se  opposuit,  et  intentando  minas  inhibuit  ne 
quid  statuere  praesuuieret  in  praejudicium  seu  depressionem 
regiae  libertatis.  Unde  factum  efct  ut  territus  archiepiscopus 
a  sua  praesumptione  resiliret. 

A.D.  1282.  ANN.  OSNEY,  p.  288.  Convocatis  regni  magna- 
tibus  statuit  parliamentum  suum  apud  Wigorniam  in  festo 
Nativitatis  Saiicti  Johannis  Baptistae.  .  .  . 

ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  399.  Item  boc  anno  clerus  et  populus 
primo  quintam  decimam,  et  postmodum  tricesimam,  bonorum 
suorum  domino  regi  concesserunt. 

A.D.  1283.  ANN.  DUNSTAPL.  p.  294.  Statim  post  Pascba 
bona  omnium  eorum,  qui  habebant  ultra  dimidiam  marcam  in 
catallis,  per  duodecim  juratos  de  visneto  suo  taxabantur  pro 
tricesima  domino  regi  concessa :  et  tune  bona  nostra  extra  bur- 
gum  cum  aliis  sunt  taxata  :  et  bona  infra  curiani  per  burgenses  ; 
at  tamen  moderate.  Postea  taxatio  praedicta  revocata  fuit  per 
breve  domini  regis  quoad  viros  religiosos  et  quoad  mercatores 
qui  alias  dominum  regem  nomine  mutui  adjuvarunt  ad  guerram 
contra  Wallenses.  Eisdem  anno  et  tempore  nomine  domini  regis 
petita  est  a  clero  decima  de  omnibus  proventibus  ecclesiasticis 
per  triennium  ...  in  subsidium  guerrae  suae  contra  Walliam. 
Arcbiepiscopus  Cantuariensis  habuit  super  hoc  tractatum  Lon- 
doniae  cum  coepiscopis  suis,  praelatis  omnibus,  atque  clero,  ubi  a 
procuratoribus  totiua  cleri  fuit  manifesto  contribution!  hujus-^ 
modi  coLitradictum. 

ANN.  OSNEY,  p.  294.  Circa  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  rex,  con- 
vocatis  regni  sui  magnatibus  et  majoribus  civium  Angliae 
apud  Salopesbyriam,  tenuit  ibi  parliamentum  suum  et  adduci 
fecit  illuc  David  qui  apud  Rothelan  fuerat  captivatus  :  ibique 
per  considerationem  magnatum  ibidem  congregatorum,  pensatis 
iinpietatis  suae  meritis,  judicialiter  adjudicatus  est  mortL 

CHRON.  W.  DE  HEMINGBURGH,  ii.  14.  Post  festum  Sancti 
Michaelis  tenuit  idem  rex  parliament  urn  suum  apud  Actone 
Burnel  ubi  fecit  statutum  sic  vocatum. 

STAT.  DE  MERCATORIBUS.  Preamble.  Le  rei  par  luy  e  par 
sun  couseil  ad  ordine  e  establi.  .  .  . 

A.D.  1284.  ANN.  OSNEY,  p.  299.  Ante  festum  Nativitatis 
Dominicae  rex  Angliae  ...  ad  partes  rediit  Anglicanas  et 
fuit  Bristollis  in  eodem  festo  Natalis.  Quo  expleto,  convocatis 
quibusdam  de  maguatibus,  singulare,  non  generale,  tenuit  parlia- 
mentum. .  .  . 

Ff 


434  Edward  I.  [PART 

A.D.  1285.  ANN.  OSNEY,  p.  304.  In  quindena  Paschae  con- 
vocatis  proceribus  regni  rex  cum  majoribus  et  peritioribus  de 
statu  regni  diffusum  coepit  liabere  tractatum ;  protractoque 
parliamento  usque  ad  Nativitatem  Sancti  Johannis  Baptistae, 
edidit  quaedam  statuta  toti  regno  pernecessaria  quibus  leges 
antiquas,  quae  per  regni  turbationem  dormitaverant,  excitabat ; 
quasdam  quae  per  abusum  corruptae  fuerant  ad  statum  debitum 
revocabat;  quasdam  vero  minus  evidentes  seu  perspicuas  decla- 
rabat,  quasdam  vero  novas  utiles  et  honestas  superaddidit ;  com- 
pilationemque  ipsorum  statutorum,  circa  festum  Apostolorum 
Petri  et  Pauli  in  aula  Westmonasteriensi  in  praesentia  totius 
populi,  divulgari  fecit  et  legi  in  publico.  .  .  . 

STATUTES  OF  THE  REALM,  1.71.  Stat.  Westm.  ii.  Preamble. 
.  .  .  Dominus  rex,  in  parleamento  suo  post  Pascha  anno  regni 
sui  tertio  decimo  apud  Westmonasterium,  multas  oppressiones 
et  legum  defectus,  ad  suppletionem  praedictorum  statutorum 
apud  Gloucestriam  editorum,  recitari  fecit  et  statuta  edidit. 

STATUTES  OF  THE  REALM,  i.  104.  Supplicabant  domino  regi 
in  parliamento  suo  apud  "Westmonasterium  post  Pascha  anno 
regni  sui  xiii.,  plures  de  regno  suo,  tarn  praelati,  viri  religiosi  et 
aliae  personae  ecclesiasticae,  quam  comites  et  barones  et  ceterae 
personae  saeculares  seu  laicae,  ut  idem  dominus  rex  cartas  a 
progenitoribus  suis  regibus  Angliae  vel  ab  aliis,  concessas  prae- 
decessoribus  seu  antecessoribus  ipsarum  personarum,  et  eis,  de 
sua  gratia  confirmaret ;  unde  idem  dominus  rex  habito  super 
hoc  cum  suo  consilio  tractatu,  concessit  quod  confirniationes 
cartarum  illarum  fiant.  .  .  . 

ANN.  DUNSTAPL.  p.  317.  Scutagium  etiam  pro  Wallia  ibidem 
generaliter  per  totam  Angliam  est  concessum. 

A.D.  1286.  ANN.  OSNEY,  p.  306.  In  quindena  Paschae  facta 
est  per  regis  evocationem  congregatio  maxima  magnatum  totius 
regni,  tarn  saecularium  personarum  quam  ecclesiasticarum,  apud 
Londoniam  ad  tractandum  de  regni  regimine.  .  .  .  Rex  .  .  . 
committens  regni  sui  custodiam  Edmundo  comiti  Cornubiae, 
circa  festum  Ascensionis  Dorninicae  transfretavit  in  Galliam. 

A.D.  1289.  ANN.  OSNEY,  p.  316.  Circa  Purificationem 
Beatae  Virginis  convocatis  edicto  publico  apud  Londoniam  regni 
magnatibus,  episcopus  Eliensis  domiui  regis  thesaurarius  de  man- 
dato  regis,  ut  dicebat,  petiit  a  comitibus  et  baronibus,  immo 
etiam  generaliter  ab  universis  incolis  regni,  subsidium  ad  opus 
regis,  ad  sublevationem  expensarum  quas  triennio  jam  elapso 
fecerat  in  partibus  Gallicanis.  At  illi  ponentes  responsum  in 


vii.]  Excerpts.  435 

ore  comitis  Gloucestrensis,  praecise  respondebant  se  nihil  penitus 
praestituros,  nisi  prius  personaliter  viderent  in  Anglia  faciem 
regis;  thesaurarius,  prospiciens  se  nihil  posse  proficere,  coepit 
talliare  civitates  et  burgos  et  dominica  regis  per  totum  regnum, 
imponens  eis  intolerabilem  pecuniae  quantitatem,  statute  teni- 
pore  persolvendam. 

Ib.  p.  318.     Rex  ...  in  Angliam  applicuit  Dovoriae  pridie 
idus  Auust!. 


ANN.  WAVERL.  p.  408.  Cito  post  parliamento  apud 
monasterium  omnium  procerum  convocato,  omnes  justitiarios  ab 
officiis  suis  amovit  ac  animadversione  condigna  secundam  de- 
merita  corripuit  et  puuivit. 

A.D.  1290.  CITRON.  W.  DE  HEMINGBURGH,  ii.  20.  Tenuit 
rex  parliamentum  suum  Londoniis  post  Pascha,  ubi  fecit  statuta 
Westmonasterii  tertia  .  .  .  ordinatumque  est  per  regem  et 
secretum  consilium  quod  certo  die  infra  horam  primam  et  ter- 
tiam  omnes  Judaei  in  siugulis  civitatibus  caperentur  et  delude 
expellerentur  a  terra. 

ANN.  DUNSTAPL.  p.  362.  Et  quia  dicta  expulsio  Judaeorum 
multum  placuit  Anglicanae  ecclesiae  et  populo,  clerus  concessit 
regi  decimam  bonorum  spiritualium  secundum  taxationem  Nor- 
•wicensem  ;  '  et  baronagium  et  clerus  concesserunt  quintam 
decimam  bonorum  temporalium,  taxandam  et  assidendam  per 
legales  homines  secundum  verum  valorem  inter  gulam  Augusti 
et  festum  Sancti  Michaelis. 

ANN.  OSXEY,  p.  326.  Circa  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  .... 
pessimis  et  protervis  domini  regis  consiliariis  persuadentibus, 
ipsumque  regem  ad  hoc  pertinaciter  iuducentibus,  exiit  edic- 
tum  a  rege  toti  regno  perniciosum  nimis  et  deplorabile,  videlicet 
ut  universi  regnicolae  tarn  clerici  quam  laici,  saeculares  pariter 
et  religiosi,  quintam  decimam  partem  omnium  bonorum  suorum 
saecularium  mobilium  solverent  fisco  regio,  congerendam  sub  in- 
tolei-abili  taxat'one,  graviore  quidem  quam  aliquis  praedecessorum 
Buoruni  retroactis  temporibus  consueverat  aestimare*  .  .  . 

ANN.  WJGORX.  p.  503.  Rex  indixit  quintam  decimam  secun- 
dum quod  bona  uniuscujusque  inter  gulam  Augusti  et  festum 
Omnium  Sanctorum  plus  valebant,  et  in  die  Auimarum  ad  hoc 
inquirendum  de  singulis  hundredis  duodecim  sunt  juratL 

ANN.  ELIENS.  MS.  Qui  (sc.  octo  episcopi)  omnes  in  crastino 
Dominicae  .  .  .  (sc.  Oct.  2)  in  capitulo  Eliensi  concilium  cele- 
.brantes,  decimas  ecclesiarum  Cantuariensis  provinciae  secundum 

Ff  2 


436  Edward  L  [PART 

taxationem  Norwicensem  dicto  regi  ad  unum  annum  conces- 
serunt. 

ROT.  PARL.  i.  45.  Placita  de  parliamento  apud  Clypston,  a 
die  Sancti  Michaelis  in  unum  mensem,  anno  XVIII0. 

A.D.  1291.  ROT.  PARL.  i.  66.  Placita  de  parliamento  apud 
Assherugge  in  crastino  Epiphaniae,  anno  XIX0. 

ANN.  OSNEY,  p.  331.  Circa  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  dominus 
papa  de  plenitudine  potestatis  concessit  regi  Anglorum  decimam 
omnium  possessionum  personarum  ecclesiasticarurn  tam  religio- 
sarum  quam  saecularium,  exceptis  cluntaxat  Templariis  et  Hos- 
pitalariis,  percipiendam  per  sex  annos  continues,  in  subsidium 
futurae  suae  peregrinationis  in  Terrain  Sanctam  ad  debellandum 
inimicos  crucis  Cliristi,  non  secundum  antiquas  taxationes  sed 
secundum  verum  valorem,  ad  quern  bona  ipsa  intolerabili  aesti- 
matione  taxari  de  novo  constituit. 

A.D.  1292.  ROT.  PARL.  i.  70.  De  parliamento  apud  Lon- 
donias  in  crastino  Epiphaniae  Domini  anno  Regis  Edwardi 


Ib.  p.  78.  Rex  ...  in  pleno  parliamento  suo  et  de  com- 
muni  consilio  suo  statuit.  .  .  . 

A.D.  1293.  ROT.  PARL.  i.  91.  Placita  coram  ipso  domino 
rege  et  consilio  suo  ad  Parliamentum  suum  post  Pascha  apud 
Londonias  in  manerio  archiepiscopi  Eboracensis,  anno  regui 
domini  regis  Edwardi  XXI0. 

STATUTES  OP  THE  REALM,  i.  112.  ...  Dominus  rex  ad  par- 
liamentum  suum  post  Pascha  anno  regni  sui  XXImo  ad  instan- 
tiam  magnatum  regui  sui  concessit  et  tirmiter  extunc  praecepit 
observari.  .  .  . 

ROT.  PARL.  i.  112.  Placita  coram  ipso  domino  rege  et  consilio 
suo  ad  parliamentum  suum  post  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  anno 
regni  regis  Edwardi  XXI0.  .  .  .  Habito  super  hoc  consilio  et 
tractatu  diligenti  cum  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  comitibus,  baroni- 
bus,  thesaurario  et  baronibus  de  scaccario,  justitiariis  et  ceteris 
de  consilio  clericis  et  laicis  tune  ibi  praesentibus,  concorclatum 
est.  .  .  . 

STATUTES  OF  THE  REALM,  i.  113.  .  .  .  Dominus  rex  .... 
in  parliamento  de  termino  Sancti  Michaelis  anno  regni  sui 
XXI0  incipiente  anno  XXII0.  statuit.  .  .  . 

A.D.  1294.  MATT.  WESTM.  p.  421.  Eadwardus  rex  Angliae 
tenuit  parliamentum  suum  apud  Westmonasterium  post  festum 
Pentecostes  ;  cui  interfueruut  Johannes  rex  Scotiae  et  oiunes 


vii.]  Excerpts.  437 

magnates  Angliae,  ubi  recitabantur  in  auditu  ibidem  existentium 
motiones  et  continuationes  hujus  guerrae,  insuper  legationes  et 
sponsiones  pacis  Angliae  reformandae  .  .  .  Denique  in  hoc  assen- 
tiunt  omnes  recuperare  Vasconiam  vi  et  armis.  Tune  rex  Scotiae 
concessit  regi  Angliae  per  triennium  omnes  terras  suas  quae 
sibi  jure  haereclitario  competebant  in  regno  Angliae,  in  sub- 
Bidium  Yasconiae  adipiscendae,  regno  Scotiae  solummodo  con- 
tentus  :  ceterique  comites  et  magnates  de  facultatibus  suis 
auxilium  pollicentur. 

f  CHKON.  W.  DE  HEMTXGBTTBGH,  ii.  54.  Eodem  etiam  anno 
circa  festum  Ascensionis  Domini  omnes  lanas  terrae  suae  seisivit, 
tarn  clericorum  quam  laicorum,  et  sic  seisitas  tenuit  quousque 
mercatores,  data  maxima  pecuniae  summa,  eas  quasi  de  novo 

;  redimerent  et  haberent. 

ANN.  WIGORN.  p.  516.  Cito  per  ministros  regis  summa 
saccorum  lanae  diligenter  scrutata  in  Anglia  et  inventa,  rex 
decrevit  quod  de  singulis  saccis  lanae  approbatae  quinque 
marcas,  et  de  sacco  communis  lanae  tres  mareas  regi  redderent 
venditores. 


y.  W.  DE  HEMIXGB.  ii.  53.  Rex  Angliae,  nescio  quorum 
fretus  consilio,  omnem  pecuniam  numeratam  et  ornne  depositum 
in  ecclesiis  cathedralibus,  domibus  religiosis,  et  universis  gazo- 
phylaciis  clericorum  et  laicorum,  fratrumque  Praedicatorum  et 
Jlinorum  ceterorumque  ordinum  omnium,  quarto  scilicet  die 
Julii  bora  tertia,  per  ministros  suos  ad  hoc  praeordinatos,  quasi 
ex  improvise,  cepit  et  in  aerarium  suum  Londoniis  reponi  jussit, 
multamque  pecuniam  consecutus  est  quain  nuuquam  postea 
restituit. 

Ib.  p.  54.  Eodem  anno  vocavit  rex  per  litteras  suas  arcfci- 
episcopos,  episcopos,  decanos  ecclesiarum  cathedralium  et  archi- 
diaconos  in  propriis  personis,  clerumque  uniuscujusque  diocesis 
per  duos  procuratores,  ut  in  festo  Sancti  Matthaei  apostoli  coram 
eo  apparerent  Londoniis.  Quibus  ibidem  existentibus  ait  rex 
'  Domini  carissimi,  jam  satis  constat,  ut  audistis,  de  famosa  ista 
guerra  quae  inter  regem  Franciae  et  nos  initium  sumpsit  .... 
quoniam  videtis  comites,  barones  et  milites  vestros,  quod  non 
solum  bona  verum  etiam  corpora  sua  pro  vobis  exponunt  .  .  . 
et  vos  i^itur  qui  corpora  vestra  expom-re  non  potcstis.  justunj 
est  et  ration!  consonum  nt  de  l)oni>  v<^tris  subveniatis.  .  .  . 
Quia  recenter  duo  facta  sunt  in  quibus  admiramini,  jilacare  vobis 
volumus  et  in  hac  parte  respondere.  Praecepimus  quod  omnes 
lanae  terrae  arestarentur  ;  et  hoc  non  sine  causa  fecimus,  quia 
1  nostrae  voluntatis  fuit  ut  de  bonis  terrae  ipsa  terra  conservaretur 


Edward  I.  [PART 

illaesa.  Aliud  est :  datum  fuit  nobis  intelligi  quod  moneta 
terrae  nostrae  corrupta  fuit  et  falsata,  unde  praecepimus  quod 
statutum  monetae  in  suo  robore  teneretur,  nihil  mali  suspicantes, 
sed  in  hoc  facto  .  .  .  fines  mandati  nostri  quidam  egressi  suut 
et  deceperunt  nos ;  unde  parati  sumus  emendas  facere  pro  libito 
vestrae  voluntatis.'  .  .  .  Respondit  Oliverus  Lincolniensis  epi- 
scopus  .  .  .  '  detur  igitur  dies  ad  cousulendum.'  .  .  Datusque 
est  dies  tertius.  ...  In  unum  tandem  votum  concordabant 
omnes  ut  offerrent  regi  duas  decimas  in  uno  anno  solvendas ; 
quod  audiens  rex  indignatus  est,  et  per  suos  satellites  comminatus 
se  extra  protectionem  suam  clerum  velle  ponere  nisi  medietatem 
omnium  bonorum  concederent  et  votis  ejus  annuerent  in  hac 
parte :  statimque  quasi  stipula  corda  eoruin  dissipata  sunt ; 
quidam  enira  regi  placere  volentes  festinanter,  alii  vero  timore 
perterriti  subsequenter,  concesserunt,  et  quia  immunitas  ec- 
clesiae,  ....  laesa  fuit  et  violata,  petiit  clerus  a  rege 
jubente  quosdam  articulos ;  jussit  enim  rex  postqnam  votis 
ipsius  paruerant,  ut  et  ipsi  ab  eo  peterent  remedia  quae  vellent. 
Et  petierunt  imprimis  ut  statutum  de  manu  mortua,  quod  in 
praejudicium  sanctae  matris  ecclesiae  fuerat  editum,  deleretur ; 
cui  quidem  articulo  respondit  ipse  rex,  quod  illud  statutum 
de  consilio  magnatum  suorum  fuerat  editum  et  ordinatum,  et 
ideo  absque  eorum  consilio  non  erat  revocandum :  ceteris  autem 
articulis  quos  proposuerant  respondit  de  facili ;  ita  quod  frustrati 
et  delusi  reversi  sunt  ad  propria,  obligati  tamen  ad  medietatem 
concessam. 

MATT.  WESTM.  p.  422.  Praecepit  saecularium  militum  bona 
taxari  et  sibi  per  Angliam  decimari.  Mercatoribus  et  civibus 
commorantibus  in  civitatibus  muratis  et  villulis  nundinariis, 
senarium  denarium  ex  omnibus  quae  possederant  ejus  necessi- 
tatibus  indixit  persolvendum. 

PATENT  ROLLS,  Nov.  12.  Comites,  barones,  milites  et  omnes 
alii  de  regno  nostro  in  subsidium  guerrae  nostrae  .  .  .  decimam 
de  omnibus  bonis  suis  mobilibus  .  .  .  concesserunt. 

A.D.  1295.  ANN.  WIGORN.  p.  522.  Ad  vincula  Sancti  Petri 
rex  tenuit  parliamentum  Londoniis,  ubi  uterque  cardinalis  pro 
guerra  quae  orta  est  inter  regem  Angliae  et  regem  Franciae  de 
pace  publice  praedicavit. 

MATT.  WESTM.  p.  425.  In  vigilia  Sancti  Andreae,  accersito 
clero,  magnatibus,  et  populo  apud  Westmonasterium,  de  sub- 
stantiis  suis  ad  tuitionem  regni  petiit  rex  iterum  sibi  subsidium 
exliiberi.  Et  conces^a  est  ei  undecirna  pars  a  quibus  anno  prao- 
terito  decima  solvebatur ;  de  quibus  autern  sexta,  nunc  vero 


VTI."]  Excerpts.  439 

septima  est  collata.  Porro  archiepiscopus  Cantuariensis,  in- 
dulta  sibi  conferendi  cum  suffraganeis  suis  super  hac  re  licentia, 
unanimi  assensu  offerebat  regi  decimam  ecclesiasticorum  bono- 
rum.  Qua  etiam  oblata  sed  minime  admissa,  redierunt  iterum 
episcopi  super  his  tractaturi.  Cernens  igitur  rex  eorum  con- 
stantiam,  misit  ad  eos  quinquagenarium,  magnum  videlicet 
justitiarium  de  banco,  et  eos  qui  sub  eo  fuerant,  qui  dixerunt 
'  Episcopi,  haec  dicit  rex ;  "  oblatum  vestrum  neque  accepto 
neque  acceptabo,"  sed  festinanter  descendite  voluntatem  ejus 
supplendo,  saltern  quartam  partem  vel  tertiam  concedendo.' 
Helias  autem  noster  archiepiscopus  cum  clero  de  loco  suo  non 
descendit.  .  .  .  Interim  misit  rex  alium  quinquagenarium  can- 
cellariae  suae  et  eos  qui  sub  ipso  erant :  petierunt  et  hi  quae 
praedestinati  poscebant.  At  in  omnibus  his  non  est  clerus  motus 
a  proposito  suo,  sed  quoniam  praeconcesserant  decimam  iterum 
obtuleruut.  Videns  ergo  rex  suam  petitionem  vires  cleri 
excedere,  nolens  eos  contristare,  in  crastino  Conceptionis  Beatae 
Mariae  eorum  gratum  acceptavit  oblatum. 

PATENT  ROLLS,  Dec.  4.  Comites,  barones,  milites  et  alii  de 
regno  nostro  in  subsidium  guerrae  nostrae  .  .  .  liberaliter  fece- 
runt  undecimam  de  omnibus  bonis  suis  mobilibus ;  et  cives, 
burgenses  et  alii  probi  homines  de  dominicis  nostris  civitatibus 
et  burgis  ejusdem  regni  septimam  de  omnibus  bouis  suis  mobi- 
libus, exceptis  his  quae  in  decima  ultima  nobis  concessa  excipie- 
bantur,  nobis  curialiter  concesserint  .  . 

A.D.  1296.  ANN.  TRIVET,  p.  352.  Rex  Angliae  profectus  in 
Angliam  apnd  Sanctum  Edmundum  parliamentum  tenuit  in 
crastino  Animarum,  in  quo  a  civitatibus  et  burgis  concessa  est 
regi  octava,  a  populo  vero  reliquo  duodecima  pars  bonorum. 
Clerus  ob  constitutionem  Bonifacii  papae  hoc  anno  editam  (sc. 
litteras  papae;  Clericis  laicos,  Feb.  24,  1296),  quae  prohibet 
eub  poena  excommuuicationis  ne  talliae  vel  exactiones  a  clero  per 
saeculares  priucipes  quocunque  modo  exigantur,  vel  eis  solvautur 
de  rebus  ecclesiae,  regijxrp  guerra  peti-nti  subsidium  doiu-^avir. 
Rex  autem,  ut  de  meliorl  response  deliberaret,  negotium  in  alma 
parliameutum  tenendum  Londoniis  in  crastiuo  Sancti  Hilarii 
v  distulit. 

PATENT  ROLLS,  Dec.  16.  .  .  Comites,  barones,  milites  et  alii 
de  regno  nostro  in  subsidium  guerrae  .  .  .  duodecimam  de  omni- 
bus bonis  suis  mobilibus,  et  cives,  burgenses  et  alii  probi  homines 
de  omnibus  et  singulis  civitatibus,  et  burgis  regni  nostri,  de 
quorumcunque  tenuris  aut  libertatibus  fuerint,  et  de  omnibus 


s 


440  Edward  I.  [PAUT 

dominicis  nostris,  octavam  de  omnibus  bonis  suis  mobilibus  ...    V 
concesserint. 

A.D.  1297.  ANN.  TRIVET,  p.  353.  In  parliament©  Londoni-  ^Jr 
ensi  post  festum  Sancti  Hilarii,  clero  in  denegatione  subsidii 
persistente,  rex  ipsum  a  sua  protectione  exclusit,  pro  qua  tamen 
redimenda  multi  per  se,  multi  vero  per  mediatores,  regi  bonorum 
suorum  dederunt  postea  quintam  partem.  Rex  archiepiscopum 
in  hac  parte  rigidiorem  comperiens,  terras  ejus  omnes  seisivit,  et 
de  bonis  ejusdem  debita  in  rotulis  scaccarii  inventa  praecepit 
cum  celeritate  levarL 

W.  DE  HEMINGBUEGH,  ii.  119.  Quadragesimal!  tempore 
praecepit  rex  ut  omnes  qui  lanas  haberent  et  coria,  ad  certos 
portus  maris  infra  diem  certum  cariarent,  sub  poena  perditionis 
earundem  et  incarcerationis  gravisque  forisfacturae  regis.  Quod 
cum  ipsi  fecissent,  ministri  regis  omnes  saccos  lanae  quinarium 
numerum  excedentes,  datis  talliis,  acceperunt  ad  opus  regis,  et  ab 
unoquoque  saceo  numerum  quinarium  non  excedente,  ab  ipsis 
eorum  dominis  nomine  malae  toltae  quadraginta  solidos  extor- 
serunt.  Insuper  praecepit  rex  ut  contra  passagium  suum  in 
Flandriam  de  quolibet  comitatu  acciperentur  per  vicecomitem 
duo  millia  quarteria  frumenti,  et  tantundem  avenae,  et  ad  portus 
maris  ducerentur.  Factumque  est  sic,  et  talliabantur  homines  ad 
certum  numerum  quarteriorum,  etiam  qui  bladum  non  habebant ; 
accipiebantur  et  ab  eis  carnes  bovinae  et  porcinae  ad  certum  j 
numerum,  et  multae  fiebant  oppressiones  in  populo  terrae. 

Ib.  p.  121.  In  festo  Sancti  Matthiae  apostoli  ejusdem  anni, 
convocatis  optimatibus  regni  absque  clero,  tenuit  rex  parliameu- 
tum  suum  apud  Salesbire,  ubi  rogavit  quosdam  magnaturn  ut  in 
Vasconiam  transfretarent,  et  coeperunt  singuli  se  excusare.  In- 
dignatusque  rex  comminabatur  quibusdam  eorum  vel  quod  irent 
vel  quod  terras  eorum  daret  aliis  qui  ire  vellent.  Et  in  hoc 
verbo  scandalizati  sunt  multi  et  schisma  coepit  oriri  inter  eos. 
r  Comes  etiam  Herefordensiset  comes  Marescallus  excusaverunt  se, 
dicentes  quod  officia  sua  quae  sibi  jure  haereditario  competebant 
facerent  libenter  eundo  cum  ipso  rege.  Iterataque  prece  rogatus 
est  comes  Marescallus  ut  iret :  et  ait  '  Libenter  tecum  vadam,  O 
rex,  praecedendo  faciem  tuam  in  acie  prima,  sicut  mihi  competit 
haereditario  jure.'  Et  rex  '  Etiam  sine  me  ibis  cum  aliis.'  At 
ille,  'Non  teneor,  tfec  est  meae  voluntatis,  O  rex,  sine  te  iter 
arripere/  Et  iratus  rex  prorupit  in  haec  verba,  ut  dicitur ;  'Per 
Deum,  comes,  ant  ibis  aut  pendebis.'  Et  illi,  'Per  idem  jura- 
mentum,  0  rex,  nee  ibi  nee  pendebo.'  Et  licentia  non  accepta 
recessit,  dissolutumque  est  concilium  quoad  diem  hanc.  Con- 


vii.]  Excerpts.  441 

festim   vero    duo   comites   isti,    Herefordensis   et    Marescallus, 
associates  sibi  multis  magnatibus  et  plusquam  triginta  bannerettis 
electis,  creverunt  in  populum  inultum,  numeratique  sunt  in  equis 
armatis  mille  quingenti  viri  expediti  ad  bellum,  et  coepit  eos 
timere  rex,  dissimulavit  tamen.     Illi  autem  profecti  in  terras    0 
suas  noluerunt  permittere  ministros  regis  nee  lanas,  nee  coria,    ' 
nee  extraordinarium  quicquam,  capere  aut  aliquid  exigere  ab 
invitis  ;  quin  immo  interdixerunt  eis  ingressum  in  terras  suas 
sub  poena  capitis  et  membrorum,  et  se  ad  resisteudum  prae- 
parabant. 

MATT.  WESTM.  p.  430.  Congregatis  archipraesule  Cantuari- 
en?i  et  quibusdam  aliis  coepiscopis  suffraganeis  suis  apud  Sanctum 
Paulurn  Londini,  XXVI.  die  Martii,  iterum  pro  statu  ecclesiae 
consulturis,  insurgentes  protenus  duo  causidici  et  duo  de  ordine 
Praedicatorum  fratres,  regalem  et  temporalem  favorem  aucu- 
pantes,  conati  sunt  argumentis  probare  clerum  ipsi  regi  in 
tempore  belli,  non  obstante  prohibitione  apostolica,  de  suis 
facultatibus  posse  licite  subvenire ;  insuper  prohibito  sub  poena 
incarcerationis,  ne  quis  contra  ipsum  regem  et  eos  qui  jam- 
pridem  suam  protectionem  quaesierant  excomnmnicationis  sen- 
tentiam  promulgaret,  provocatione  facta  pro  se  ad  Romanam 
curiam  et  pro  ipsis.  Recesserunt  igitur  omnes  oneratis  suis 
conscientiis  per  archiepiscopum  sic  dicentem  'salvet  suam 
animam  unusquisque.' 

Illo  tempore  voce  praeconaria  proclamatum  fuit  per  Angliam 
ut  possessores  lanarum  exponerent  ipsas  venditioni  infra  men- 
Bern  in  civitatibus  assignatis,  alioquin  tanquam  forisfactura 
cederent  ipsi  regi  :  quae  quidem  in  die  Sancti  Georgii,  quasi 
modo  praelocuto  callide  congregatae  pro  forisfactura  regis  in 
Flandriam  sunt  transvectae.  His  et  aliis  extortionibus  turbati, 
comites  et  barones  Angliae  parliamentum  suum  per  se  in  foresta 
de  Wyre,  quae  est  in  Marclua,  statuerunt.  .  .  . 

In  crastino  translationis  Beati  Thomae  Martyris,  citatis 
comitibus  et  baronibus  regni  Londini,  mandante  rege  suo  con- 
ftabulario  et  suo  marescallo,  comitibus  Northfolchiae  et  Here- 
fordiae,  adunati  populi  coram  ipsis  apud  Sanctum  Paulum, 
adbreviare  quot  equitaturas  qnisque  posset  invenire  ipsi  regi 
processuro  ad  bellum  ;  responderunt  supplicando  quatenus  im- 
peraret  alicui  alteri  de  domo  sua  illud  officium,  eo  quod  non 
citati  immo  rogati  diverterant  ad  eundem.  Et  displicuit 
>!?ermo  iste  in  oculis  regis,  assignatis  interim  duobus  aliis  mili- 
tibiis  in  hnjusmodi  officio  exsequendo.  _£odem  tf-mpore,  fld- 
misso  archiepiscopo  Cantuarioiisi  in  gratiam  rogis  atquc 


sibi  barouia  sua,  pridie  idus  Julii,  ante  magnam  aulam  regiam 


443  Edward  I.  [PART 

,^ 

\Yestmonasterii  elevatus  rex  super  gradum  ligneum  cum  filio 
suo  et  archiepiscopo,  necnon  comite  AVarwici,  coram  eo  astante 
populo,  erumpentibus  lacrymis  veniam  de  comiuissis  humillime 
postulavit,  dicens  se  minus  bene  et  tranquille  quam  regem 
deceret  ipsos  rexisse,  portiunculas  facultatum  suarum  quas  sibi 
dederant,  seu  quas  ministri  ejus  ipso  inscio  extorserant,  ideo 
acceptasse  ut  injuriosos  hostium  conatus,  sitientium  sanguinem 
Anglicanum,  sumpta  reipublicae  particula,  massa  quietius  possi- 
denda,  potentius  expugnaret.  Et  addens,  'Ecce  expositurus 
meipsum  discrimini  propter  vos.  Peto,  si  rediero,  suscipiatis  me 
velut  in  praesentia  habetis,  et  ablata  omuia  reddam  vobis. 
Quod  si  non  rediero,  in  regem  vestrum  meum  filium  coronetis.' 
Haec  autem,  archipraesule  resoluto  in  laciymas  pollicente  se 
fideliter  observare,  totus  populus  fidelitatem  extensis  manibus 
stipulantur.  Absentantibus  interea  sponte  praefatis  comitibus 
usque  quo  eonun  petitio  pro  alleviatione  patriae  audiretur, 
dixerunt  quidam  non  fore  proficuum  regi  in  Flandriam  transfre- 
tare,  neque  ipsos  sibi  illic  servitia,  ab  antecessoribus  suis  insueta, 
praebere,  praesertim  ipsis  Scottis  jamdudum  more  Wallensium, 
adhuc  se  praesente,  recidivatis  ad  pugnam.  Postularunt  etiam, 
allegata  primitus  communitatis  exinanitione,  ne  de  cetero  per 
Angliam  tallagia  usurparet ;  rursum  ut  libertates,  contentae  in 
Magna  Carta  ac  de  Foresta,  in  usu  extunc  effieacius  haberen- 
tur,  et  voluntarias  super  his  inductas  exactiones  de  cetero 
quasi  in  irritum  revocaret.  Super  quibus  non  protenus  ex- 
auditi  cum  indignatione  recesserunt  dicti  comites  et  barones. 
Quo  viso  rex,  instinctu  unitatis  confovendae  suasuque  victoriae 
adqnirendae,  articulos  in  praedictis  cailis  contentos  innovaii 
insuper  et  observari  mandavit,  exigendo  pro  hac  concessione  ab 
incolis  octavum  denarium  sibi  dari,  qui  mox  concensus  est  a 
plebe  in  sna  tune  camera  circumstante.  Petiit  etiam  a  clero 
subsidium.  qui  respondit  se  velle  summo  pontifici  litteras  sup- 
plicatorias  dirigere  pro  conferendi  licentia  obtinenda. 

PATENT  ROLLS,  July  30.  Comites,  barones,  milites  et  ceteri 
laici  regni  nostri  extra  civitates,  burgos  et  dominica  nostra, 
octavam  partem  omnium  bonorum  suorum  mobilium,  et  cives, 
burgenses  et  alii  probi  homines,  de  omnibus  et  singulis  civi- 
tatibus  et  burgis  ejusdem  regni  nostri,  de  quorumcunque  tenuris 
aut  libertatibus  fuerint,  et  de  omnibus  dominicis  nostris,  quintam 
partem  omnium  suorum  bonorum  mobilium  . .  nobis  concesserint. 

W.  EISHAXGEB,  Chron.  p.  175.  Rege  moram  adhuc  faciente 
apud  Wynchelseyam,  venerunt  ad  eum  nuncii  ex  parte  comituin 
sui  regni,  petitiones  in  scriptis  hujusmodi  proponentes ;  '  Haec 


vii.]  Excerpts.  443 

sunt  nocumenta  quae  arcliiepiscopi,  episcopi,  abbates,  et  priores, 
comites  et  barones  et  tota  terrae  comrnunitas,  monstrant  domino 
nostro  regi,  et  humiliter  rogant  eum  ut  ea  ad  honorem  suum  et 
salvationem  populi  sui  velit  corrigere  et  emendare.  In  primia 
videtur  toti  communitati  terrae  quod  praemunitio  facta  eis  per 
breve  domini  nostri  regis  non  erat  sufficiens,  quia  non  exprime- 
batur  certus  locus  quo  debebant  ire ;  quia  secundum  locum 
oportebat  facere  providentiam  et  pecuniam  habere.  Et  sive  de-| 
berent  servitium  facere  sive  non ;  quia  dictum  est  commumter,  1 
quod  dominus  noster  vult  transfretare  in  Flandriam,  videtur  toti 
communitati  quod  ibi  non  debent  aliquod  servitium  facere  ;  quia  •• ~ 
hec  ipsi  nee  praedecessores  sui  seu  progenitores  unquam  fecerunt 
servitium  in  terra  ilia.  Et  quamvis  ita  esset  quod  deberent 
ibi  servitium  facere  ut  alibi ;  tamen  non  habent  facultatem  faci- 
endi ;  quia  nimis  afflicti  sunt  per  diversa  tallagia,  auxilia,  prisas, 
videlicet,  de  frumento,  avena,  braseo,  lanis,  coriis,  bobus,  vaccis, 
carnibus  salsis,  sine  solutione  alicujus  denarii,  de  quibus  se  de- 
buerant  sustentasse.  Praeter  Jiaec  dicunt  quod  auxilium  non 
possunt  facere,  propter  paupertatem  in  qua  sunt  propter  tallagia 
et  prisas  antedictas ;  quia  vix  habent  unde  se  sustentent,  et 
multi  sunt  qui  nullam  sustentationem  habent,  nee  terras  suas  colere 
possunt.  Praeter  haec  tota  terra  communitatis  sentit  se  valde 
gravatam,  quia  non  tractantur  secundum  leges  et  consuetudines 
terrae  secundum  quas  tractari  antecessores  sui  solebant,  nee  ) 
habent  libertates  quas  solebant  habere,  sed  voluntarie  excludun- 
tur.  Sentiunt  enim  se  multi  gravatos  super  hoc  quod  solebaut 
tractari  secundum  articulos  contentos  iu  Magna  Carta,  cujus 
articuli  omnes  sunt  omissi  in  majus  damnum  populo  universo. 
Propter  quod  rogant  dominum  nostrum  regem  quod  velit  ista 
corrigere  ad  honorem  suum  et  populi  sui  salvationem.  Praeter 
haec  communitas  terrae  sentit  se  nimis  gravatam  de  Assisa 
Forestae  quae  non  est  custodita  sicut  consuevit  :  nee  Carta 
Forestae  obseryatur,  sed  fiunt  attachiamenta  pro  libitu  extra 
assisam  aliter  quam  fieri  consuevit.  Praeterea  Iota  connnunitas 
sentit  se  gravatam  de  vectigali  lanarum,  quod  nimis  est  onerosuni, 
videlicet  de  quolibet  sacco  quadraginta  solidos,  et  de  lana  fracta 
de  quolibet  sacco  septem  marcas;  lana  enim  Angliae  ascendit 
fere  ad  valorem  medietatis  totius  terrae,  et  vectigal  quod  inde 
solvitur  ascendit  ad  quintam  partem  valoris  totius  terrae.  Quia 
vero  commuuitas  optat  honorem  et  salutem  domino  nostro  regi, 
sicut  tenetur  velle,  non  videtur  eis  quod  sit  ad  bonum  regis  quod 
transeat  in  Flandriam,  nisi  plus  esset  assecuratus  de  Flandren- 
sibus  pro  se  et  pro  gente  sua,  et  simul  cum  hoc  propter  terrain 
Scotiae  quae  rebellare  incipit,  ipso  existeute  in  terra ;  et  aesti- 


444 


Edward  I. 


[PART 


mant  quod  pejus  facient  cum  certificati  fuerint  quod  rex  mare 
transient.  Nee  solum  pro  terra  Scotiae  sed  etiam  pro  terris 
aliis  quae  non  sunt  adhuc  modo  debito  stabilitatae.' 

Has  petitiones  cum  rex  apud  Odemer  juxta  Wynchelseyam 
recepisset,  respondit  se  talibus  non  posse  sine  suo  consilio  respon- 
dere  ;  cujus  pars  jam  aliqua  transiit  in  Flanclriam,  pars  vero 
aliqua  Londoniis  est  relicta.  .  .  .  Duodecimo  kalendas  Septem- 
bris,  rex  Angliae  naves  ingressus,  indissoluta  classe,  sulcato  mari, 
eexto  die  Bequenti  applicuit  in  Flandria.  .  .  . 

MATT.  WESTM.  p.  430.  ...  In  vigilia  Sancti  Bartholomaei 
Apostoli  .  .  .  accedentes  praefati  comites  et  barones  ad  scacca- 
rium  domini  regis  apud  Westmonasterium,  prohibuerunt  baro- 
nibus  loci  illius  ne  levare  facerent  per  vicecomites  octonarium 
denarium  a  populo  Anglicano,  dicentes  de  conscientia  suorum 
non  emanasse,  sine  quorum  assensu  tallagium  non  debet  exigi  vel 
imponi. 

W.  RISHANGER,  p.  178.  ...  inhibuerunt  ne  levari  facerent 
octavum  denarium  a  populo,  qui  regi  concessus  fuerat  apud 
Sanctum  Edmundum.  Induxerunt  etiam  cives  Londoniarum 
ut  pro  recuperandis  suis  libertatibus  secum  starent. 

i 

W.  HEMIXGBURGH,  ii.  147.  Consiliarii  regis  nostri  .  .  .  insti- 
terunt  apud  filium  regis  .  .  .  ut  comites  praedictos  Marescallum 
scilicet  et  Herefordensem,  .  .  .  rogaret  et  interpellaret  ad  pacis 
unitatem  et  amorem.  Missis  ergo  litteris"  suis  rogavit  eos  ut 
ad  parliamentum  suum,  eo  quod  patris  sui  locum  tenebat  in 
Anglia,  venirent  Londoniis  X.  die  Octobris  celebrandum.  Qui 
novi  praeceptoris  et  futuri  principis  rogatum  amplectentes,  vene- 
runt  ad  eundem  diem,  non  tamen  nudi,  immo  cum  mille  quin- 
gentis  equis  armatis  et  magna  copia  peditum  electorum.  Portas 
tamen  civitatis  noluerunt  ingredi  nisi  primo  concederetur  eis 
quod  in  omnibus  portis  civitatis  ponerentur  prius  custodes 
eorum  ne  forte  absque  armis  ingressi  velut  oves  in  ovili  claude- 
rentur.  Quo  concesso  ingressi  sunt,  ubi  tandem  post  consilia 
multa  et  tractatus  varies,  mediante  venerabili  patre  Cantuariensi 
archiepiscopo  magistro  scilicet  Roberto  de  Wynclielse,  cujus 
memoria  in  benedictione  est,  non  fuit  alia  forma  ad  quam  con- 
sentire  voluerunt  nisi  quod  ipse  dominus  rex  Magnam  Cartam 
cum  quibusdam  articulis  adjectis,  et  Cartam  de  Foresta,  conce- 
deret  et  confirmaret  ;  et  quod  nullum  auxilium  seu  vexationem 
a  clero  vel  populo  peteret  vel  exigeret  in  posterum  absque 
magnatum  voluntate  et  assensu  ;.  et  quod  omnem  rancorem 
remitteret  eis  et  omnibus  sibi  associatis. 


vii.l  Excerpts.  445 

MATT.  WESTM.  p.  431.  ...  Eadwardus  filius  regis  .  .  .  Magnas 
Cartas  .  .  .  renovavit  consilio  senum  usus,  easdem  confirmaute 
patre  suo  apud  Gandavum  Yto  idus  Novembris. 

W.  HEMINGBURGH,  ii.  155.  Pro  hac  autem  confirmatione  car- 
tarum  praedictarum  cum  suis  adjunctis  praedictis  dederunt 
magnates  terrae  cum  communi  populo  nonum  denarium  ;  archi- 
episcopus  Cantuariensis  cum  suo  clero  decimum  denarium ;  et 
Eboracensis  electus  cum  suo  clero  qui  propinquiores  periculo 
exstiterunt,  quintum  denarium,  in  subsidium  guerrae  regis  in 
regno  Scotiae ;  lanas  etiam  religiosorum  et  aliorum  de  populo 
prius  acceperat  rex,  cum  protestatione  tamea  quod  allocareutur 
in  eodem  quinto. 

PATENT  ROLLS,  Oct.  14.  ...  Archiepiscopi,  episcopi,  abbates, 
priores,  comites,  barones,  milites  et  alii  de  regno  nostro  extra 
civitates,  burgos  et  dominica  nostra,  nonam  partem  omnium 
bouorum  suorum  .  .  .  nobis  concesserunt.  .  .  . 

A.D.  1298.  W.  EISHANGEB,  p.  185.  Hex  .  .  .  parliamentum 
tenuit  Eboraci  [in  festo  Pentecostes]  .  .  .  suis  indixit  ut  cum 
equis  et  armis  parati  essent  Rokesburgiae  in  festo  Saucti 
Jobannis  Baptistae.  .  .  .  Sub  eisdem  diebus  comites  Herefordiae 
et  Marescallus,  quia  confirmatio  cartarum  fuerat  facta  in  terra 
alieua,  petiverunt  ad  majorem  securitatem  eas  iterum  confirmari. 
Spoponderunt  autem  pro  rege  episcopus  Dunelmensis  ac  comites 
Jobannes  Surreyae,  Willelmus  Warwici,  Kadulfus  Gloverniae, 
quod  obtenta  victoria  rex  eas  post  suum  reditum  confirmaret. 

A.D.  1299.  W.  HEMINGBURGH,  ii.  182.  Rex  .  .  .  tendens 
Londonias  .  .  .  tenuit  .  .  .  ibidem  parliamentum  suum  in  pvin- 
cipio  Quadragesimae,  ubi  per  praedictos  comites  .  .  .  facta  est  con- 
tentio  magna  super  confirmations  Magnae  Cartae.  .  .  .  Qui  cum 
abiissent,  audierunt  responsum  non  acceptabile  quitlem  sed  varia- 
bile  ;  articulos  enim  quos  ipsi  petierant  sic  confirmaverat  rex  ut 
in  fine  adjiceret  '  salvo  jure  coronae  nostrae.'  Quod  auditum 
displicuit,  et  recesseruut  ad  propria  impacati.  Cousiliarii  autem 
regis,  timentes  seditiouem  populi,  tradiderunt  utrasque  cartas  sic 
consignatas  vicecomitibus  Londoniensibus  ut  in  publico  lege- 
rentur  :  factumque  est  sic  in  coemeterio  Sancti  Pauli  congregato 
populo  universe :  dumque  viderentur  imprimis  cartae  sic  cou- 
signatae,  benedixeruut  Dominum  et  regem,  sed  audito  fine  cap- 
tioso,  confestim  improperantes,  maledictionem  pro  benedictione 
intulerunt.  Dissolutumque  est  consilium,  et  comites  nostri  ut 
convenirent  iterate  in  quindenam  Pascbae  ante  eorum  recessum 
diem  receperunt.  In  quo  quidem  colloquio  Londoniis  celebrato 
rex  quasi  omnia  petita  concessit  et  votis  eorum  puruit.  Com- 


\ 


446  Edward  I.  [PAET 

promiseruntque  quantum  ad  equitationem  forestarum  omnium 
in  regno  Angliae  in  tres  episcopos,  tres  comites,  et  tres  barones, 
ut  ipsi,  Deum  habentes  prae  oculis,  forestas  equitari  facerent,  et 
dubia  emergentia  secundum  Dominum  et  justitiam  dirimerent 
et  declarareiit. 

STATUTES  OF  THE  REALM,  i.  131.  .  .  .Nous  par  commun 
assentement  des  Prelatz,  des  countes,  e  des  barouns  de  meisme 
le  roiaume,  avoms  sur  ceo  ordene  e  establi  remedye  ...15  May. 
(A.D.  1299.) 

A.D.  1300.  W.  HEMINGB.  ii.  186.  Rex  .  .  .  tenuit  parlia- 
mentum  suum  apud  Westmonasterium  Londoniis  in  sequenti 
Quadragesima,  ubi  confirmationes  praedictarum  cartarum  reno- 
vavit  et  statuta  fecit  super  eisdem  cum  aliis  contentis  plurimis. 

STATUTES  OF  THE  REALM,  i.  136.  Pur  ceo  que  les  poynz  de 
la  grant  Chartre  des  Franchises  et  la  Chartre  de  la  Foreste  .  .  . 
ne  unt  pas  este  tenuz  e  gardez  avant  ces  heures  .  .  .  nostre 
seigneur  le  Roi  les  ad  de  novel  grante,  renovele,  e  conferme,  et 
a  la  request  des  prelats,  contes  et  barouns  en  soen  parlement  a 
Westmonster,  en  quaremme  Ian  de  soen  regne  vint  et  utisme,  ad 
certeine  fourme  et  peyne  ordene  e  establi,  encontre  tuz  iceaus 
que  centre  les  poyntz  des  avandites  chartres  ou  nul  poynt  de 
eles,  en  nul  manere  vendront  ....  Le  roi  aj_j[rap,t£.ft  fiQfift, 
poeple  qil  eient  eleccion  de  leur  viscontes  en  chescun  conte  ou 
viscoute  ne  est  mie  de  fee  sil  voelent.  .  .  . 

MATT.  WESTM.  p.  433.  .  .  .Pro  hoc  confirmation's  effectu 
concesserunt  comites  et  barones  regi  quintam  decimam  partem 
bonorum  suorum  mobilium. 

A.D.  1301.  PATENT  ROLLS,  Oct.  24.  ...  Cum  vos  sicut 
ceterae  communitates  aliorum  comitatuum  regni  nostri  nobis 
nuper  in  parliamento  nostro  Lincolniae  (sc.  Jan.  20,  1301)  con- 
cesseritis  quindecimam  omnium  bonorum  vestrorum  mobi- 
lium. .  .  . 

A.D.  1302.  W.  HEMINGB.  ii.  223.  In  octavis  Sancti  Jo- 
hannis  Baptistae  tenuit  rex  parliamentum  suum  Londoniis,  et 
exegit  a  clero  et  populo  quintum  decimum  denarium  de  suis 
temporalibus  :  scutagium  etiam  exegit  eodem  anno  in  Quadra- 
gesima et  ceteris  militibus  concessit  ut  a  suis  tenentibus  illud 
facerent. 

PATENT  ROLLS,  Nov.  7.  ...  Cum  primo  die  Junii  anno 
regni  nostri  xviii0  praelati,  comites,  barones,  et  ceteri  magnates  de 
regno  nostro  concorditer  pro  se  et  tota  communitate  ejusdem 
regni  in  pleno  parliamento  nostro  nobis  concesserint  quadra- 


Til.]     Order  for  Proclamation  of  the  King's  Peace.       447 

ginta  solidos  de  Eingulis  feodis  militum  in  regno  nostro,  in 
auxilium  ad  primogenitam  filiam  maritandam  .  .  .  cujus  auxilii 
levationi  faciendae  pro  dicto  communitatis  aisamento  hucusque 
supersedimus  .  .  .  assignavimus  vos  ad  praedictum  auxilium  .  .  . 
ad  opus  nostrum  levandum  et  colligendum. 

A.D.  1304.  W.  HEMINGB.  ii.  233.  Exegit  rex  a  civitatibus 
suis  et  burgis  sextum  denarium  secundum  taxationem  bonorum 
suorum.  ^ 

PATENT  ROLLS,  Feb.  6.  Constituimus  vos  ...  ad  assiden- 
dos  tallagium  nostrum  in  civitatibus,  burgis,  et  dominicis 
nostris. 

A.D.  1306.  PATENT  ROLLS,  Nov.  10.  Archiepiscopi,  epi- 
scopi,  abbates,  priores,  comites,  barones,  milites,  liberi  homines 
ac  communitates  comitatuum  regni  nostri  tricesinaam  .  .  . 
civesque  et  burgenses  ac  communitates  omnium  civitatum  et 
burgorum  ejusdem  regni  necnon  teneutes  de  dominicis  nostris 
vicesimam  .  .  .  concesserint. 

A.D.  1307.  W.  HEMINGB.  ii.  252.  In  eadem  Quadragesima 
tenuit  dominus  rex  Angliae  parliamentum  suum  apud  Carliolum, 
fecitque  ibi  statuta  quaedam. 

STATUTES  OF  THE  REALM,  i.  152.  .  .Dominus  rex  post  deliber- 
ationem  plenariam  et  tractatum  cum  comitibus  baronibus  pro- 
ceribus  et  aliis  nobilibus  a  communitatibus  regni  sui  habitum  in 
praemissis  de  conseusu  eorum  unanimi  et  coucordi  ordinavit  et 

statuit  .  .  . 


A.D.  1272.     ORDER  FOR  THE  PROCLAMATION  OF  THE 
KING'S  PEACE. 

The  reign  of  Edward  I  began  on  the  2oth  November,  1272  ; 
on  which  day  the  oath  of  fealty  was  taken  by  the  barons  at 
Westminster  :  and  from  this  date  he  was  called  king.  His 
absence  from  England  on  the  crusade  rendered  this  necessary. 
His  predecessors,  as  a  rule,  became  kings  on  their  coronation, 
and  the  doctrine  that  during  the  vacancy  of  the  throne  the 
king's  peace  was  interrupted  made  it  necessary  that  the  corona- 
tion should  take  place  as  early  as  possible.  Henry  II,  Richard  I, 
and  John  had  each  been  in  France  when  his  predecessor  died, 
and  during  the  interval  before  the  coronation  had  been  entitled 
Duke  of  Normandy,  or,  sometimes,  '  dominus  Angliae ;'  and  the 


448  Edward  I.  [PART 

maintenance  of  the  peace  had  been  ensured  by  the  chief  justiciar. 
On  this  occasion  the  distance  of  Palestine  from  England  ren- 
dered such  delay  very  dangerous ;  the  archbishopric  of  Canter- 
bury was  vacant,  and  the  office  of  chief  justiciar,  in  its  ancient 
sense,  had  come  to  an  end.  The  royal  council  appears  therefore 
to  have  recognised  Edward's  hereditary  right,  and  the  fealty  of 
the  barons,  as  perfecting  his  title  to  the  name  of  king,  previous 
to  coronation  ;  and  from  henceforth  (with  the  single  exception 
of  Edward  III)  to  the  deposition  of  Henry  VI  the  date  of  the 
king's  accession  was  the  day  following  the  death  of  his  prede- 
cessor. From  that  event  onwards  the  throne  has  never  been 
regarded  as  vacant  by  death ;  the  new  reign  beginning  from  the 
moment  at  which  the  old  one  ceases. 

P  EDWARDUS  Dei  gratia  rex  Angliae,  dominus  Hyberniae  et 
dux  Aquitanniae,  vicecomiti  Eboracensi,  salutem.  Cum  de- 
functo  jam  Celebris  memoriae  domino  Henrico  rege,  patre 
nostro,  ad  nos  regni  gubernaculum,  successione  haereditaria  ac 
procerum  regni  voluntate  et  fidelitate  nobis  praestita,  sit  de- 
volu£um,  per  quod  nomine  nostro,  qui  in  exhibiticme  justitiae 
et  pacis  conservatione  omnibus  et  singulis  de  ipso  regno  sumus 
ex  nunc  debitores,  pacem  nostram  dicti  magnates  et  fideles  , 
nostri  jam  fecerunt  proclamari ;  tibi  praecipimus  quod  per  \ 
totam  ballivam  tuam  in  singulis  civitatibus  et  burgis,  feriis, 
mercatis,  et  locis  aliis,  pacern  nostram  publice  clamari  et  firm- 
iter  teneri  facias,  inhibendo  omnibus  et  siugulis  sub  periculo 
exhaeredatiouis,  necnon  amissionis  vitae  et  membrorum,  ne  quis 

^  pacem  nostram  infringere  praesumat.  Nos  enim  omnibus  et 
singulis,  in  omnibus  juribus  et  rebus  ipsos  contingentibus, 
contra  quoscunque  tarn  majores  quam  minores  parati  sumus 
et  erimus  plenain,  auctore  Domino,  justitiam  exhibere. 

Testibus,  W.  Eboracensi  archiepiscopo  ;  E.  Cornubiae  et  G. 
Gloucestriae  comitibus ;  apud  Westmonasterium  XXIII.  die 
Novembria  anno  regni  nostri  primo. — (Foedera,  i.  497  ;  Liber 
de  Antiq.  Leyg.  p.  155. 


A.D.  1275.     THE  FIRST  PARLIAMENT  OF  EDWARD  I. 

Edward  held  his  first  general  parliament  in  1275,  in  the  second 
week  after  Easter,  beginning  April  2  2 ;  and  to  it  are  to  be  referred 


vii.]  First  Parliament  of  Edward  I.  449 

two  very  important  acts,  the  Statute  of  Westminster  the 
First,  and  the  grant  of  the  custom  on  wool,  woolfells,  and 
leather. 

I.  The  parliament  itself  contained,  as  stated  in  the  preamble 
of  the  statute,  'the  commonalty  of  the  land,'  as  well  as  the 
prelates  and  barons :   and  this  expression  is  further  illustrated 
by  the  fact  that  the  grant  of  the  custom  is  said  to  be  made  by 
the  communitates  as  well  as  by  the  magnates,  and  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  merchants.     It  would  appear  almost  certain  that 
some  representatives  of  the  commons  must  have  been  present, 
but  no  writs  for  such  attendance  are  forthcoming :  it  is  possible 
that  the  country  may  have  been  consulted  by  special  commis- 
sioners, or  the  consent  of  the  commons  secured  by  other  means. 

II.  This  is  said  to  be  the  first  general  parliament  of  Edward  : 
it  is  to  be  distinguished  therefore  from  the  terminal  sessions  for 
judicial  business  which,  during  this  reign,  are  also  called  parlia- 
ments, but  the  business  of  which  was  conducted  by  the  king's 
ordinary  council. 

III.  The  statute  is  said  to  be  made  by  the  king,  'par  son 
conseil,  e  par  le  assentement  des  Erceveskes,'  &c.,  a  form  which 
seems  to  show  an  intentional  deviation  from  the  proper '  consilio 
et  consensu.'     In  this  substitution  of  concilium  for  consilium 
lurks  probably  the  principle  that  the  king  could  enact  on  his 
own  authority — the  principle  of  the  Roman  and  later  feudal 
lawyers,  who  were  at  this  time  getting  a  firm  grasp  on  the  law 
of  England.     Historically,  it  is  to  such  a  period  as  this  that  the 
king's  power  of  ordaining  in  his  own  council,  as  distinct  from 
enacting   with    counsel    and   consent   of  parliament,  must    be 
traced.     In  the  letters  patent,  however,  which  were  directed  to 
the  Sheriffs  for  the  publication  of  the  Statute  in  the  hundred 
courts  and  county  courts,  it  is  said  to  be  made  by  the  king  de 
commune  consilio  Praelatorum  et  magnatum.     (Statutes,  i.  39.) 
The  use  of  the  French  language  by  Edward  I,  a  curious  feature 
in  a  policy  essentially  English,  is  also  traceable  to  the  lawyers, 
and  perhaps  to  the  influence  of  the  law  schools  of  the  Continent. 

IV.  The  wool,  the  staple  produce  of  England,  had  been  a 
coveted  object  of  taxation  early  in  the  century  :  large  quantities 


450  Edward  I.  [PART 

of  it  had  been  seized  for  Richard's  ransom  in  1194,  and  by  the 
barons  in  1264,  and  it  was  in  many  ways  peculiarly  amenable  to 
royal  exaction.  We  have  now  the  first  indication  of  legislative 
enactment  touching  it.  The  custom,  although  heavy,  seems  to 
have  been  granted  to  the  crown  in  a  way  that  was  for  the  time 
constitutional;  and  the  royal  attempts  to  increase  it  illegally 
were  stoutly  resisted.  It  was  not  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  king's 
necessities  at  the  time.  Another  parliament  was  held  in  the 
autumn  of  1275,  to  which  knights  of  the  shire  were  certainly 
summoned,  and  in  which  the  first  grant  of  a  fifteenth  of  move- 
ables  was  made  on  behalf  of  the  community,  from  lay  property 
only. 

I.   Statute  of  Westminster  the  First. 

Ces  sunt  les  Establisemenz  le  Rey  Edward  le  fiuz  le  Rey 
Henry,  fez  a  Weymoster  a  son  primer  parlement  general  apres 
son  corounement  apres  la  cluse  Paske  Ian  de  son  regne  tierz,  par 
son  conseil  e  par  le  assentement  des  Erceveskes,  Eveskes,  Abbes, 
Priurs,  Contes,  Barons,  et  la  Communaute  de  la  tere  ileokes 
somons.  .  .  . 

V.  Pur  ceo  que  elections  deivent  estre  fraunches,  le  rey  defent 
sour  sa  greve  forfeture  que  nul,  haut  home  ne  autre,  par  poer  de 
armes  ne  par  malice  ne  desturbe  de  fere  fraunche  Election.  .  .  . 

XXXVI.  Pur  ceo  que  avaunt  ces  ures  ne  fut  unkes  resonable 
aide  a  fere  fiuz  Chivalers,  ou  a  filles  marier,  mise  en  certein,  ne 
quant  ele  devoit  estre  prise,  ne  quel  houre,  par  quei  les  uns  leve- 
rent  outraiouse  aide  plus  tost  que  ne  sembloit  mester,  dont  le 
pople  se  senti  grevee ;  purveu  est  que  desoremes  de  fee  de 
Chivaler  entier  solement  seient  donez  vint  souz,  e  de  vint  liveres 
de  tere  tenues  par  socage  vint  souz,  e  de  plus  plus,  e  de  meins 
meins,  solum  le  afferaunt ;  e  que  nul  ne  puisse  lever  tiel  aide  de 
fere  son  fiuz  Chivaler  taunt  que  son  fiuz  seit  de  age  de  quinze 
aunz,  ne  a  sa  fille  marier  taunt  que  ele  seit  de  age  de  set  aunz  ; 
et  de  ceo  serra  fet  mencion  en  la  brief  le  rey  forme  sur  ceo,  quant 
il  le  veille  demaunder.  .  .  . 

TRANSLATION. 

These  be  the  Acts  of  King  Edward,  son  to  King  Henry,  made  at  West- 
minster at  his  first  parliament  general  after  his  coronation,  on  the  Monday 
of  the  Easter  Utas,  the  third  year  of  his  reign,  by  his  council  and  by  the 


vii.]  Custom  on  Wool.  451 

assent  of  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  priors,  carls,  barons,  and  the  com- 
munity of  the  realm  being  thither  summoned.  .  .  . 

V.  And  because  elections  ought  to  be  free,  the  king  commandeth  upon 
great  forfeiture  that  no  man  by  force  of  arms,  nor  by  malice  or  menacing, 
shall  disturb  any  to  make  free  election.  .  .  . 

XXXVI.  Forasmuch  as  before  this  time  reasonable  aid  to  make  one's 
Bon  knight  or  to  marry  his  daughter  was  never  put  in  certain,  nor  how 
much  should  be  taken,  nor  at  what  time,  whereby  some  levied  unreason- 
able aid,  and  sooner  than  seemed  necessaiy,  whereby  the  people  were 
sore  grieved ;  it  is  provided  that  from  henceforth  of  a  whole  knight's  fee 
there  be  taken  but  xx.  s.  and  of  xx.  pound  land  holden  in  socage  xx.  s. ; 
and  of  more  more  and  of  less  less  after  the  rate.  And  that  none  shall  levy 
such  aid  to  make  his  son  knight  until  his  son  be  fifteen  years  of  age,  or  to 
marry  his  daughter  until  she  be  of  the  age  of  seven  years ;  and  of  that 
there  shall  be  made  mention  in  the  king's  writ  formed  on  the  same,  when 
any  will  demand  it.  .  .  . — Statutes  of  the  Realm,  i.  26,  35. 

II.  Grant  of  Custom  on  Wool,  Woolfells,  and  LeatJier. 

Omnibus  Christi  fidelibus  ad  quos  praesens  scriptum  perve- 
nerit  Willelmus  de  Valencia  comes  Penbrok,  salutem  in  Domino. 
Cum  archiepiscopi,  episcopi,  et  alii  praelati  regni  Angliae,  ac 
comites,  barones,  et  nos  et  communitates  ejusdem  regni  ad  iu- 
stantiam  et  rogatum  mercatorum  pluribus  de  causis  unanimiter 
concesserimus  magnifico  principi  et  domino  nostro  carissimo 
domino  Edwardo  Dei  gratia  regi  Angliae  illustri,  pro  nobis  et 
haeredibus  nostris,  dimidiam  marcam  de  quolibet  sacco  lanae  et 
dimidiam  marcam  pro  singulis  trescentis  pellibus  lanutis  quae 
faciunt  unum  saccum,  et  unam  marcam  de  qualibet  lesta  corio- 
rum,  exeuntibus  regnum  Angliae  et  terram  Walliae,  percipi- 
endas  de  cetero  in  singulis  portubus  Angliae  et  Walliae  tarn 
infra  libertates  quam  extra ;  nos  ad  requisitionem  et  instantiam 
praedictorum  mercatorum  concedimus,  pro  nobis  et  haeredibus 
nostris,  quod  idem  dominus  rex  et  haeredes  sui  in  singulis  por- 
tubus nostris  in  Hibernia,  tarn  infra  libertates  nostras  quam 
extra,  habeant  dimidiam  marcam  de  quolibet  sacco  lanae  et 
dimidiam  marcam  de  singulis  trescentis  pellibus  lanutis  quae 
faciunt  unum  saccum,  et  unam  marcam  de  qualibet  lesta  corio- 
rum  exeuntibus  terram  Hiberniae,  percipiendam  per  man  us 
custodum  et  ballivorum  ipsius  regis,  salva  nobis  forisfactura 
illorum  qui  sine  licentia  et  waranto  ipsius  domini  regis,  per  lit- 
teras  suas  patentes  sigillo  suo  ad  hoc  proviso  signatas,  hujusmodi 
lanas,  pelles,  seu  coria,  per  feoda  nostra  ubi  libertates  habemus 
extra  Hiberniam  ducere  praesumpserint.  De  quibus  dictus 
dominus  rex  et  haeredes  sui  percipient  et  habebunt  dimidiam 
marcam  de  lanis  et  pellibus  et  unam  marcam  de  lestis  coriorum 
in  forma  praedicta ;  ita  tamen  quod  in  singulis  portubus  nostris 

o  g  2 


Edward  I.  [PART 

ubi  brevia  praedicti  domini  regis  non  currunt,  eligantur  duo  de 
discretioribus  et  fidelioribus  hominibus  portuum  iilorum,  qui 
praestito  Sacramento  de  lanis  pellibus  et  coriis  in  dictis  portubus 
arestandis  quousque  mercatores  lanarum,  pellium  et  corioruni 
praedictorum,  warantum  suum  inde  sub  sigillo  domini  regis  ad 
hoc  proviso  habuerint,  dictam  consuetudinem  fideliter  colligant 
et  recipiant  ad  opus  ipsius  domini  regis  et  sibi  inde  respondeant. 
In  cujus  rei  testimonium  praesenti  scripto  sigillum  nostrum 
apposuimus.  Datum  in  generali  parliamento  praedicti  domini 
regis  apud  Westmonasterium,  die  Dominica  in  festo  Sancti 
Dunstani  episcopi  anno  regni  ejusdem  regis  tertio. — (Parlia- 
mentary Writs,  i.  2.) 


A.D.  1277.  SUMMONS  TO  AN  ECCLESIASTICAL  COUNCIL. 

The  following  series  of  documents  shows  the  growth  of  the 
representative  system  in  the  construction  of  Church  Councils 
during  this  century  : — 

1.  A  summons  by  Archbishop  Langton  of  the  bishops,  deans 

of  cathedrals,  archdeacons,  abbots,  and  conventual 
priors. 

2.  A  summons  by  the  same  archbishop,  directing,  in  addition 

to  the  above,  the  presence  of  proctors  for  the  chapters 
of  the  collegiate  churches  and  for  the  monasteries. 

Both  these  are  for  ecclesiastical  business  only. 

3.  A  summons   by  Archbishop  Boniface,  directing  the  pre- 

sence of  bishops,  deans,  abbots,  and  priors ;  and  of  the 
archdeacons  with  letters  of  proxy  from  the  clergy  of 
their  archdeaconries. 

4.  A   summons    by   Archbishop    Kilwardby,    directing    the 

bishops  to  bring  with  them  three  or  four  of  their 
greater  clergy. 

The  presence  of  proctors  of  the  parochial  clergy,  although 
such  proctors  were  present  in  the  Parliament  of  1255, 
is  not  yet  regarded  as  an  indispensable  part  of  an 
ecclesiastical  assembly. 


vii.]  Ecclesiastical  Councils. 


453 


5.  A  mandate  addressed  by  Archbishop  Kilwardby  to  the 
Bishop  of  London  as  dean  of  the  province,  directing 
him  to  summon  the  bishops  of  the  province,  with  the 
greater  members  of  their  chapters,  the  archdeacons  and 
the  proctors  of  the  clergy. 

None  of  these  writs  corresponds  exactly  with  the  summons 
to  convocation  in  its  modern  sense. 

I.     A.D.  1225.   Summons  to  a  Council  of  Bishops. 

STEPHANTTS  Dei  gratia  Cantuariensis  archiepiscopus  totius 
Angliae  primas  et  sanctae  Romanae  Ecclesiae  Cardinalis,  vene- 
rabili  fratri  E.  eadem  permissione  Londoniensi  episcopo,  salutem 
in  Domino.  Fraternitati  vestrae  mandamus  quatenus  omnes 
suffraganeos  nostros  vocetis,  ut  veniant  Londonias  in  crastino 
Epiphaniae  Domini,  et  vocent  decanos  cathedralium  ecclesiarum 
et  archidiaconos  suos  abbates  etiam  et  priores  conventuales,  ut 
similiter  Londonias  veniant,  audituri  mandatum  domini  papae, 
termino  memorato.  Hujus  igitur  auctoritate  mandati  vobis 
mandamus  quatenus  dictis  die  et  loco  secundum  formam  prae- 
scriptam  compareatis.  Vos  igitur  sccuudum  formam  prae- 
scriptam  praesentiam  vestram  dictis  die  et  loco  exhibeatis. 
Valete. — (Wilkins,  Concilia,  i.  602.) 

II.     A.D.  1225.   Summons  to  a  Convocation  oftJie  Prelates, 
Arclideacons,  and  collegiate  and  monastic  Clergy. 

Mandamus  vobis  quatenus  pro  officii  vestri  debito  faciatis 
vocari  omnes  episcopos,  abbates  non  exemptos  a  nobis,  et  omnes 
priores  et  omnes  decanos  cathedralium  ecclesiarum  et  praeben- 
dalium,  et  omnes  archidiaconos ;  et  significetis  eingulis  capitulis 
ut  mittant  procuratores  tarn  videlicet  ecclesiarum  cathedralium 
quam  praebendalium  et  monasteriorum  et  aliarum  domorum 
religiosarum  ac  collegiatarum,  in  virtute  obedientiae  et  sub 
poena  suspensionis  eis  districtius  injungentes,  ut  intersint  Lon- 
tioniensi  concilio,  quod  erit  Dominica  post  Pascha,  qua  cantatur 
Misericordia  Domini ;  et  significetis  omnibus  praedictis  ut  in- 
tersint, deliberent,  et  plene  instruct!  venirent  ad  respondendum 
nuncio  domini  papae  super  petitione  ex  parte  domini  papae,  et 
hoc  faciant  omni  occasione  et  dilatione  postpositis.  Ut  autem 
Bciatis  qui  sint  abbates  exempti  a  nobis,  eos  vobis  duximus  no- 
minandos  ;  videlicet  abbas  Sancti  Albani,  abbas  Westmonasterii, 
abbas  Sancti  Edmundi,  abbas  Sancti  Augustini  Cautuariensis. 


454  Edward  I.  [PART 

Hujus  igitur  auctoritate  mandati  vobis  mandamus  quod  dictis 
die  et  loco  praefato  intersitis  concilio  ;  omnes  insuper  superius 
nominatos  secundum  formara  ejusdera  mandati  vocandos  citari 
faciatis,  ut  sub  poena  superius  expressa  plene  instruct!,  eisdem 
die  et  loco  praefato  intersint  concilio. —  (Wilkins,  Concilia, 
i.  602.) 


III.     A.D.  1258.     Summons  to  a  Convocation  in  which  tJie 
Archdeacons  act  as  Proctors  for  the  parochial  Clergy. 

ROGERUS,  Dei  gratia  Coventrensis  et  Lichfeldensis  episcopus 
dilecto  filio  archidiacono  Staffordiae,  salutem,  gratiam,  et  bene- 
dictionem.  Mandatum  venerabilis  patris  Bonifacii  Dei  gratia 
Cantuariensis  archiepiscopi,  totius  Angliae  primatis,  recepimns 
in  haec  verba :  '  Bonifacius  pennissione  Divina,  Cantuariensis 
archiepiscopus,  totius  Angliae  primas,  venerabili  in  Christo 
patri  R.  Dei  gratia  Coventrensi  et  Licbfeldensi  episcopo,  salutem 
et  fraternae  dilectionis  in  Domino  semper  augmentum.  Cum 
propter  ecclesiae  Anglicanae  eventus  et  causas  quas  fraterni- 
tatem  vestram  ignorare  non  convenit,  fratrum  nostrorum  con- 
gregationem  videamus  opportunam,  devotionem  vestram  roga- 
mus,  monemus,  et  exhortamur  in  Domino,  sub  obedientiae 
debito  firmiter  injungentes  quatenus  die  Jovis  proxima  ante  * 
instans  festum  Sancti  Barnabae  Apostoli  apud  Mertonam  curetis  ~ 
vestram  praesentiam,  exhibere,  qualibet  occasione  cessante,  ut 
in  hac  urgenti  necessitate  ecclesia  nostro  regimini  commissa 
per  vos  et  alios  fratres  nostros  gratum  habeat  providi  consilii 
fulcimentum.  Vocetis  etiam  decanos  cathedral  ium  ac  aliarum 
ecclesiarum,  necnon  abbates,  priores  majores,  insuper  et  archi- 
diaconos  vestrae  diocesis  universos,  ut  cum  litteris  suorum  sub- 
ditorum  procuratoriis  loco  et  die  antedictis  compareant,  ut  quod 
communi  deliberatione  provisum  fuerit  ex  membrorum  cohae- 
rentia  firmius  roboretur.  Datum  apud  Lamhedam  XIII  kalen- 
das  Maii,  A.D.  M°  CC°  L«  VIII0.'  Hoc  igitur  mandatum  vice 
nostra  diligentius  exsequamini,  ac  nihilominus  vos  ipsi  com- 
pareatis  dictis  die  et  loco,  cum  litteris  procuratoriis  cleri  totius 
archidiaconatus  vestri,  ut  vestri  praesentia  firmius  roboretur 
quod  ad  utilitatem  ecclesiae  Anglicanae  de  consilio  et  assensu 
vestro  contigerit  provided..  Datum  VI°  kalendas  Maii,  ponti- 
ficatus  nostri  anno  primo. — (Ann.  Burton,  p.  411.) 


Viz.]  Ecclesiastical  Councils. 

IV.  A.D.  1273.     Summons  to  a  Convocation  in  whicJi  the 
Diocesan  Clergy  are  represented  by  Episcopal  Nominees. 

ROBEKTUS,  miseratione  Divina  Caiituariensis  archiepiscopus 
totius  Angliae  primas  venerabili  in  Christo  fratri  et  domino 
H.  Dei  gratia  Londoniensi  episcopo,  salutem  et  fraternae 
dilectionis  in  Domino  sempiternum  augmentum.  Postquam 
cura  sollicitudiuis  pastoralis  officii  nobis  fuit  Divina  per- 
missione  commissa  et  injuncta,  ad  statum  ecclesiarum  et  eccle- 
siasticarum  personarum  quoad  potuimus  nostrae  mentis  intu- 
itum  dirigentes,  multa  circa  ea  corrigenda  et  reformanda  com- 
perimus,  quae  de  fratrum  et  coepiscoporum  nostrorum  salubri 
cousilio  uecesse  est  sine  morae  dispenclio,  per  Dei  adjutorium, 
digne  corrigere  et  in  melius  reformare.  Hinc  est  quod 
venerandae  paternitati  vestrae  tenore  praesentium  mandamus 
quatenus  omnes  ecclesiae  nostrae  Cantuariensis  suffraganeos 
auctoritate  nostra  vocetis,  quod  conveniant  apud  Novum  Tern- 
plum  Londoniis  die  Mercurii  proximo  post  instans  festum 
Sancti  Dionysii,  super  statu  ecclesiarum  et  ecclesiasticarum 
libertatum,  ac  aliis  quibusdam  articulis  necessariis,  nobiscum 
tractaturi,  provisuri,  et  ordinaturi,  quod  ad  Dei  honorem  et 
ecclesiae  Suae  sanctae  visum  fuerit  conveniens  expedire.  Et  ut 
negotium  hujusmodi  saniori  consilio  fulciatur,  iujungatis  ex  parte  ' 
nostra  singulis  episcopis  ecclesiae  nostrae  suffraganeis,  ut  qui- 
libet  eorum  vocet  et  ducat  secum  ad  praedictam  congregationem 
tres  vel  quatuor  personas  de  majoribus,  discretioribus  et  pru- 
dentioribus,  suae  ecclesiae  et  dioceseos,  ut  communi  mediante 
consilio  tantum  ecclesiae  Dei  negotium,  Ipsius  misericordia 
suffragante,  felicem  sortiatur  effectum.  Vos  etiam  sub  forma 
consimili  dictis  die  et  loco  compareatis,  et  faciatis  uos  per  litteras 
vestras  patentes,  praesentium  tenorern  continentes,  de  hujus 
mandati  nostri  executione  diligent!  certiores.  Datum  apud 
Aldington,  VIImo  idus  Septembris,  consecrationis  nostrae  anno 
primo. — (Wilkins,  Concilia,  ii.  26.) 

V.  A.D.  1277.     Summons  to  a  Convocation,  in  which  the 
Diocesan  Clergy  are  represented  by  their  Proctors. 

E.OBERTUS  Cantuariensis  archiepiscopus  H.  Londoniensi 
'episcopo  salutem,  etc.  Meminimus  in  congregatione  nostra 
communi  dudum  habita  Northamptoniae  negotia  varia  utili- 
tatem  pariter  et  honorem  totius  ecclesiae  Anglicanae  tangentia 
in  medio  fuisse  proposita,  in  quorum  executione,  licet  viae 
de  communi  consilio  excogitatae  fuissent,  et  executores  viarum 


456  Edward  I.  [PAKT 

praedictarum  varii  deputati ;  quia  tamen  in  quibusdam  negotiis 
seu  executionibus  eorundem  nobis  adhuc  exitus  est  incertus, 
quaedam  autem  penitus  iuconsummata  existunt,  emerserunt 
autem  quaedam  nova,  quae  ad  aversionem  nostrorum  jurium, 
consuetudinum,  libei'tatum,  et  grave  periculum  ecclesiae  Angli- 
canae  redundant ;  fraternitati  vestrae  per  praesentia  scripta 
mandamus  quatenus  omnes  fratres  et  coepiscopos  seu  suffra- 
ganeos  nostros  auctoritate  nostra  faciatis  peremptorie  per  vestras 
Ktteras  evocari,  quatenus  nobiscum  in  civitate  Londouiarum  in 
crastino  Beati  Hilarii  in  propriis  personis  conveniant  una  cum 
aliquibus  personis  majoribus  de  suis  capitulis,  et  locorum  archi- 
diaconis,  et  procuratoribus  totius  cleri  diocesium  singularum, 
nobiscum  super  negotiis  memoratis  tarn  praedictis  quam  in- 
stantibus  efficacius  tractaturi ;  ut  eisdem  eorundem  communi 
mediante  consilio  finis  imponatur  laudabilis,  ut  ita  incerta 
certitudinem  et  inconsummata  consummationem  et  emergentia 
nova  consilium  debitum  sortiantur.  Qualiter  autem  hoc  no- 
strum mandatum  fueritis  executi,  nos  per  vestras  litteras 
patentes  harum  seriem  continentes,  certificare  curetis  die  et  loco 
praedictis.  Datum  apud  Mechlindon  XVI0  kalendas  Decembris, 
A.D.  M°COLXX<>VII°.— (Wilkins,  Concilia,  ii.  30.) 


A.D.  1278.     WRIT  FOB  DISTRAINT  OF  KNIGHTHOOD. 

This  custom  is  illustrated  by  writs  dating  from  tlie  early 
years  of  Henry  III. 

In  relation  to  Edward's  reign,  it  must  be  regarded  chiefly  as 
one  of  a  class  of  expedients  for  raising  money.  The  necessities 
of  the  crown  were  large;  its  estates  impoverished  ;  in  1275  the 
custom  on  wools  and  a  fifteenth  on  moveables  had  been  granted. 
It  was  not  until  1279  that  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  were  taxed, 
nor  until  1282  that  a  new  aid  was  granted.  In  the  meantime, 
a  revenue  was  raised  by  accepting  fines  '  pro  respectu  militiae' 
for  respite  of  knighthood.  This  measure  may  be  compared  with 
the  Bcutage  of  Henry  II,  and  with  the  Assize  of  Arms,  but  it 
is  socially  interesting  as  showing  the  increase  in  number  and 
wealth  of  the  tenants  in  socage,  the  most  thoroughly  English 
part  of  the  population.  In  the  following  Act  knighthood  is 
made  incumbent  on  the  possessors  of  land  worth  £20  per 
annum:  in  1282  all  persons  possessing  an  estate  of  £30  per 


vii.]  Statute  of  Mortmain.  457 

annum  are  ordered  to  provide  themselves  with  a  horse  and 
armour:  in  1285,  all  freeholders  holding  estates  of  less  than 
£100  a-year  are  excused  knighthood  :  in  1292,  all  holding  £40 
a-year  in  fee  are  to  be  distrained:  in  1297,  all  holding  over 
£20  a-year  are  summoned  to  military  service.  And  so  on. 
The  principle  was  at  once  elastic  and  easy  of  application.  Its 
importance  however  is  prospective. 

Matthew  of  Westminster  ascribes  to  Henry  III  in  1253  a 
measure  compelling  all  freeholders  possessing  fifteen  pounds 
a-year  in  land  to  become  knights ;  but  this  is  perhaps  an  error 
caused  by  a  confusion  between  the  Assize  of  Arms,  which  directs 
such  persons  to  provide  a  horse  and  armour  (above,  p.  371),  and 
the  later  practice. 

LEX  vicecomiti  Gloucest.  salutem.     Praecipimus  til>i  firmitor 
injungentes  quod  omnes  illos  de  balliva  tua  qui  habent  viginti_ 
libratas  terrae,  vel  feodum  unius  militis  integrum  valens  viginti 
libras  per  annum,  et  de  nobis  tenent  in  capite  e't  milites  esse 
tlebent  et  ndn  sunt,  sine  dilatione  distringas  ad  anna  militaria 
citra  festum  Natalis  Domini  proximo  futurum,  vel  in  eodem 
festo,  a  nobis  suscipiendum  :    distringas   etiam   sine  dilatione  A 
omnes  illos  de  balliva  tua  qui  habent  viginti  libratas  terrae,  vel 
feodum  unius  militis  integrum  valens  viginti  libras  per  annum,  1 
de  quocunque  teneant,  et  milites  esse  debent  et  non  sunt,  ad    V 
hujusmodi  anna  in  eodem  festo  vel  interim  suscipiendum  :  ita    j 
quod  bonam  et  sufficientem  securitatem  inde  ab  eisdem  recipias    I 
et  nomina  omnium  illonim  per  visum  duorum  legalium  militum     \ 
comitatus  praedicti  in  quodam  rotulo  conscribi,  et  nobis  sub 
sigillo  tuo   et  sigillis  duorum   militum   sine   mora  transmittLx 
facias.     Et  scire  te  volumus  quod  de  gestu  tuo  in  executione 
hujus  mandati  nostri  diligentem  faciemus  executionem  et  extunc 
remedium  super  hoc  fieri  faciemus  opportunum.      Teste  Rege 
apud  Westinonasterium,  XXVI.  die  Junii.  —  (Parliamentary 
Writs,  i.  214.) 

v  

A.D.  1279.     STATUTE  OF  MORTMAIN. 

The  parliament  in  which  the  Statute  de  Religiosis  was  enacted 
appears  to  have  been  the  same  assembly  in  which  the  king 
demanded  of  the  clergy  an  aid  which  should  represent,  on  their 
part,  the  fifteenth  granted  by  the  baronage  in  1275.  This  de- 


458  Edward  I.  [PART 

mand  Is  placed  by  the  annals  of  Osney  on  the  ist  of  November, 
1280;  but  it  is  shown  by  the  letters  of  the  two  archbishops 
(above,  p.  432)  to  belong  to  1279.  It  was  responded  to,  after 
some  hesitation,  by  a  grant  of  a  tenth  of  ecclesiastical  revenue 
for  two  years  in  the  province  of  York,  and  by  one  of  a  fifteenth 
for  three  years  in  the  province  of  Canterbury  :  and  these  were 
made  early  in  1280. 

The  repressive  character  of  the  Mortmain  Act,  as  well  as  the 
urgency  of  the  demand  for  an  aid,  was  probably  owing  at  the 
moment  to  the  alarm  taken  by  the  king  and  his  advisers  at  the 
energetic  action  of  Archbishop  Peckham,  who  had,  in  legislating 
for  the  Church  at  the  Council  at  Reading,  gone,  as  the  king 
thought,  beyond  the  limits  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  especially 
in  directing  that  a  new  copy  of  Magna  Carta  should  be  annually 
posted  up  in  all  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches.  Although, 
however,  this  statute  may  have  been  timed  by  a  wish  to  repress 
ecclesiastical  assumptions,  it  was  unquestionably  called  for  by 
the  prevalence  of  an  abuse  which  had  existed  from  the  first 
day  of  the  Church  Establishment  in  England ;  the  fraudulent 
bestowal  of  estates  on  religious  foundations,  on  the  understand- 
ing that  the  donor  should  hold  them  as  fiefs  of  the  Church,  and 
as  so  exonerated  from  public  burdens.  There  is  no  period  of 
our  history  at  which  complaints  of  this  practice  may  not  be 
found.  But  it  had  been  wholesomely  treated  by  Henry  II,  in 
enforcing  scutages  from  the  knights'  fees  held  by  the  clergy,  a 
principle  of  which  the  following  statute  may  be  regarded  as  an 
expansion.  The  Statute  of  Mortmain  bears  a  close  relation  to 
the  statute  Quia  Emptores,  enacted  eleven  years  later,  in  which 
the  feudal  dues  of  the  superior  lords,  the  king  the  chief  of  them, 
are  secured  by  the  abolition  of  subinfeudation ;  as  in  this  act 
they  are  secured  by  the  limitation  of  ecclesiastical  endowments. 
In  both  these  points  Edward's  policy  was  a  carrying  out  of  the 
principles  of  his  great-grandfather. 

Statutum  De   Viris  Religiosis. 

I      REX  Justitiariis  suis  de  Banco,  salutem.     Cum  dudum  pro- 
visum  fuisset  quod  viri  religiosi  feoda  aliquorum  non  ingrede- 


vii.]  Statutum  De  Viris  Religionis.  459 

rentur  sine  licentia  et  voluntate  capitalium  dominorum  de  qui-  I 
bus  feoda  ilia  immediate  teuentur  ;  et  viri  religiosi  postmodum 
nihilominus  tam  feoda  sua  propria  quam  aliorum  hactenus  in- 
gressi  sitit,  ea  sibi  appropriando  et  emendo  et  aliquando  ex  dono 
aliorum  recipiendo,  per  quod  servitia  quae  ex  hujusmodi  feodis 
debentur  et  quae  ad  defensionem  regni  ab  initio  pro  visa  fuerunt 
indebite  subtrahuntur,  et  domini  capitales  escaetas  suas  inde 
amittunt ;  nos  super  hoc  pro  utilitate  regni  congruum  remedium 
provider!  volentes,  de  consilio  praelatorum,  comitum  et  aliorum 
fidelium  regni  nostri  de  consilio  nostro  existentium,  providimus, 
statuimus  et  ordiuavimus,  quod  nullus  religiosus  aut  alius  qui- 
cunque  terras  aut  tenemeuta  aliqua  emere  vel  vendere,  aut  sub 
colore  donationis  aut  termini  vel  alterius  tituli  cujuscunque, 
ab  aliquo  recipere,  aut  alio  quovis  modo,  arte  vel  ingenio,  sibi 
appropriare  praesumat,  sub  forisfactura  eorundem,  per  quod 
ad  manum  mortuam  terrae  et  tenementa  hujusmodi  deveiiiant 
quoquo  modo.  Providimus  etiam  quod  si  quis  religiosus  aut 
alius,  contra  praesens  statutum,  aliquo  modo,  arte  vel  ingenio, 
venire  praesumpserit,  liceat  nobis,  et  aliis  immediatis  capitalibus 
dominis  feodi  taliter  alienati,  illud  infra  annum  a  tern  pore 
alienationis  hujusmodi  ingredi  et  tenere  in  feodo  et  haereditate. 
Et  si  capitalis  dominus  immediatus  negligens  fuerit,  et  feodum 
hujusmodi  ingredi  noluerit  infra  annum,  tune  liceat  proximo 
capital!  domino  mediate  feodi  illius,  infra  dimidium  annum 
sequentem,  feodum  illud  ingredi  et  tenere,  sicut  praedictum 
est  ;  et  sic  quilibet  dominus  mediatus  faciat  si  propinquior 
dominus  in  ingrediendo  hujusmodi  feodum  negligens  fuerit, 
ut  praedictum  est.  Et  si  omnes  hujusmodi  capitales  domini 
hujusmodi  feodi,  qui  plenae  fuerint  aetatis  et  infra  quatuor  maria 
et  extra  prisonam,  per  unum  annum  negligentes  vel  remissi  fue- 
rint in  hac  parte,  nos  statim  post  annum  completum  a  tempore 
quo  hujusmodi  emptiones,  donationes  aut  alias  appropriationes 
fieri  contigerit,  terras  et  tenementa  hujusmodi  capiemus  in  ma- 
num nostram,  et  alios  inde  fdofiabimus  per  certa  servitia  nobis 
inde  ad  defensionem  regni  nostri  facienda ;  salvis  capitalibus 
dominis  feodorurn  illorum,  wardis,  escaetis  et  aliis  ad  ipsos 
pertinentibus,  ac  servitiis  inde  debitis  et  consuetis.  Et  ideo 
vobis  mandamus  quod  statutum  praedictum  coram  vobis  legi 
et  de  cetero  firmiter  teneri  et  observari  faciatis.  T.  R.  apud 
Westmonasterium  XV°  die  Noveinbris  anno  etc.  septimo. — 
(Statutes  of  the  Realm,  i.  51.) 


460  Edward  I.  [PART 

A.D.  1282-1283.     WEITS  FOR  PARLIAMENT  AND  OTHER 
NATIONAL  COUNCILS. 

The  financial  and  parliamentary  proceedings  of  the  years 
1282  and  1283  are  very  interesting.  They  may  be  regarded  as 
marking  the  point  of  final  transition  from  the  system  of  local  to 
that  of  central  assent  to  taxation.  The  earlier  method  by  which 
the  king  treated  with  the  several  local  communities  through  his 
officers  or  through  their  own  magistrates  had  been  generally 
adopted  until  the  reign  of  John  :  although  the  barons  and 
prelates  made  their  grants  in  the  '  Commune  Concilium,'  the 
lower  freeholders,  lay  and  clerical,  were  treated  with  separately, 
the  towns  and  counties  through  negotiations  of  the  officers  of  the 
exchequer  or  the  sheriffs  with  the  magistrates  or  with  the  county 
court,  the  lower  clergy  through  negotiations  of  the  same  royal 
officers  with  the  archdeacons.  At  several  periods  the  method  of 
centralisation  had  been  used  in  reference  to  both  classes ;  but 
the  borough  representation  was  not  yet  permanently  adopted, 
and  therefore  the  vote  of  money  by  the  magnates  was  necessarily 
followed  up  by  a  separate  negotiation  with  the  towns  ;  and  with 
regard  to  the  clergy,  although  the  representative  system  was 
further  advanced,  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  yet  applied  to 
the  making  of  money  grants  :  in  other  words,  although  for 
ecclesiastical  business  the  proctors  of  the  diocesan  clergy  had 
been  called  into  councils,  there  is  no  proof  that  they  had  yet 
granted  money.  To  this  extent,  then,  the  method  of  local  nego- 
tiation supplemented  the  grants  of  money  made  by  the  central 
assemblies.  It  is  at  this  date  that  the  former  method  vanishes 
and  the  latter  comes  into  full  play. 

In  1282  Edward,  being  in  need  of  money  for  the  war  in 
Wales,  despatched  John  Kirkby,  afterwards  Treasurer  of  the 
Exchequer  and  bishop  of  Ely,  to  negotiate  separately  with  the 
counties  and  boroughs  for  a  subsidy.  The  envoy  carried  letters 
of  credence  from  the  king  dated  at  Chester  in  the  mouth  of 
June.  (No.  I.) 

The  negotiation  was  favourable  to  the  crown  :  John  Kirkby 
reported  the  willingness  of  the  taxpayers  to  make  a  grant,  and 


vii.]  Parliamentary  Proceedings.  461 

collected  considerable  sums,  for  which  the  king  issued  letters  of 
thanks,  dated  at  Denbigh  in  October.  (No.  II.)  Between  these 
dates  the  whole  military  force  of  the  kingdom  had  been  called 
together  at  Rhuddlan  for  the  and  of  August. 

It  was  now,  however,  clear  that  the  sums  raised  by  this  nego- 
tiation would  not  be  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  royal  necessities, 
and  that  a  general  grant  must  be  asked  for.  But  it  would  be 
extremely  inconvenient  either  for  the  king  and  baronage  to 
move  from  Wales  to  hold  a  parliament,  or  for  the  representatives 
of  the  counties  and  boroughs  or  the  clergy  to  be  summoned 
to  Rhuddlan.  Accordingly  writs  were  issued  on  the  24th  of 
November  to  the  sheriffs  and  to  the  two  archbishops,  directing 
them  to  collect  in  two  provincial  assemblies  at  Northampton 
and  York  the  representatives  of  the  two  estates.  These  assem- 
blies were  to  be  held  on  the  2oth  of  January,  1283  ;  the  sheriffs 
were  to  summon  four  knights  of  each  shire,  and  two  representa- 
tives of  each  city,  borough,  and  market  town;  and  with  them 
all  freeholders  capable  of  bearing  arms  and  holding  more  than  a 
knight's  fee.  (No.  III.) 

The  archbishops  were  to  summon,  through  the  bishops,  the 
heads  of  the  religious  houses  and  the  proctors  of  the  ca- 
thedral clergy,  no  notice  being  taken  of  the  parochial  clergy. 
(No.  IV.) 

The  magnates,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  were  with  the  king  in 
Wales. 

The  assemblies  met  at  the  appointed  places  and  on  the  same 
day,  in  two  bodies,  a  lay  and  clerical  one,  at  each  centre. 

I.  The  commons  assembled  at  Northampton  determined  to 
grant  the  king  an  aid  in  the  same  proportion  as  that  which 
should  be  granted  by  the  '  magnates  ; '  who,  it  must  be  supposed, 
signified  to  the  king  their  willingness  to  grant  a  thirtieth  :  the 
king's  letters  to  the  counties,  thanking  them  for  this,  are  dated 
at  Rhuddlan,  Feb.  28th,  1283.  (No.  VII.) 

II.  The  corresponding  assembly  at  York  seems  to  have  acted 
somewhat  differently,  perhaps  to  have  made  a  larger  or  a  smaller 
offer.     The  king,  however,  in  answer  (dated  March   i8th)  to 
the  communication  of  his  officers,  expresses  his  gratitude  to 


462  Edward  I.  [PART 

the  northern  counties  and  his  intention  of  taking  of  them  the 
thirtieth  as  in  the  case  of  the  southern  province.  In  the  form 
drawn  out  for  the  collection  of  this  thirtieth,  it  is  expressly  pro- 
vided that  all  sums  paid  by  the  several  communities  in  con- 
sequence of  the  negotiations  carried  on  by  John  Kirkby  in  1282 
shall  be  deducted  from  the  amount  now  payable  by  virtue  of  the 
general  grant. 

It  was  different  with  the  ecclesiastical  assemblies. 

III.  The  clergy  of  the  province  of  Canterbury  met  at  North- 
ampton under  the  archbishop,  and  were  asked  for  a  tenth  of  their 
revenue  for  three  years  ;  they  excused  themselves  from  replying 
at  once,  the  chief  cause  alleged  being  the  absence  of  the  larger 
portion  of  their  body  —  that  is,  the  non-representation  of  the  pa- 
rochial clergy.  In  consequence  of  this  the  archbishop  (on  the 
2  ist  of  January)  issued  a  mandate  to  the  Bishop  of  London, 
directing  him  to  summon  two  proctors  for  the  parochial  clergy 
of  each  diocese,  and  one  proctor  to  represent  each  of  the  chapters 
of  the  province.  (No.  V.)  These  were  to  meet  the  bishops  at 
the  New  Temple  at  London  three  weeks  after  Easter.  This  plan 
of  organising  the  representation  of  the  clergy  is  said  in  the  man- 
date to  have  been  arranged  in  the  council  of  Northampton,  and 
it  was  either  then  or  shortly  after  embodied  in  a  formula,  which 
may  be  regarded  as  settling  historically  the  representation  of  the 
clergy  in  the  convocation  of  the  province  of  Canterbury  :  — 


'  Item  praecipimus,  ut  in  proxima  congregations  nostra  tempore  parlia- 
ment! proximi  post  festum  Sancti  Michaelis  ad  tres  hebdotnadas  per  Dei 
gratiam  futura,  praeter  personas  episcoporum  et  procuratores  absentium, 
veniant  duo  aut  unus  [al.  ad  minus]  a  clero  episcopatuum  singulorum,  qui 
auctoritatem  habeant  una  nobiscum  tractare  de  his  quae  ecclesiae  et  com- 
muni  utilitati  expediunt  Anglicanae,  etiainsi  de  contributione  aliqua  vel 
expensis  oportet  fieri  mentionem.'  —  (  WiltiiiiK, 


This  formula  is  sometimes  treated  as  a  canon,  and  appended, 
erroneously,  to  the  decrees  of  the  council  of  Reading  in  1279. 

The  convocation  thus  constituted  met  at  London  three  weeks 
after  Easter,  and  was  unable  to  come  to  a  determination.  The 
clergy  were  in  fact  hampered  by  the  grant  made  in  1280  to  the 
king,  of  a  fifteenth  of  ecclesiastical  revenue  for  three  years,  a 


Vii.]  Parliamentary  Proceedings.  463 

year  and  a  term  of  which  were  not  yet  due.  (See  above,  p.  458.) 
The  archbishop  was  compelled  to  issue  a  new  mandate,  directing 
the  assembly  of  convocation  three  weeks  after  Michaelmas ;  in 
preparation  for  this  meeting  all  the  bishops  of  the  province  were 
(Aug.  6th)  directed  to  call  together  their  clergy  in  diocesan 
synods,  so  that  the  proctors,  when  they  met,  should  be  able  to 
give  a  distinct  answer.  The  objections  of  the  clergy  seem  to 
have  been  overcome,  but  the  records  of  the  determination  of  the 
dispute  are  not  found. 

IV.  Of  the  assembly  of  the  clergy  at  York  we  only  know  that 
their  meeting  was  either  delayed  or  prorogued  to  the  i6th  of 
February  :  probably  they  followed  the  lead  of  the  southern 
province. 

Before  the  convocation  of  Canterbury  had  determined  on  its 
answer  to  the  king's  commissioners,  Edward  had  found  it  neces- 
sary to  call  another  council  of  the  kingdom.  David,  the  brother 
and  successor  of  Llewelyn,  had  surrendered  as  prisoner,  and  the 
king  was  preparing  to  try  him  as  a  traitor.  For  this  purpose  he 
summoned  the  baronage  (by  writs  dated  at  Hhuddlan,  June  28) 
to  meet  at  Shrewsbury  on  the  3oth  of  September.  Not  content, 
however,  with  calling  together  an  assembly  of  the  peers  of  the 
accused,  he  summoned  also  the  representatives  of  the  counties ; 
and  in  addition  to  these  he  directed  letters  to  the  magistrates  of 
London  and  twenty  other  towns,  ordering  them  to  return  two 
representatives  for  each.  (No.  VI.)  This  assembly  differs  from 
an  ordinary  parliament  in  two  important  particulars  :  (i)  it  did 
not  contain  the  clergy  or  even  the  bishops;  and  (2)  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  towns  were  summoned  by  separate  writs,  and 
not  through  the  sheriffs.  It  is,  however,  called  the  Parliament  of 
Shrewsbury  or  of  Acton  Burnell ;  and  was  the  assembly  in  which 
the  statute  'De  Mercatoribus'  was  passed.  Notwithstanding 
the  language  of  the  writs,  it  would  seem  from  the  words  of  the 
historians  that  David  was  tried  by  the  baronage  only ;  and  the 
statute  of  Acton  Burnell,  although  called  by  that  name,  was 
really  only  an  ordinance  of  the  king  and  his  council  It  i% 
therefore  only  in  the  loosest  meaning  of  the  word  that  the  name 
of  parliament,  is  given  to  the  assembly.  The  condemnation  of 


464  Edward  I.  [PART 

David  and  the  issuing  of  the  ordinance  completed  the  business 
for  which  it  was  called  together. 

No.  I.     A.D.   1282.     Letter  of  Credence  for  a  Royal 
Commissioner  to  raise  an  Aid. 

REX  vicecomiti  Warrewicsirae  et  Leycestresirae,  civibus, 
burgensibus,  mercatoribus,  majoribus,  ballivis  et  communita- 
tibus  civitatum,  burgorum,  villarum  mercatoriarum,  et  om- 
nibus aliis  de  comitatibus  praedictis,  salutem.  Cum  mittamus 
dilectum  et  fidelem  nostrum  Johannem  de  Kirkeby  pro  quibus- 
dam  negotiis  nostris  arduis  et  specialibus  quae  sibi  injunximus 
ex  parte  nostra  et  nomine  nostra  vobis  ore  tenus  exponendis  et 
per  vos  expediendis,  vobis  mandamus  in  fide  et  dilectione  qui- 
bus  nobis  tenemiui,  firmiter  injungentes  quod  eidem  Johanni  in 
praemissis  firmam  fidem  adhibeatis  et  ea  modis  omnibus  expleatis. 
Injunximus  autem  eidem  Johanni  quod  responsum  et  volunta- 
tem'  vestram  nobis  rescribat  sine  mora.  In  cujus,  etc.  T.  R. 
apud  Cestriam,  XIX.  die  Junii. — (Parliamentary  Writs,  i.  384.) 

No.  II.     A.D.   1282.     Letter  of thanks  for  the  Aid  negotiated 
by  a  Royal  Commissioner. 

REX  dilectis  et  fidelibus  suis  majori  et  civibus  suis  Here- 
fordiae,  salutem.  De  curiali  subsidio  quod  nobis  promisistis 
ratione  praesentis  expeditionis  nostrae  Walliae,  secundum  quod 
Johannes  de  Kirkeby  clericus  noster,  quern  ad  vos  propter 
hoc  cum  litteris  nostris  de  credentia  transmisimus,  nos  inde 
certioravit  viva  voce,  vobis  plurimum  regratiamur  et  per  Dei 
gratiam  vos  inde  conservabimus  indemnes  tempore  opportune. 
Ceterum  quia  ad  praesens  pecunia  plurimum  indigemus,  vobis 
mandamus,  in  fide  et  homagio  quibus  nobis  tenemini  firmiter 
injungentes,  quod  pecuniam  dicti  subsidii  secundum  extractas 
sub  sigillo  praefati  clerici  nostri  inde  facias,  ac  vicecomiti  nostro 
Herefordscirae  et  vobis  liberates,  sub  omni  festinatione  levari  et 
eidem  vicecomiti  liberari  faciatis  ad  nos  ducendam,  prout  ei  man- 
davimus  per  alias  litteras  nostras  :  et  ita  quod  earn  habeamus  in 
crastino  Omnium  Sanctorum  ad  ultimum.  Et  hoc,  sicut  cor- 
pora vestra  et  omnia  quae  habetis  in  regno  diligitis,  nullatenus 
omittatis.  Et  advertatis  inter  alia  quod  non  expedii'et  aliquo 
modo  quod  nos  et  exercitus  noster  recederemus  a  partibus 
*"V\Talliae  ad  praesens  pro  defectu  solutionis  pecuniae  illius  de 
qua  coiifidimus  ad  plenum.  T.  R.  apud  Dyubey,  XXVIII.  die 
Ootobris. —  (Parliamentary  Writs,  i.  387.) 


vii.]  Writs  of  Summons.  465 


No.  III.     A.D.   1282.      Writ  of  Summons  of  Knights 
of  the  Shire. 

REX  vicecomiti  Norfolciae  et  Suffolciae,  salutem.  Quia 
Lewelinus  films  Griffini  et  alii  Walenses  complices  sui,  in- 
imici  et  rebelles  nostri,  toties  temporibus  nostris  et  progeni- 
torum  nostrorum  regum  Angliae  pacem  regni  nostri  turbarunt 
et  rebellionem  suam  et  malitiam  jam  resumptam  continuare  non 
desistunt  anirno  indurate,  propter  quod  negotium  quod  ad 
ipsorum  versutiam  reprimendam  jam  incepimus  de  consilio 
procerum  et  magnatum  regni  nostri  necnon  et  totius  commu- 
nitatis  ejusdem,  ad  praesens  proponimus  ad  nostram  et  totius 
regni  pacem  et  tranquillitatem  perpetuam  Deo  concedente  fina- 
liter  terminare,  commodius  etiam  et  decentius  esse  perpendimus 
quod  nos  et  incolae  terrae  nostrae  ad  ipsorum  malitiam  totaliter 
destruendam,  pro  communi  utilitate,  laboribus  et  expensis  fati- 
geuiur  hac  vice,  licet  onus  difficile  videatur,  quam  hujusmodi 
turbatione  per  Walenses  ipsos  nunc  habita  pro  voluntate  sua 
futuris  temporibus  cruciari,  prout  tempore  nostro  et  progenito- 
rum  nostrorum  contigit  manifesto,  tibi  praecipimus,  firmiter 
injungentes : — 

1.  Quod  venire  facias  coram  nobis  in  octavis  Sancti  Hillarii 
apud  Norhamptoniam  aut  coram  fidelibus  nostris  quos  ad  hoc 
duxerimus   deputandos,  omnes    illos   de   balliva   tua   ad   arma 
potentes  et  aptos  qui  habent  ultra  viginti  libratas  terrae  et  qui 
nobiscum  in  expeditione  nostra  Wallensi  non  existunt ; 

2.  Et  quatuor  milites  de  utroque  comitatuum  praedictorum 
pro  communitatibus  eoruudeui  comitatuum  habentes  pleuariam 
potestatem ; 

3.  Et    de   qualibet    civitate,    burgo,    villa   mercatoria,    dues 
homines     similiter    potestatem    habentes    pro    communitatibus 
eorundeni,  ad  audiendum  et  faciendum   ea  quae  sibi  ex  parte 
nostra  faciemus  ostendi.     Et  nulli  de  balliva  tua  ultra  viginti 
libratas  terrae  habenti  et  ad  arma  potenti  et  apto,  amore,  favore, 
munere  seu  timore  vel  alia  quacunque  ratione,  parcere  vel  de- 
ferre   praesumas.      Nee   etiam   aliquem   ultra   viginti   libratas 
terrae  non  habentem,   licet  ad   arma  aptus   seu  potens   fuerit, 
coram  nobis  vel  fidelibus  nostris  praedictis  aliquatenus  venire 
facias   ex  causa  praedicta.     Et  de  nominibus  omnium  illorum 
quos  sic  venire   feceris   nos  vel   praedictos  fideles  nostros   ad 
praedictos  diem  et  locum  per  praefatos  quatuor  milites  reddas 
certiores.     Et  habeas  ibi  nomiiia  illorum  quatuor  militum  et 
hoc  breve.     Et  haec  omnia  sicut  te  et  tua  diligis  facere  nou 

\.  ornittas.     T.  R.  apud  Rothelan  XXIV.  die  Novembiis. 

Hh 


Edward  /.  [PART 

Eodem  modo  mandaium  est  vicecomitibus  Nottingham  et 
Derb.,  Sallop.,  Staff.,  Cant.,  Hunt.,  Essex.,  Hertford.,  Buk.,  Bed., 
Somers.,  Dor.,  Surr.,  Suss.,  War.,  Leyc.,  Oxon.,  Berk.,  Kane., 
Midd.,  NortJiampt.,  Motel.,  Line.,  Cornub.,  Devon.,  Wilt.,  Here/,, 
Wygorn.,  Glouc.,  et  Suthampt.,  quod  venire  faciant,  etc.  apud 
Norhamptoniam.  Et  vicecomitibus  Ebor.,  Cumb.,  Westmor., 
Northumbr.,  et  Lane.,  quod  venire  faciant,  etc.  apud  Eboracura. 
—(Parliamentary  Writs,  i.  10.) 

No.  IV.     A.D.  1282.     Writ  of  Summons  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  and  Clergy. 

REX  venerabili  in  Christo  patri  Johanni  eadem  gratia 
Cantuariensi  archiepiscopo,  totius  Angliae  primati,  palu- 
tem.  Quia  Lewelinus,  etc.,  as  in  the  writ  to  the  Sheriffs  to 
contigit  manifesto ;  vobis  mandamus  rogantes  quatenus  suffra- 
ganeos  vestros  et  abbates,  priores  et  alios  singulos  domibus 
religiosis  praefectos,  necnon  et  procuratores  decanorum  et  capi- 
tulorum  ecclesiarum  collegiatarum  vestrae  et  suffraganeorum 
vestrorum  diocesium,  venire  faciatis  coram  nobis  apud  Nor- 
hamptoniam in  octavis  Sancti  Hillarii,  vel  coram  fidelibus  nostris 
quos  ad  hoc  duxerimus  deputandos,  et  vos  eisdem  die  et  loco 
intersitis  ad  audiendum  et  faciendum  ea  quae  pro  re  publica 
vobis  et  sibi  ostendi  super  hiis  faciemus,  et  ad  praestandum 
nobis  consilium  et  juvamen,  praesertim  cum  vestra  sicut  aliorum 
intersit  per  quod  negotium  jam  inceptum  ad  laudem  et 
honorem  Dei  et  magnificentiam  nostrae  famae  ac  totius  regni 
nostri  et  populi  pacem  et  tranquillitatem  perpetuam  valeamus 
hac  vice,  ut  intendimus,  feliciter  consummare.  Teste  ut  supra. 

Consimilis  littera  et  de  eadem  data  dirigitur  archiepiscopo 
Eboracensi  quod  suffraganeos,  etc.  venire  faciat  coram  Rege 
apud  Eboracum  in  octavis  praedictis  vel  coram  fidelibus  R. 
quos,  etc. — (Parliamentary  Writs,  i.  10.) 

No.  V.     A.D.   1283.      Writ  of  the  A rchbislwp  summoning  the 
Clergy  to  Convocation. 

FEATER  J.  etc.  episcopo  Londoniensi  etc.  Quoniam  in  congre- 
gatione  ad  instantiam  domini  regis  habita  Northamptoniae  in 
octavis  Sancti  Hilarii,  nunciis  ejusdem  domini  regis  super  qui- 
busdam  nobis  et  suffraganeis  nostris  ac  clero  praesenti  ibidem 
ex  parte  ipsius  expositis,  turn  propter  absentiam  maximae  partis 
cleri  tune  temporis  modo  debito  non  vocati,  turn  propter  alia 
diversa,  ad  plenum  non  potuit  responderi,  de  communi  tune  prae- 
sentium  consilio  exstitit  ordinatum,  ut  nostis,  quod  clei'us  totus 


vii.]  Writs  of  Summons.  467 

Cantuariensis  provinciae  ad  certos  diem  et  locum  pro  danda 
responsione  hujusmodi  congregetur.  Quocirca  fraternitati  ves- 
trae  tenore  praesentium  praecipiendo  mandamus,  quatenus  con- 
fratres  nostros  episcopos  Cantuariensis  ecclesiae  suffraganeos 
omnes  et  singulos,  necnon  abbates,  priores  ac  alios  quoscunque 
domibus  religiosis  praefectos,  exemptos  et  non  exemptos,  decanos 
ecclesiarum  cathedralium  et  collegiatarum,  ac  archidiaconos  uni- 
versos  per  Cantuariensem  provinciam  constitutos,  citetis  vel 
citari  faciatis  peremptorie,  quod  compareant  coram  nobis  per  se 
vel  per  procuratores  sufficienter  instructos,  seu  conveniant  apud 
Novum  Templum  Londoniis  a  die  Pascha  in  tres  septimanas, 
super  his,  quae  ex  parte  domini  regis  in  congregatione  praedicta 
exposita  fuerant,  tractaturi  ac  ulterius  facturi  quod  Dominus 
inspirabit.  Singuli  insuper  episcopi,  sicut  in  dicta  congrega- 
tione provisum  fuerat,  circa  diem  praedictum  clerum  suae  diocesis 
in  aliquo  loco  certo  congregari  faciant,  et  eadem  quae  ex  parte 
regis  nobis  proposita  fuerant,  diligenter  exponi  procurent;  ita 
quod  ad  dictos  diem  et  locum  Londoniis,  de  qualibet  diocesi  duo 
procuratores  nomine  cleri,  et  de  singulis  capitulis  ecclesiarum 
cathedralium  et  collegiatarum  singuli  procuratores,  sumcienter 
instruct!  mittantur,  qui  plenam  et  expressam  potestatem  Labeant 
una  nobiscum  et  confratribus  super  praemissis  tractandi,  et  con- 
sentiendi  hiis  quae  ibidem  ad  honorem  ecclesiae,  consolationem 
domini  regis,  et  pacem  regni,  cleri  communitas  providebit  De 
nominibus  vero  abbatum,  priorum  et  aliorum  religiosorum,  deca- 
norum,  archidiaconorura,  procuratorum  tarn  cleri  cujuslibet 
diocesis,  quam  capitulorum,  singuli  episcopi  pro  suis  diocesibus 
ad  dictos  diem  et  locum  per  suas  litteras  distincte  nos  certificent 
et  aperte.  Vos  autem  quos  tune  praesentes  adesse  volumus, 
nobis  rescribatis,  per  vestras  litteras  patentes,  harum  seriem 
continentes,  qualiter  praesens  mandatum  nostrum  fueritis  exe- 
cuti.  Datum  Northamptoniae  XII.  kalendas  Februarii.  A.D. 
MoCCoLXXXoHI°.— (JFttttn*,  Concilia,  ii.  93.) 

No.  VL  a.     A.D.  1283.  Summons  of  Borough  Members 
to  a  National  Council. 

REX  majori,  civibus,  et  vicecomitibus  Londomarum.  Quot 
fraudum  et  machinationum  generibus  lingua  Walensium,  ad 
instar  vulpium,  progenitores  nostros,  nos,  et  regnum  nostrum 
invaserit  a  tempore  quo  potest  hominis  memoria  recordari,  quot 
strages  magnatum,  nobilium,  et  aliorum  tarn  Anglicorum  quam 
aliorum,  juvenum  atque  senum,  mulierum  et  etiam  parvulorum, 
fecerit,  quot  castrorum  et  maneriorum  incendia  tarn  nostrorum 
quam  aliorum  incolarum  regni  hujus  posuerit,  quoties  turbaverit 

H  h  2 


468  Edward  I.  [PART 

et  infecerit  regnum  nostrum,  Deum  vel  hominem  non  verendo, 
vix  posset  lingua  hominis  per  singula  enarrare ;  verum  qualiter 
hiis  diebus,  ut  praeterita  taceamus,  Lewelinus  filius  Griffini 
Walliae  quondam  princeps,  et  David  germanus  ejus,  spreto 
fidelitatis  quam  nobis  fecerant  debito,  assueta  relinquere  non 
valentes,  proditionalius  solito  villas  nostras  subito  combusserunt, 
et  proh  dolor  !  quibusdam  fidelibus  nostris  occisis,  quibusdam 
conibustis,  et  aliis  diris  carceribus  mancipatis,  castra  nostra 
invadere  ausu  temerario  praesumpserunt,  fundendo  immaniter 
sanguinem  innocentem,  jam  est  regni  nostri  singulorum  auribus 
inculcatum.  Sed  Ille,  Qui  post  peccatoris  conversionem  diutius 
exspectavit,  ipsum  induratum  praecipitari  permittit,  hujus  frau- 
dibus,  machinationibus,  incendiis  et  caedibus  inhumanis,  ut  ap- 
paret  verisimiliter,  imponere  finem  volens,  dicto  principe  prius 
interfecto,  tandem  dictum  David,  qui  quasi  ultimus  superstes  de 
dictorum  proditorum  genere  habebatur,  captivatum  per  homines 
linguae  suae  nostro  carceri  destinavit ;  super  quo  Eidem  gratias 
sicut  Ipsum  factorem  credinius  hujus  rei.  Et  quia  cum  fidelibus 
nostris  volumus  habere  colloquium  quid  de  David  fieri  debeat 
meniorato,  quern  relegatum  susceperamus,  nutriveramus  orpha- 
num,  ditaveramus  de  propriis  terris  nostris,  ipsum  inter  majores 
nostri  palatii  collocantes  ;  vobis  mandamus  quod  duos  de  sapi- 
eutioribus  et  aptioribus  civibus  praedictae  civitatis  eligi  faciatis, 
et  eos  ad  nos  mittatis,  ita  quod  sint  ad  nos  apud  Sallopiam  in 
crastino  Sancti  Michaelis  proximo  future,  nobiscurn  super  hoc 
et  aliis  locuturi.  Et  hoc  nullatenus  omittatis.  T.  Eege  apud 
Rothelan.,  XXVIIIvo  die  Junii. 

A  similar  letter  was  addressed  to  the  mayors  and  citizens  of 
Winchester,  York,  Exeter,  Lincoln,  Canterbury,  and  Carlisle  : 
to  the  mayors  and  bailiffs  of  Newcastle- on -Tyne,  Bristol, 
Grimsby,  and  Lynn :  to  the  mayors  and  good  men  of  North- 
ampton, Hereford,  Chester,  and  Worcester :  to  t/te  bailiffs  of 
Norwich,  Nottingham,  Scarborough,  and  Colchester  :  and  to  the 
bailiffs  and  good  men  of  Yarmouth  and  Shrewsbury, 

Sub  forma  praedicta  mandatum  est  universis  et  singulis 
vicecomitibus  per  Angliam,  quod  in  quolibet  comitatu  eligi 
faciant  duos  milites  de  discretioribus  et  aptioribus  comitatus 
illius  ad  regem  pro  communitate  ejusdem  comitatus  ventures, 
ita  quod  sint  ad  regem  in  crastino  Sancti  Michaelis  praedicto 
apud  Sallopiam  cum  rege  super  hiis  et  aliis  locuturi. — (Parlia- 
mentary Writs,  i.  1 6.) 


vii.]  Statute  of  Winchester.  >    469 

No.  VI.  b.     A.D.  1283,  Oct.  12.     Statute  of  Merchants. 
. . .  LE  rei  par  luy  e  par  sun  conseil  ad  ordine  e  establi . . .  e  par 
cest  establissement  ne  seit  bref  de  dette  abatu  .   .  .  Donee  a 
Actone  Burnel  le  duzim  jor  de  Octobre  en  lau  de  nostre  regne 
un/iin.    (Statutes,  i.  53,  54.) 

No.  VII.   A.D.  1283.    Writ  for  the  Collection  of  a  Thirtieth. 

REX  militibus,  liberia  hominibus  et  toti  communitati  comi- 
tatus  Suthamtoniae,  salutem.  De  eo  quod  nuper  per  quatuor 
milites  ex  parte  communitatis  comitatus  praedicti  usque  Nor- 
baratoniam  missos,  curialiter  concessistis  nobis  facere  subsidium 
ratione  praesentis  expeditionis  nostrae  Walliae,  secundum  quod 
magnates  nostri  providerent  et  in  hujusmodi  subsidio  concor- 
darent,  vobis  plurimum  regratiamur.  Et  quia  iidem  magnates 
perpendentes  milites  aliorum  comitatuum  regni  nostri,  ex  parte 
communitatis  eorundem  ad  locum  praedictum  missos,  subsidium 
tricesimae  de  omnibus  bonis  suis  rnobilibus  nobis  ratione  expe- 
ditionis praedictae  concessisse,  concordarunt  ad  hujusmodi  sub- 
sidium tricesimae  nobis  in  forma  qua  milites  aliorum  comi- 
tatuum praedictorum  concesserunt  faciendum,  assignavimus 
dilectos  et  fideles  nostros  Willelmum  de  Brayboef  et  Jobannem 
de  Arundel  ad  dictam  tricesimam  assidendam,  taxandam,  et  per 
ipsos  et  per  vicecomites  comitatus  praedicti  colligendam.  Et 
ideo  vobis  mandamus  quod  eisdem  Willelmo  et  Johanni  in  prae- 
missis  sitis  intendentes,  respondentes,  consulentes  et  auxiliantes, 
prout  ipsi  vobis  scire  facient  ex  parte  nostra.  In  cujus  etc. 
T.  R.  apud  Rothelan.,  XXVIII.  die  Febr.  —  (Parliamentary 
Writs,  i.  13.) 


A.D.  1285.     STATUTE  OF  WINCHESTER. 

This  important  statute  may  be  regarded  as  representing  the 
sum  of  the  series  of  documents,  touching  the  Assize  of  Arms 
and  Watch  and  Ward,  given  already ;  and  thus  as  illustrating 
rather  the  permanent  and  definite  development  in  England  of 
primitive  custom  than  any  particular  constitutional  detail.  In 
the  former  stages  of  this  process  we  have  seen  several  points 
in  which  constitutional  influences  were  at  work,  or  in  which 
the  same  influences  were  traceable  as  were  at  work  on  the 
other  portions  of  the  national  polity  to  which  the  name  of 


47°  Edward  I.  [PART 

constitutional  is  more  frequently  given  ;  such  as  the  alodial 
basis  of  these  institutions,  and  the  use  of  jury-inquest  in  the 
administration  of  them.  Such  matters  become  now  of  archaeo- 
logical interest  only.  But  the  Statute  of  Winchester  is  a  monu- 
ment of  the  persistence  of  primitive  institutions  working  their 
way  through  the  superstratum  of  feudalism  and  gaining  strength 
in  the  process:  and  as  such  it  is  an  illustration  of  the  same 
permanence  of  principle  in  the  higher  regions  of  government. 

Pur  ceo  qe  de  jour  en  jour  roberies,  homicides,  arsuns,  plus 
sovenerement  sunt  fetes  qe  avaunt  ne   soleyent,  e  felonies  ne 
poount  estre  atteinz  par  serment  des  jururs,  qe  plus  volunters 
sufferent  felonies  fetes  as  ^esfraunges  genz  passer  saunz  peynes  // 
qe  enditer  meffessours,  dunt  graunt  partie  sunt  gent  de  meimes    ' 
le  pays,  ou  a  meins,  si  les  fesours   sont  de  autre  pays,  lour  ( 
recetturs  sunt  del  visne  ;  e  ceo  funt  il  pur  taunt  qe  serment 
nest  mie  hore  dute  as  jururs  ne  au  pays  ou  les  felonies  furent 
fetes  qaunt  a  restitucion  des  damages,  peyne  avant  ne  fu  purveue 
pur  lur  concelement  e  lur  lachesce ;  nostre  seignur  le  rey,  pur 
abatre  le  poer  de  feluns,  si  establit  peyne  en  teu  cas,  issi  qe  par 
pour  de  la  peyne  plus  qe  par  pour  de  serment,  a  nuli  desoremes 
ne  esparnient,  ne  nule  felonie  ne  concelent ;  e  comand  qe  so- 
lempuement  seit  la  crie  fete,  en  tuz  cuntez,  hundrez,  marches,   •» 
feyres  e  tuz  autres  lous  ou  solernpne  assemble  des  gentz  sera,   " 
issi  qe  mil  par  ignoraunce  se  pusse  escuser,  qe  checun  pays  issi 
desoremes  seit  garde,  qe  meintenant  apres  roberies  e  felonies 
fetes  seit  fete  si  fresche  sute  de  vile  en  vile,  de  pays  en  pays. 

II.  Enquestes  ensemeut  seient  fetes^si  mester  est  en  viles  par 
celui  qfsdTeFenTesT "3eT  la  vile,  e  pus  en  hundrez  e  en  fraunchises 
e  en  cuntez,  et  ascun  foiz  en  deux,  trois,  ou  qatre  countees, 
en  cas  quaunt  felonies  serunt  fetes  en  marche  de  cuntez,  issi  qe 
rneffesours  pusent  estre  ateinz.    E  si  le  pais  de  tels  manere  de 
mefesours  ne  respoigne,  la  pein  sera  tiel  qe  chescun  pais,  cest 
assaver  genz  en  pais  demoraunz,  respoignent  de  roberies  fetes  e 
de  damages ;  issi  qe  tut  le  hundred  ou  la  roberie__serra  fete,  ove 
les  fraunchises~qe  sunt  dedenz  la  purceiut  de  meime  le  hundred, 
respoignent  de  roberie  fete.     E  si  la  roberie  seit  fete  "en  clevises 
dedenz  hundrez,  respoigne"  ambedeus  les  hundrez  ensemblement 
of  les  fraunchises  ;  e  plus  long  terme  ne  avera  le  pais,  apres  la 
roberie  e  felonie  fete,  qe  xl.  joursz,  dedenz  les  quels  il  covendra 
qil  facent  gre  de  la  roberie  e  du  mefet  ou  qil  respoignent  de  cors 
de  mefesurs. 

III.  E  pur  ceo  qe  le  rey  ne  vueut  pas  qe  gent  sodeynement 


J 


vii.]  Statute  of  Winchester.  471 

seient  espoveri  de  ceste  peyne  qe  semblereit  dure  a  aucune  gent, 
graunte  qele  ne  seit  mie  maintenaunt  encorue,  mes  preigne  la 
peyne  respit  deqes  a  la  Paske  procheine  venaunt,  e  dedenz  eel 
terme  verra  le  rey  coment  le  pais  se  portera,  e  seserunt  teles 
roberies  e  felonies.  Apres  quel  terme  tuz  seient  certeinz  qe 
lavaundite  paine  curra  generauinent,  ceo  est  asaver  qe  chescun 
pais,  ceo  est  asaver  genz  el  pais  demoraunz,  respoignent  des 
roberies  e  felonies  fetes  en  lur  pais. 

IV.  E  a  plus  seurer  le  pais,  ad  le  rey  comaunde  qe  en  les 
graunz  viles  qe  sunt  closes,  les  portes  seient  fermes  del  solail 
rescuse  deqes  au  solail  levaunt ;  e  qe  nul  home  ne  herberge  en 
suburbe  ne  en  forein  cbief  de  la  vile,  si  de  jour  noun,  ne  uncore 
de  jour  si  le  hoste  ne  voille  pur  lui  respundre ;  e  les  baillifs  de 


viles  chescune  semeine,  ou  ameins  quinzeine,  facent  enquestes 
de  genz  herbergez  en  suburbes  e  en  foreins  chefs  de  viles  ;  e  sil 
trovent  nul  herbergour  qi  resceive  ou  herberge  en  autre  manere 
gent  dunt  suspeciun  seit  qil  soient  gent  countre  la  pes,  si  enfa- 
cent  les  baillifs  dreiture.  E  desoremes  est  comaunde,  qe  veylles 
\  soient  fetes,  issi  cum  auncienernent  soleyent  estre,  ceo  est  asaver 
del  jour  de  la  Ascenciun  deqes  le  jour  Seint  Michel,  en  chescun 
cite  par  sis  homes,  en  chescune  porte;  en  chescun  burgh  par  xii. 
homes  ;  en  chescune  vile  en  terre  par  vi.  homes  ou  iiii.  solom 
numbre  des  genz  qi  abitent  ;  e  facent  la  veille  continuelement 
tute  la  nuit  del  solail  rescusse  jeqes  al  solail  levaunt.  E  si  nul 
estraunge  passe  par  eus,  seit  arestu  jeqes  au  matin  ;  e  si  mile 
suspeciun  ne  seit  trove,  auge  quites  ;  e  si  em  trove  tuspeciun, 
seit  livere  al  viscunte  maiutenaunt,  e  saunz  daunger  le  receive, 
le  garde,  jeqes  a  taunt  qe  en  due  manere  seit 


delivre.  E  si  eus  ne  se  soefferent  pas  estre  aresteuz,  seit  heu  e 
cri  leve  sur  eus,  e  ecus  qi  funt  la  veille  les  siwent  o  tute  la  vilee 
ove  les  visnees  viles,  o  heu  e  cri  de  vile  en  vile,  jesqes  taunt 
qil  serra  pris  e  livrez  au  viscunte  cum  est  avaunt  dit  ;  e  pur  le 
resteiment  de  tels  estraunges,  nul  ne  seit  enchesune. 

V.  Comaunde  est  ensement  qe  les  hauz  chemins  des  viles 
marchaundes  as  autre  viles  marchaundes  seient  enlargiz,  la  ou 
il  iad  bois,  ou  haies,  ou  fossez,  issi  qil  nieit  fosse,  suthboys,  ou 
bussuns,  ou  lem  peut  tapir  pur  mal  fere  pres  del  cheniin,  de 
deus  centz  pez  de  une  part,  e  de  deus  centz  pez  de  autre  pail, 
issi  qe  cet  estatut  point  ne  estende  as  keynes,  ne  as  gros  fusz, 
par  qei  ceo  seit  cler  desuz.  E  gi  par  defaute  de  seignur  qi  lie 
vodra  fosse,  subois,  ou  bussuns,  en  la  furme  avauntdite  abatre, 
e  roberies  seient  fetes,  si  respoygne  le  seygnur  :  e  sil  ieyt  murdre, 
si  seit  le  seignur  reint  a  la  voluute  le  rey.  E  si  le  seignur  ne 
suffist  a  suzbois  abatre,  si  lui  aide  le  pais  a  ceo  fere.  E  le  rei 

V 


473  Edward  I.  [PART 

/  veut  qe  en  ses  demeines  terres,  e  boys  dedenz  foreste  e  dehors, 
seient  les  chemins  enlargiz  cum  avaunt  est  dit.  E  si  par  cas 
park  seit  pres  del  haut  chemin,  si  covendra  qe  le  seignur  del 
park  amenuse  sun  park,  jeques  ataunt  qil  ieyt  la  leyse  de  deus 
centz  pez  pres  del  haut  chemin,  cum  avaunt  est  dit,  ou  qe  il  face 
tel  mur,  fosse  ou  haye  qe  mefiesurs  ne  pussent  passer  ne  returner 

\  pur  mal  fere. 

«VI.  Comaunde  est  ensement  qe  chescun  home  eit  en  sa  mesun 
armure  pur  la  pees  garder,  solum  la  aunciene  assise ;  ceo  est 
assaver  qe  chescun  home  entre  quinze  annz  e  seisaunte  soit  asis  e 
jure  as  armes,  solum  la  quantite  de  lur  terres  e  de  lur  chateus ; 
ceo  est  assaver,  a  quinze  liveree  des  terres  e  chateus  de  quaraunte 
mars,  halibergeun,  chapel  de  feer,  espe,  cutel  e  cheval ;  a  disz 
liveree  de  terre  e  chateus  de  vint  mars,  haubergeun,  chapel,  espe, 
e  cutel ;  a  cent  souldeesz  de  terre,  parpoint,  chapel  de  feer,  espe 
e  cutel ;  a  quaraunte  souldeez  de  terre,  e  de  plus  jeqes  a  cent 
souz,  espe,  ark,  setes  e  cutel ;  e  qe  meins  ad  ke  quaraunte  souze 
de  terre  seit  jure  a  faus  gisarmes,  cuteus  e  autres  menues  armes  ; 
qi  meins  ad  de  chateus  ke  vint  mars,  espees,  cuteus  e  autres 
menues  armes.  E^tuz  les  autres  qi  aver  pount,  eient  arcs  e  setesL— 
hors  des  forestes,  e  dedenz  forestes  arcs  e  piles.  E  qe  veue  des 
armes  soit  fete  deus  foiz  par  an.  E  en  chescun  hundred  e 
fraunchise  seyent  eleus  deus  conestables  a  fere  la  veue  des  armes ; 
e^Jes  conestables  avaunt  diz  presentent  devaunt 


assignez,  quant  il  vendrunt  en  pays,  les  defautes  qiTaverount 
trovez  de  armeure,  e  de  suites  de  veilles,  e  de  cheminz  ;  e  presen- 
tent ausi  de  genz,  qi  herbergent  genz  estraunges  en  viles  de  uppe- 
launde,  pur  queus  il  ne  volent  respundre.  E  les  justices  assignez 
en  chescun  parlement  representent  au  rey,  e  le  rey  sur  ceo  en  fra 
remedie.  E  bien  se  gardent  desoremes  Viscuntes,  Baillifs  de 
fraunchises  e  dehors,  greignurs  ou  maindres,  qi  baillie  ou  fores- 
terie  unt,  en  fee  ou  en  autre  manere,  qil  siwent  le  cri  ove  le  pays ; 
e  solum  ceo  qil  sunt,  eient  chevaus  e  armeure  a  ceo  fere ;  e  si 
nul  seit  qi  nel  face,  seient  les  defauz  presentez  par  les  conestables 
as  justicez  assignez,  e  puis  apres  par  eus  au  rey  cum  avaunt  est 
dit.  E  comaunde  le  rey  e  defend  qe  feire  ne  marche  desoremes 
ne  soient  tenuz  en  cimeter  pur  honur  de  Seinte  Eglise.  Done  a 
"Wyncestre,  le  utisme  jour  de  October,  le  an  du  regne  le  rey 
trezime. 

TRANSLATION. 

I.  Forasmuch  as  from  day  to  day,  robberies,  murders,  burnings  and 
thefts  be  more  often  used  than  they  have  been  heretofore,  and  felons 
cannot  be  attainted  by  the  oath  of  jurors. which  had  rather  suffer  felonies 
done  to  strangers  to  pass  without  pain,  than  to  indite  the  offenders  of  whom 


VII.]  Statute  of  Winchester.  473 

great  part  be  people  of  the  same  country,  or  at  least  if  the  offenders  be  of 
another  country  the  receivers  be  of  places  near;  and  they  do  the  same 
because  an  oath  is  not  put  unto  jurors,  nor  upon  the  country  where  such 
felonies  were  done  as  to  the  restitution  of  damages,  hitherto  no  pain  hath 
been  limited  for  their  concealment  and  laches ;  our  lord  the  king,  for  to 
abate  the  power  of  felons,  hath  established  a  pain  in  this  case,  so  that  from 
henceforth,  for  fear  of  the  pain  more  than  from  fear  of  any  oath,  they  shall 
not  spare  any  nor  conceal  any  felonies ;  and  doth  command  that  cries  shall 
be  solemnly  made  in  all  counties,  hundreds,  markets,  fairs,  and  all  other 
places  where  great  resort  of  people  is,  so  that  none  shall  excuse  himself  by 
ignorance,  that  from  henceforth  every  country  be  so  well  kept  that  imme- 
diately upon  such  robberies  and  felonies  committed  fresh  suits  shall  be 
made  from  town  to  town  and  from  country  to  country. 

II.  Likewise  when  need  requires,  inquests  shall  be  made  in  towns  by 
him  that  is  lord  of  the  town,  and  afterln  the  hundred"  ahd  in  the  franchise 
and  in  the  county,  and  sometimes  in  two,  three,  or  four  counties,  in  case 
when  felonies  shall  be  committed  in  the  marches  of  shires,  so    that  the 
offenders  may  be  attainted.     And  if  the  country  will  not  answer  for  tho 
bodies  of  such  manner  of  offenders,  the  pain  shall  be  such,   that  every 
country,  that  is  to  wit,  the  people  dwelling  in  the  country,  shall  be  answer- 
able for  the  robberies  done  and  also  the  damages ;  so  that  the  whole  .hun- 
dred where  the  robbery  shall  be  done,,  with  the  franchises  being  within  the 
precinct  of  the  same  hundred,  shall  be  answerable  for  the  robberies  done. 
And  if  the   robbery  be  done  in  the   division  of  two  Lamln-cls,  both  "the 
hundreds  and  the  franchises  within  them  shall  be  answerable ;  and  after 
that  the  felony  or  robbery  is  done,  the  country  shall  have  no  longer  space 
than  forty  days,  within  which  forty  days  it  shall  behove  them  to  agree  for 
the  robbery  or  offence,  or  else  that  they  will  answer  for  the  bodies  of  the 
offenders. 

III.  And  forasmuch  as  the  king  will  not  that  his  people  should  be 
suddenly  impoverished  by  reason  of  this  penalty,  that  seemeth  very  hard  to 
many,  the  king  granteth  that  it  shall  not  be  incurred  immediately,  but  it  shall 
be  respited  until  Easter  next  following,  within  which  time  the  king  may 
see  how  the  country  will  order  themselves,  and  whether  such  felonies  and 
robberies  do  cease.    After  which  term  let  them  all  be  assured  that  the  f 
foresaid   penalty  shall  run  generally  ;  that  is  to  say,  every  country,  that  I 
is  to  wit,  the  people  in  the  country,  shall  be  answerable  for  felonies  and  | 
robberies  done  among  them. 

IV.  And  for  the  more  surety  of  the  country,  the  king  hath  commanded 
that  in  great  towns  being  walled,  the  gates  shall  be  closed  from  the  sun- 
setting  until  the  sun-rising ;  and  that  no  man  do  lodge  in  suburbs,  nor  in 
any  place  out  of  the  town,  from  nine  of  the  clock  until  day,  without  his 
host  will  answer  for  him  ;  and  the  bailiffs  of  towns  every  week,  or  at  the 
least  every  fifteenth  day,  shall  make  inquiry  of  all  persons  being  lodged  in 
the  suburbs  or  in  foreign  places  of  the  towns ;  and  if  they  do  find  any  that 
have  lodged  or  received  any  strangers  or  suspicious  person    against  the 
peace,  the  bailiff*  shall  do  right  therein.     And  the  king  commandeth,  that 
from  henceforth,  all  watches  be  made  as  it  hath  been  used  in  times  past, 
that  is  to  wit,  from  the  day  of  the  Ascension  until  the  day  of  S.  Michael, 
in  every  city  by  six  men  at  every  gate ;  in  every  borough,  twelve  men ; 
every  town,  six  or  four,  according  to  the  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town,  and  they  shall  watch  the  town  continually  all  night  from  the  sun- 
setting  unto  the  sun-rising.     And  if  any  stranger  do  pass  by  them  he  shall 
be  arrested  until  morning  ;  and  if  no  suspicion  be  found  he  shall  go  quit ; 
and  if  they  find  cause  of  suspicion,  they  shall  forthwith  deliver  him  to  the 


r\ 


474  Edward  I.  [PART 

sheriff,  and  the  sheriff  may  receive  him  without  damage,  and  shall  keep 
Him  safely,  until  he  be  acquitted  in  due  manner.  And  if  they  will  not 
obey  the  arrest,  they  shall  levy  hue  and  cry  upon  them,  and  such  as  keep 
the  watch  shall  follow  with  hue  and  cry  with  all  the  town  and  the  towns 
near,  and  so  hue  and  cry  shall  be  made  from  town  to  town,  until  that  they 
be  taken  and  delivered  to  the  sheriff  as  before  is  said ;  and  fur  the  arrest- 
ments  of  such  strangers  none  shall  be  punished. 

V.  And  further,  it  is  commanded  that  highways  leading  from  one  market 
town  to  another  shall  be  enlarged,  whereas  bushes,  woods,  or  dykes  be,  so 
that  there  be  neither  dyke,  tree,  nor  bush  whereby  a  man  may  lurk  to  do 
hurt  within  two  hundred  foot  of  the  one  side  and  two  hundred  foot  on  the 
other  side  of  the  way ;  so  that  this  statute  shall  not  extend  unto  oaks, 
nor  unto  great  trees,  so  as  it  shall  be  clear  underneath.  And  if  by  default 
of  the  lord  that  will  not  abate  the  dyke,  underwood,  or  bushes,  in  the 
manner  aforesaid,  any  robberies  be  done  therein,  the  lord  shall  be  answer- 
able for  the  felony ;  and  if  murder  be  done  the  lord  shall  make  a  line  at 
the  king's  pleasure.  And  if  the  lord  be  not  able  to  fell  the  underwoods, 
the  country  shall  aid  him  therein.  And  the  king  willeth  that  in  his  de- 
mesne lands  and  woods,  within  his  forest  and  without,  the  ways  shall  be 
enlarged,  as  before  is  said.  And  if  per  case  a  park  be  near  to  the  high- 
way, it  is  requisite  that  the  lord  shall  minish  his  park  the  space  of  two 
hundred  foot  from  the  highways,  as  before  is  said,  or  that  he  make  such 
a  wall,  dyke,  or  hedge  that  offenders  may  not  pass,  ng^return  to  do  evil. 
.  VI.  And  further  it  is  commanded  that  every  man  have  in  his  house 
harness  for  to  keep  the  peace  after  the  ancient  assize  ;  that  is  to 
say,  every  man  between  fifteen  years  of  age  and  sixty  years,  shall  be 
assessed  ana  sworn  to  armour  according  to  the  quantity  of  their  lands  and 
goods  ;  that  is  to  wit,  from  fifteen  pounds  lands,  and  goods  forty  marks,  an 
hauberke,  an  helme  of  iron,  a  sword,  a  knife,  and  a  horse  ;  and  from  ten 
pounds  of  lands,  and  twenty  marks  goods,  an  hauberke,  an  helme  of 
iron,  a  sword,  and  a  knife  ;  and  from  five  pound  lands,  a  doublet,  an  helme 
of  iron,  a  sword,  and  a  knife  ;  and  from  forty  shillings  of  land,  a  sword,  a 
bow  and  arrows,  and  a  knife  ;  and  he  that  hath  less  than  forty  shillings 
yearly  shall  be  sworn  to  keep  gisarmes,  knives,  and  other  less  weapons  ; 
and  he  that  hath  less  than  twenty  marks  in  goods,  shall  have  swords, 
knives,  and  other  less  weapons  ;  and  all  other  that  may  :shall  have  bows 
and  arrows  out  of  the  forest,  and  in  the  forest  bows  and  boults.  And  that 
view  of  armour  be  made  every  year  two  times.  And  in  every  hundred  and 
franchise  two  constables  shall  be  chosen  to  make  the  view  of  armour  ;  and 
the  constables  aforesaid  shall  present  before  justices  assigned  such  defaults 
as  they  do  see  in  the  country  about  armour,  and  of  the  suits,  and  of  watches, 
and  of  highways ;  and  also  shall  present  all  such  as  do  lodge  strangers  in 
uplandish  towns,  for  whom  they  will  not  answer.  And  the  justices  assigned 
shall  present  at  every  parliament  unto  the  king  such  defaults  as  they  shall 
find,  and  the  king  shall  provide  remedy  therein.  And  from  henceforth  let 
sheriffs  take  good  heed,  and  bailiffs  within  their  franchises  and  without,  be 
they  higher  or  lower,  that  have  any  bailiwick  or  forestry  in  fee  or  other- 
wise, that  they  shall  follow  the  cry  with  the  country,  and  after,  as  they  are 
bounden,  to  keep  horses  and  armour,  so  to  do ;  and  if  there  be  any  that 
do  not,  the  defaults  shall  be  presented  by  the  constables  to  the  justices 
assigned,  and  after  by  them  to  the  king  ;  and  the  king  will  provide  remedy 
as  afore  is  said.  And  the  king  commandeth  and  forbiddeth  that  from 
henceforth  neither  fairs  nor  markets  be  kept  in  churchyards,  for  the  honour 
of  the  church.  Given  at  Winchester,  the  eighth  of  October,  in  the  thir- 
teenth year  of  the  reign  of  the  king. — (Statutes  of  the  Eealm,  i.  96-98.) 


Parliament  of  1290.  475 


A.D.    1290.    TRANSACTIONS  IN  PAELIAMEXT. 

The  acts  and  character  of  the  parliament  of  1290,  like  those 
of  the  national  councils  of  1283,  bear  the  marks  of  a  transi- 
tionary  period.  It  would  seem  that  during  the  year  there 
were  three  distinct  parliaments,  one  on  S.  Hilary's  Day,  at 
which  the  king  appointed  new  judges  in  succession  to  those  whom 
he  had  displaced  on  his  return  from  France  in  1289  ;  a  second 
after  Trinity,  in  which  the  business  was  transacted  to  which  the 
following  documents  refer  ;  and  a  third  in  October,  during  which 
the  king  and  magnates  sat  at  Clipston,  and  the  clergy  at  Ely, 
(See  above,  p.  435.)  The  summer  session  is  the  only  one  to 
which  the  Commons  are  known  to  have  been  summoned. 

The  first  of  the  following  documents  is  the  grant  of  an  aid  to 
the  king  for  the  marriage  of  his  eldest  daughter.  It  is  made  on 
the  2  pth  of  May,  by  the  barons  and  bishops  only,  but  in  full 
parliament,  and  not  only  for  themselves  but  for  the  commonalty, 
at  the  rate  of  forty  shillings  on  the  knight's  fee.  (No.  I.)  A 
fortnight  after  this,  June  1 4th,  the  king  issued  a  summons  to 
the  sheriffs  to  return  two  knights  of  each  shire,  to  meet  at 
Westminster  on  the  I5th  of  July,  to  counsel  and  consent  to 
what  should  be  then  and  there  ordained  by  the  earls,  barons, 
and  proceres.  (No.  II.)  It  is  probable  that  it  was  intended  to 
urge  on  the  representatives  of  the  shires  the  duty  of  agreeing 
to  a  similar  grant  of  money.  Without,  however,  waiting  for 
the  arrival  of  the  Commons,  the  king,  at  the  instance  of  the 
magnates,  enacted  the  statute  Quia  Emptores  on  the  8th  of 
July.  (No.  III.)  What  was  done  further  in  the  July  session 
cannot  be  certainly  determined ;  but  it  is  probable  that  some 
difficulties  arose,  and  that  the  settlement  of  the  aid  did  not 
take  place  before  September.'  On  the  22nd  of  that  month, 
the  king,  at  Clipston,  issued  letters  appointing  collectors  of 
a  fifteenth,  which,  he  says,  the  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots, 
priors,  earls,  barons,  and  others  of  the  realm  had  granted  him. 
The  aid  '  pur  fille  inarier'  was  not  exacted  at  this  time,  nor  for 
several  years  after:  it  was  paid  in  1302.  It  would  seem  then 


47 6  Edward  I.  [PAET 

that  this  fifteenth  was  accepted  by  the  king  instead  of  it,  pro- 
bably in  consequence  of  some  action  taken  by  the  Commons  in 
July.  He  himself  was  at  Clipston  throughout  the  month  of 
October,  and  the  Rolls  of  Parliament  record  a  session  of  par- 
liament there  a  month  after  Michaelmas,  but  there  is  no  evidence 
to  show  that  he  was  attended  by  the  Commons.  The  clergy, 
assembled  in  provincial  council  at  Ely  on  the  2nd  of  October, 
supplemented  the  lay  grant  by  a  vote  of  a  tenth  of  spirituals. 
The  king's  writ  for  the  collection  of  the  fifteenth  has  no 
reference  to  the  grant  of  the  tenth,  which  was  indeed  later  in 
point  of  time,  although  it  may  have  been  asked  for  in  July.  The 
importance  of  these  events  consists  in  the  facts,  that,  at  this 
date,  the  presence  of  the  representatives  of  the  shires  was  not 
regarded  »s  necessary  for  legislation;  that  the  magnates  still 
regarded  themselves  as  competent  to  make  a  grant  on  the 
knight's  fee  for  the  whole  community,  without  the  presence  of 
the  Commons ;  and  that  notwithstanding,  the  subsequent  con- 
sent of  the  shires  was  demanded  of  their  representatives,  and 
in  consequence,  we  may  infer,  of  their  action,  a  change  in  the 
character  of  the  aid  was  effected.  The  historians  appear  to 
have  thought  that  the  aid  was  granted  in  gratitude  for  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jews,  a  measure  determined  on  in  the  May 
session. 

The  enactment  of  the  statute  Quia  Emptores  without  the 
presence  of  the  Commons,  is  consistent  with  the  proceedings 
in  the  case  of  the  aid.  It,  as  well  as  the  aid,  affected  the  land- 
owners only.  There  would  be  no  occasion  to  consult  the  cities 
or  boroughs  on  such  a  point;  but  that  it  should  be  enacted 
without  the  assent  of  the  knights  of  the  shire  shows  distinctly 
that  the  king,  either  alone  or  with  the  counsel  and  consent 
of  the  barons,  was  at  this  moment  held  competent  to  legislate 
without  the  consent  of  the  representatives,  so  far  at  least  as  to 
publish  a  statute  before  that  consent  could  be  obtained. 


viz.]  Parliament  of  1290.  477 

No.  I.     Grant  of  Aid  '  pur  fills  marier.' 

MEMORANDUM  quod  in  crastino  Sanctae  Trinitatis,  anno 
regni  regis  decimo  octavo,  in  pleno  parliamento  ipsius  domini 
regis,  Kobertus  Bathoniensis  et  Wellensis,  Antonius  Dunel- 
mensis,  Johannes  Wyntoniensis,  Thomas  Menevensis,  Radulfus 
Karleolensis,  episcopi  ;  et  Willelmus  electus  Eliensis,  Edmundus 
frater  domini  regis,  Willelmus  de  Valencia  comes  Penebrok, 
Gilbertus  de  Clare  comes  Gloucestriae  et  Hertfordiae,  Johannes 
de  Warennia  comes  Surreiae,  Henricus  de  Lacy  comes  Lin- 
colniae,  Humfridus  de  Bohun  comes  Herefordiae  et  Essexiae, 
Robertas  de  Tipetot,  Reginaldus  de  Grey,  Johannes  de  Hast- 
inges,  Johannes  de  Sancto  Johanne,  Ricardus  Filius  Johanuis, 
Willelmus  le  Latymer,  Rogerus  de  Monte  alto,  Willelmus  de 
Brewose,  Theobaldus  de  Verdun,  Walterus  de  Huntercumba, 
Nicolaus  de  Segrave,  et  ceteri  magnates  et  proceres  tune  in 
parliamento  existentes,  pro  se  et  communitate  totiusregni  quan- 
tum in  ipsis  est,  concesseruut  domino  regi,  ad  riliam  suam  pri- 
mogenitam  maritandam,  quod  ipse  dominus  rex  percipiat  et 
habeat  tale  auxilium  et  tantum  quale  et  quantum  dominus 
Henricus  rex  pater  suus  percepit  et  habuit  de  regno  ad  filiam 
suam,  videlicet  sororem  domini  regis  nunc,  regi  Scotiae  mari- 
tandam. Et  licet  idem  dominus  Henricus  rex  tempore  illo  ad 
praedictum  auxilium  plenarie  non  percepit  de  quolibet  feodo 
militis  nisi  tantummodo  duas  marcas  vel  parum  plus,  praedicti 
tamen  praelati,  comites,  barones  et  proceres  concesserunt  quod 
dominus  rex  percipiat  et  habeat  de  quolibet  feodo  militari 
quadraginta  solidos  hac  vice  plenarie  et  integre ;  ita  tamen  quod 
alias  non  cedat  eis  in  praejudicium  vel  consuetudinem  ;  et  ita 
quod  istud  auxilium  nunc  concessum  levetur  eodem  modo  quo 
praedictum  auxilium  domino  Henrico  regi  concessum,  ut  prae- 
dictum est,  levabatur. — (Rolls  of  Parliament,  i.  25.) 

•  No.  II.     Summons  of  Knights  of  the  Shire. 

REX  vicecomiti  Northumbriae,  salutem.  Cum  per  comites, 
barones,  et  quosdam  alios  de  proceribus  regni  nostri,  iiuper 
fuissemus  super  quibusdam  specialiter  requisiti,  super  quibus 
tarn  cum  ipsis  quam  cum  aliis  de  comitatibus  regni  illius  col- 
loquium habere  volumus  et  tractatum,  tibi  praecipimus  quod 
duos  vel  tres  de  discretioribus,  et  ad  laborandum  potentioribus, 
militibus  de  comitatu  praedicto  sine  dilatione  eligi,  et  eos  ad 
nos  usque  Westmonasterium  venire  facias ;  ita  quod  siut  ibidem 
a  die  Sancti  Johannis  Baptistae  proximo  futuro  in  tres  septima- 
nas  ad  ultimum,  cum  plena  potestate  pro  se  et  tota  communitate 


478  Edward  I.  [PART 

comitatus  praedieti,  ad  consulendum  et  consentiendum  pro  se 
et  communitate  ilia  hiis  quae  comites,  barones  et  proceres  prae- 
dicti  tune  duxeriut  concordanda.  T.  Rege,  apud  Westmonas- 
terium  XIIII.  die  Junii. —  (Report  on  the  Dignity  of  a  Peer, 
App.  i.  54.) 

No.  III.     Statute  Quia  Emptores. 

The  importance  of  this  act  is  chiefly  prospective  :  consisting 
in  the  greater  facilities  afforded  for  the  division  of  estates  ; 
the  multiplication  of  tenants  in  capite  of  the  Crown;  and  at 
the  same  time  of  socage  tenants  also  ;  the  stereotyping  of  local 
divisions  ;  the  stopping  the  creation  of  manors,  and  of  new 
grades  of  middle-men  between  the  chief  lord  and  the  cultivator; 
and  the  fusion  of  the  rural  population  without  distinction  of 
tenure.  But  viewed  in  itself,  its  relation  is  rather  to  the  Sta- 
tute of  Mortmain,  which  it  resembles  in  principle,  and  in  the 
securing  of  the  legal  rights  of  the  Crown  and  feudal  baronage. 
It  is  one  of  the  few  acts  of  legislation  which,  being  passed  with 
a  distinct  view  to  the  interests  of  a  class,  have  been  found  to 
work  to  the  advantage  of  the  nation  generally. 

QUIA  emptores  terrarum  et  tenementorum  de  feodis  mag-  i~ 
natum  et  aliorum  in  praejudicium  eorundem  temporibus  re- 
troactis  multoties  in  feodis  suis  sunt  ingressi,  quibus  libere 
tenentes  eorundem  magnatum  et  aliorum  terras  et  tenementa 
sua  vendiderunt,  tenenda  in  feodo  sibi  et  haeredibus  suis  de 
feoffatoribus  suis  et  non  de  capitalibus  dominis  feodorum,  per 
quod  iidem  capitales  domini  eschaetas,  maritagia,  et  custodias 
terrarum  et  tenementorum  de  feodis  suis  existentium  saepius 
amiserunt ;  quod  quidem  eisdem  magnatibus  et  aliis  dominis 
quam  plurimum  durum  et  difficile  videbatur,  et  similiter  in  hoc 
casu  exhaeredatio  manifesta :  dominus  rex  in  parliamento  suo 
apud  Westmonasterium  post  Pascha  anno  regni  sui  XVIII0, 
videlicet  in  quindena  Sancti  Johannis  Baptistae,  ad  instantiam 
maguatum  regni  sui,  concessit,  providit  et  statuit,  quod  de 
cetero  liceat  unicuique  libero  homini  terrain  suam  seu  tene- 
mentum  sive  partem  hide  pro  voluntate  sua  vendere  ;  ita  tamen 
quod  feoffatus  teneat  terrain  illam  seu  tenementum  de  eodem 
capitali  domino  et  per  eadem  servitia  et  consuetudines  per  quae 
feoffator  suus  ilia  prius  tenuit.  Et  si  partem  aliquam  earundem 
\  terrarum  seu  teuementorum  suorum  alicui  vendiderit,  feoffatus 


VIL]  Parliament  of  1294.  479 

illam  teneat  immediate  de  capitali  domino,  ct  oneretur  statim 
de  servitio  quantum  pertinet  sive  pertinere  debet  eidem  domino 
pro  particula  ilia,  secundum  quantitatem  terrae  seu  tenement! 
venditi ;  et  sic  in  hoc  casu  decidat  capitali  domino  ipsa  pars 
servitii  capienda  per  manum  feoffatoris,  ex  quo  feoffatus  debet 
eidem  capitali  domino,  jux-ta  quantitatem  terrae  seu  tenement! 
venditi,  de  particula  ilia  servitii  sic  debiti  esse  intendens  et 
respondens.  Et  sciendum  quod  per  praedictas  venditiones  sive 
emptiones  terrarum  seu  tenementorum,  seu  partis  alicujus 
eorundem,  nullo  modo  possunt  terrae  seu  tenements  ilia,  in 
parte  vel  in  toto,  ad  manum  mortuam  devenire,  arte  vel  ingenio 
contra  formam  statuti  super  hoc  dudum  editi,  etc.  Et  sciendum 
quod  istud  statutum  locum  tenet  de  terris  venditis  tenendis  in 
feodo  simpliciter  tantum,  etc. ;  et  quod  se  extendit  ad  tempus 
futurum  ;  et  incipiet  locum  tenere  ad  festum  Sancti  Andreae 
proximo  futurum,  etc. — (Statutes  of  the  Realm,  L  106.) 


A.D.  1294.     PABLIAMHSTTABY  "WRITS. 

These  writs  make  the  third  and  penultimate  step  in  the 
process  towards  the  settled  constitution  of  parliament  which 
was  completed  in  1295.  In  1290,  the  representatives  of  the 
Commons  had  been  summoned  after  the  work  of  legislation, 
and  even  the  plan  of  taxation,  had  been  determined  :  and  the 
bishops  had  joined  in  the  graut  after  the  writs  for  the  collection 
of  the  lay  grant  were^issued.  tln  1294,  however,  the  clergy  are 
regularly  assembled  in  the  persons  of  their  representatives; 
they  are  treated  with  separately,  but  in  an  orderly  way ;  and 
that  done,  the  knights  of  the  shire  are  summoned  to  meet  the 
magnates  at  a  later  parliament,  and  the  writs  for  the  collection 
of  the  grant  are  dated  on  the  day  of  meeting.  The  further 
steps  of  uniting  the  clergy  by  their  representatives  under  the 
praemunientes  clause,  and  the  Commons  by  the  borough  mem- 
bers as  well  as  by  the  knights  of  the  shire,  with  the  assembled 
magnates,  are  taken  in  1295. 

The  war  for  the  recovery  of  Gascony  was  determined  on  in 
the  "Whitsuntide  parliament  or  court  at  "Westminster  (June  6, 
1294).  On  the  1 4th,  the  king  summoned  the  military  force  of 
the  kingdom  to  muster  at  Portsmouth  on  the  ist  of  September; 


480  Edward  I.  [PART 

a  term  afterwards  postponed  to  the  3oth.  On  the  ipth  of 
August  the  king  summoned  the  whole  clergy  of  the  realm,  not 
in  provinces  as  heretofore,  but  to  one  assembly  at  "Westminster 
on  the  2ist  of  September  (No.  I)  :  the  chapters  being  repre- 
sented by  one,  and  the  parochial  clergy  by  two  proctors  from 
each  diocese.  The  assembly  met,  and  the  king  demanded  a 
half  of  the  goods  of  the  clergy  :  after  much  discussion  and 
complaint,  he  seems  to  have  obtained  the  concession,  at  least 
from  a  portion  of  the  body.  He  had  already  seized  the  treasures 
of  the  churches,  and  the  wool  of  the  merchants,  and  was  pro- 
ceeding in  a  most  arbitrary  manner.  At  this  juncture  a  rebel- 
lion of  the  Welsh  stopped  the  expedition  to  Gascony ;  but  the 
king  found  himself  obliged  to  summon  the  parliament  for  a 
money  grant.  The  writs  were  issued  on  the  8th  of  October 
(No.  II)  ;  the  next  day  another  writ,  summoning  two  additional 
knights  from  each  shire,  was  sent  to  the  sheriffs,  but  no  repre- 
sentatives of  the  towns  were  summoned.  The  day  of  meeting 
was  the  I2th  of  November.  The  parliament,  without  the  clergy, 
met  on  that  day,  and  the  business  was  speedily  despatched, 
for,  on  the  same  i2th  of  November,  the  king  appointed  the 
commissioners  to  collect  the  tenth  granted  by  the  earls,  barons, 
knights,  and  all  others  of  the  kingdom.  The  historian,  Matthew 
of  Westminster,  adds  that  a  sixth  was  exacted  from  the  towns. 
About  the  same  time  a  writ  was  issued  exempting  from  the 
payment  of  the  tenth  the  goods  of  those  of  the  clergy  who  had 
granted  the  '  half'  in  the  assembly  on  S.  Matthew's  day. 

No.  I.     Summons  of  the  Clergy. 

REX  archiepiscopo  Eboracensi,  Angliae  primati,  salutem. 
Qualiter  rex  Franciae  nos  de  terra  nostra  Vasconiae  malitiose 
decepit,  et  inde  frauduleuter  ejecit,  earn  nequiter  detinendo, 
paternitatem  vestram  credimus  non  latere.  Cum  igitur  ad 
terrain  illam  recuperandam  a  manibus  dicti  regis  vestrum  con- 
silium  et  auxilium,  sicut  et  ceterorum  praelatorum  ac  cleri  de 
regno  nostro  quos  communiter  negotium  istud  tangit,  nobis 
quam  plurimum  prospexerimus  profutura,  ob  quod  apud  West- 
monasterium  in  festo  Sancti  Matthaei  Apostoli  et  Evaugelistae 
proximo  futuro  personaliter  esse  disposuimus,  Deo  dante,  ad 


vii.]  Writs  of  Summons.  481 

tractandum  una  vobiscum  et  ceteris  praelatis  ac  clero  ejusdem 
regni  et  ad  ordinandum  tune  ibidem  super  statu  dictae  terrae 
nostrae  Vasconiae  et  remedio  in  hoc  contra  hujusmodi  malitiam 
adhibendo  ;  vobis  mandamus,  in  fide  et  dilectione  in  quibus 
nobis  tenemini  firmiter  injungentes,  quod  dictis  die  et  loco 
personaliter  intersitis,  vocantes  prius  decanum  et  capitulura 
ecclesiae  vestrae,  archidiaconos  totumque  clerum  vestrae  dio- 
cesis,  facientesque  quod  iidem  decanus  et  archidiaconi  in  pro- 
priis  personis  suis,  et  dictum  capitulum  per  unum,  idemque 
clerus  per  duos  procuratores  idoneos  plenam  et  sufficie'htem 
potestatem  ab  ipsis  capitulo  et  clero  habentes,  una  vobiscum 
intersint  modis  omnibus  tune  ibidem  ad  tractandum,  ordi- 
nandum et  faciendum,  pro  ipsis  capitulo  et  clero  ac  eorundem 
nomine,  quod  de  vestro  et  aliorum  praelatorum,  decani,  archi- 
diaconorum,  procuratorum,  praedictoruin  communi  consilio 
providebitur  in  praemissis.  T.  R.  apud  Portesmuthe,  XIX. 
die  Augusti. 

A  similar  summons  was  directed  to  the  rest  of  the  bishops 
severally,  and  to  sixty-seven  abbots. — (Report  on  the  Dignity 
of  a  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  59.) 

No.  II.     Summons  of  the  Knights  of  tlie  SJdre. 

REX  vicecomiti  Norhumbriae  salutem.  Quia  cum  comitibus, 
baronibus,  et  ceteris  magnatibus  de  regno  nostro,  super  quibus- 
dam  negotiis  arduis  nos  et  idem  regnum  nostrum  contingentibus 
in  crastino  Sancti  Martini  proximo  future  apud  Westmonaste- 
rium  colloquium  habere  volumus  et  tractatum  ;  tibi  praecipimus 
quod  eligi  facias  duos  milites  de  discretioribus  et  ad  laborandum 
potentioribus  de  comitatu  praedicto,  et  eos  ad  nos  usque  West- 
inonasterium  venire  facias :  ita  quod  sint  ibi  in  crastino  prae- 
dicto cum  plena  potestate  pro  se  et  tota  communitate  comitatus 
praedicti,  ad  consulendum  et  consentiendum  pro  se  et  com- 
munitate ilia  hiis  quae  comites,  barones,  et  proceres  praedicti 
concorditer  ordinaverint  in  praemissis ;  et  ita  quod  pro  defectu 
potestatis  hujusmodi  idem  negotium  infectum  non  remaneat. 
Et  habeas  ibi  hoc  breve.  T.  Rege  apud  Westmonasterium  VIII. 
die  Octobris. 

REX  vicecomiti  Norhumbriae,  salutem.  Cum  nuper  tibi  prae- 
ceperimus  quod  duos  milites  de  discretioribus  et  ad  laborandum 
potentioribus  ejusdem  comitatus  de  consensu  ejusdem  eligi,  et 
eos  ad  nos  usque  Westmonasterium  in  crastino  Sancti  Martini 
proximo  futuro  cum  plena  potestate  pro  se  et  tota  communitate 

I  i 


482  Edward  I.  [PART 

ejusdem  comitatus  venire  faceres,  ad  consulendum  et  consenti- 
endum  pro  se  et  comraunitate  ilia  hiis  quae  comites,  barones 
et  proceres  de  regno  nostro  in  dicto  crastino  ordinabunt,  tibi 
praecipimus  firmiter  injungentes  quod,  praeter  illos  duos  milites, 
eligi  facias  alios  duos  milites  legales  et  ad  laborandum  potentes, 
et  eos  una  cum  dictis  duobus  militibus  usque  Westmonasterium 
venire  facias  ;  ita  quod  in  dicto  crastino  sint  ibidem  ad  audi- 
endum  et  faciendum  quod  eis  tune  ibidem  plenius  injungemus. 
Et  hoc  nullo  modo  omittas.  Et  habeas  ibi  hoc  breve.  T.  Rege 
apud  Westmonasterium,  IX°  die  Octobris.  —  (Report  on  the 
Dignity  of  a  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  60.) 


A.D.  1295.    GBEAT  COUNCIL  AND  PARLIAMENT. 

The  king  found  himself  early  in  1295  in  very  difficult  circum- 
stances— at  war  with  France,  waging  an  unsuccessful  struggle 
with  the  Welsh,  and  anticipating  the  breach  with  Scotland 
which  occurred  iu  the  course  of  the  year.  It  was  not  until 
June  that  he  was  able  to  'take  measures  for  holding  a  parlia- 
ment. On  the  24th  of  that  month  he  issued  writs  of  summons 
to  the  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  priors,  chiefs  of  orders,  earls, 
barons,  judges,  deans  sworn  of  the  council,  and  other  clerks 
of  the  council.  They  were  directed  to  meet  at  Westminster 
on  the  ist  of  August.  The  object  of  the  gathering  was  to 
discuss  the  proposals  for  mediation  with  France  made  by  two 
papal  legates.  The  debate  lasted  two  days,  and  the  legates  left 
England  with  powers  to  treat  for  a  truce.  No  representatives 
of  the  Commons  were  summoned  to  this  assembly,  which, 
although  it  is  styled  in  the  Holls  of  Parliament  a  Parliament, 
and  seems  to  have  transacted  the  usual  legal  business  of  the 
terminal  sessions  of  parliament,  was  more  properly  a  Great 
Council.  No  attempt  was  made  in  it  to  raise  money,  but  it 
was  probably  arranged  that  a  grant  should  be  asked  for  in  the 
Michaelmas  session.  "With  this  view  writs  were  issued  on  the 
3oth  of  September  and  on  the  ist  of  October  for  an  assembly 
which  should  have  the  power  of  taxing  the  whole  nation  for  the 
war  with  France. 

The  first  writ  issued  is,  according  to  ancient  precedent  (above. 


vii.]  Parliament  of  1295. 

p.  130),  addressed  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  He  is 
directed  to  attend  on  the  Sunday  after  Martinmas  at  Westmin- 
ster, and  is  ordered  to  premonish  the  prior  of  his  cathedral  and 
the  archdeacons  of  the  diocese  to  present  themselves  in  person, 
and  the  chapter  of  the  cathedral  by  one,  the  parochial  clergy  by 
two,  sufficient  proctors.  The  machinery  of  representation  of  the 
clergy,  which  had  the  year  before  been  used  to  create  a  distinct 
assembly,  is  now  consolidated  with  that  of  the  parliament. 
The  Archbishop  of  York  has  a  similar  summons,  to  assemble 
his  clergy,  not  at  York  but  at  Westminster;  and  the  several 
bishops  receive  their  writs  direct  from  the  Crown,  as  in  the 
former  summons  to  parliament,  not  through  the  archbishop 
as  in  the  case  of  the  provincial  convocations ;  the  same  day 
the  abbots  and  priors  are  summoned.  On  the  ist  of  October 
the  writs  are  issued  to  the  baronage.  On  the  3rd  of  October 
the  writs  to  the  sheriffs  are  dated ;  and  by  these  each  sheriff 
is  directed  to  return  two  knights  elected  by  the  counties,  and 
two  citizens  or  burghers  for  each  city  or  borough  within  his 
shire. 

By  these  writs  of  summons  a  perfect  representation  of  the 
three  estates  was  secured,  and  a  parliament  constituted  on  the 
model  of  which  every  succeeding  assembly  bearing  that  name 
•was  formed. 

At  the  session  in  November  the  aid  demanded  was  discussed 
by  the  three  bodies  separately.  The  baronage  and  knights  of 
the  shire  gave  an  eleventh,  the  cities  and  boroughs  a  seventh. 
With  the  clergy  there  were  difficulties.  The  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  offered  a  tenth,  the  king  demanded  a  third,  or  at 
least  a  fourth.  The  archbishop  however  held  out,  and  the 
king,  after  debating  the  matter  for  nearly  a  month,  accepted  a 
tenth  on  the  8th  of  December.  This  is  perhaps  the  first  case  in 
which  we  find  the  three  several  interests  taxing  themselves  in 
different  proportions  ;  for  the  statement  of  Matthew  of  West- 
minster, that  in  1294  the  towns  were  taxed  a  sixth  penny,  is 
not  borne  out  by  the  records  of  the  kingdom,  which  mention 
only  the  tenth.  This  is  not  conclusive  of  course  against  his 
assertion ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  see*  how  the  tax  of  the  sixth  penny 

I  i  2 


484  Edward  L  [PART 

could  have  been  imposed  by  an  assembly  in  which  the  payers 
were  not  represented,  unless  it  were  by  way  of  talliage.  The 
knights  of  the  shire  in  1294  might  be  understood  to  represent 
the  towns  and  cities  in  their  shires,  but  if  so,  they  would  naturally 
subject  all  their  constituents  to  the  same  rate  of  taxation.  No 
laws  were  made,  and  the  Rolls  of  Parliament  contain  no  details 
of  judicial  business  done  at  this  meeting. 

The  same  year,  on  the  I5th  of  July,  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury held  a  council  of  the  bishops  of  the  province  at  the 
New  Temple,  to  which  the  lower  clergy  were  not  invited. 

No.  I.     Summons  of  the  Archbishop  to  a  Great  Council. 

/  EDWABDUS  etc.  venerabili  in  Christo  patri  Roberto  eadem 
gratia  Cantuariensi  archiepiscopo,  totius  Angliae  primati,  salu- 
tem.  Quia  suppr  quibusdam  arduis  negotiis  nos  et  regnum 
nostrum  ac  vos  ceterosque  praelatos  de  eodem  regno  tangentibus, 
quae  sine  vestra  et  eorum  praesentia  nolunius  expediri,  parlea- 
mentum  nostrum  tenere  et  vobiscum  super  hiis  colloquium 
habere  volumus  et  tractatum :  vobis  mandamus,  in  fide  et  dilec- 
tione  quibus  nobis  tenemini  firmiter  injungentes 


a3  hos  apud  Westmonasterium  primo  die  mensis  Augusti 
proximo  futuro,  vel  saltern  infra  tertium  diem  subsequentem  ad 
ultimum,  nobiscum  super  dictis  negotiis  tractaturi  et  vestrum 
consilium  impensuri.  Et  hoc  nullo  modo  omittatis.  Teste  me 
ipso  apud  Album  Monasterium  XXIIII.  die  Junii. 

Similar  letters  are  directed  to  tlie  Archbishop  of  York  and 
the  bisnops,  to  Hie  Masters  of  Sempringham  and  of  the  Temple, 
to  the  prior  of  the  Hospital,  forty-two  abbots  and  eleven  priors  : 
also,  mutatis  mutandis,  to  eleven  earls  and  fifty-three  barons : 
to  the  Chief  Justice  and  thirty-eight  judges  and  others,  in- 
cluding the  justices  itinerant,  justices  of  assize,  and  members 
and  clerks  of  the  council. — (Report  on  tlie  Dignity  of  a  Peer, 
App.  i.  pp.  64-66.) 

No.  II.     Summons  of  tlie  Archbishop  and  Clergy  to 
Parliament. 

REX  venerabili  in  Christo  patri  Roberto  eadem  gratia  Can- 
tuariensi archiepiscopo  totius  Angliae  primati,  salutem,  Sicut 


vii.]  Writs  of  Summons.  485 

lex  justissima,  provida  circumspectione  Eacrorum  principum 
stabilita,  hortatur  et  statuit  ut  ojipd  omnes  tan^it  ab  omnibus 
jipprnlp^uj^  sic  et  nimis  evidenter  ut  ComTVmmbus  penculis  per 
reTTTecTtSr-pi'ovisa  communiter  obvietur.  Sane  satis  noscis  et 
jam  est,  ut  credimus,  per  universa  mundi  climata  divulgatum, 
qualiter  rex  Frauciae  de  terra  nostra  Vasconiae  nos  fraudulenter 
et  cautelose  decepit,  earn  nobis  nequiter  detinendo.  Nunc  vero 
praedictis  fraud e  et  nequitia  non  contentus,  ad  expugnationem 
regni  nostri  clause  maxima  et  bellatorum  copiosa  multitudine 
congregatis,  cum  quibus  regnum  nostrum  et  regni  ejusdem 
>^  incolas  hostiliter  jam  invasit,  linguam  Anglicam,  si  conceptae 
iniquitatis  proposito  detestabili  potestas  correspondeat,  quod 
Deus  avertat,  omnino  de  terra  delere  proponit.  Quia  igitur 
praevisa  jacula  minus  laedunt,  et  res  vestra  maxime,  sicut  cete- 
rorum  regni  ejusdem  concivium,  agitur  in  hac  parte,  vobis 
mandamus,  in  fide  et  dilectione  quibus  nobis  tenemini  firmiter 
injungentes,  \  quod  die  Dominica  proxima  post  festum  Sancti 
Martini  in  hyeme  proxime  futurum,  apud  Westmonasterium 
personaliter  intersitis  :  ^  PRAEMUNIEXTES  priorem  et  capitulum'! 
ecclesiae  vestrae,  archidiaconos,  totumque  clerum  vestrae  diocesis, 
facientes  quod  iidem  prior  et  archidiaconi  in  propriis  per- 
sonis  suis,  et  dictum  capitulum  per  ununi,  idemque  clems  per 
duos  procuratores  idoneos,  plenam  et  sufficientem  potestatem  ab 
ipsis  capitulo  et  clero  habentes,  una  vobiscum  intersint,  modis 
omnibus  tune  ibidem  ad  tmH-.ATulmpt  prflvpandnm  et  faciendum. 
nobiscum  et  cum  ceteris  praelatis  et  proceribus  et  aliis  incous 
regni  nostri,  qualiter  sit  hujusmodi  periculis  et  excogitatis 
malitiis  obviandum.  Teste  Eege  apud  Wengeham  XXX.  die 
Septembris. 

Similar  letters  are  directed,  mutatis  mutandis,  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  York  and  the  bishops  :  also,  omitting  the  clause  Prae- 
munientes,  to  sixty-seven  abbot8,  the  Masters  of  the  Temple  and 
of  Sempringham,  and  the  prior  of  the  Hospital. — (Report  on  the 
Dignity  of  a  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  67.) 

No.  III.     Summons  of  an  Earl  to  Parliament. 

REX  dilecto  consanguineo  et  fideli  suo  Edmundo  comiti  Cor- 
nubiae,  salutem.  Quia  super  remediis  contra  pericula  quae  toti 
regno  nostro  hiis  diebus  imminent  providendum,  vobiscum  et 
cum  ceteris  regni  nostri  proceribus  habere  volumus  colloquium 
et  tractatum;  vobis  mandamus,  in  fide  et  dilectione  quibus  nobia 


486  Edward  I.  [PATLT 

tenemini  firmiter  injungentes,  quod  die  Dominica  proxima  post 
festum  Sancti  Martini  in  hyeme  proxime  futurum,  apud  West- 
monasteriutii  personaliter  intersitis  ad  tractandum,  ordinandum 
et  faciendum  nobiscum  et  cum  praelatis  et  ceteris  proceribus  et 
aliis  incolis  regni  nostri,  qualiter  sit  hujusmodi  periculk  obvi- 
andum.  T.  Rege  apud  Cantuariam  primo  die  Octobris. 

Similar  letters  are  directed  to  seven  earls,  and  forty-one 
barons. — (Report  on  the  Dignity  of  a  Peer,  App.  i.  p.  67.) 

No.  IV.     Summons  of  Representatives  of  Shires  and  Towns 
to  Parliament. 

PiKX  vicecomiti  Norhamtesirae.  Quia  cum  comitibus,  baro- 
niSus  et  ceteris  proceribus  regni  nostri,  super  remediis  contra 
pericula  quae  eidem  regno  hiis  diebus  imminent  providendum, 
colloquium  babere  volumus  et  tractatum,  per  quod  eis  manda- 
vimus  quod  sint  ad  nos  die  Dominica  proxima  post  festum 
Sancti  Martini  in  hyeme  proxime  futurum  apud  Westmona- 
sterium,  ad  tractandum,  ordinandum,  et  faciendum  qualiter  sit 
hujusmodi  periculis  obviandum;  tibi  praecipimus  firmiter  injun- 
genteg  quod  de  comitatu  praedicto  duos  milites  et  de_  qualibet 
civitate  ejusdem  comitatus  duos  cives,  et  de  quolibet  burgo  (luos 
burgenses,  de  discretioribuiT  et  ad  laborandum  potentioribus, 
sine  dilatione  eligi,  et  eos  ad  nos  ad  praedictos_diem  et  locum 
venire  facias  :  ita  quod  dTcti  mirTFe3'~'plenam^e^  suincientem 
potestatem  pro  se  et  communitate  comitatus  praedicti,  et  dicti 
cives  et  burgensea  pro  se  et  communicate  qivTlatum  et  burgorum 
praedictorum  divisim  ab  ipsis  tune  ibidem  habeant,  ad  faciendum 
quodjtunc  de  communi  consilio  ordmabitur  in  praemissis ;  ita 
quod  pro  defectu  hujusmodi  potestatis  negotium  praedictum 
infectum  non  remaneat  quoquo  modo.  Et  habeas  ibi  nomina 
militum,  civium  et  burgensium  et  hoc  breve.  T.  Rege  apud 
Cantuariam  III.  die  Octobris. — (Report  on  t/ie  Dignity  of  a  Peer, 
App.  i.  p.  66.) 

No.  V.     Writ  for  Collection  of  an  Aid. 

REX  militibus  et  libere  tenentibus  et  toti  communitati  comi- 
tatus Rotelandae,  salutem.  Cum  comites,  barones,  milites  et  alii 
de  regno  nostro,  in  subsidium  guerrae  nostrae  mine,  sicut  alias 
nobis  et  progenitoribus  nostris  regibus  Angliae,  liberaliter  fece- 
runt  undecimam  de  omnibus  bonis  suis  mobilibus  ;  et  cives,  bur- 
genses,  et  alii  probi  homines  de  dominiis  nostris,  civitatibus,  et 
burgis  ejusdem  regni,  septimam  de  omnibus  bonis  suis  mobilibus, 


vii.]  Confirmation  of  Charters.  487 

exceptis  hiis  quae  in  decima  ultimo  nobis  concessa  excipiebantur, 
nobis  curialiter  concesserint  et  gratanter ;  Nos,  ut  uudecima  et 
septima  praedictae  ad  minus  damnum  et  gravamen  populi  dicti 
regni  nostri  leventur  et  colligantur,  providere  volentes,  assig- 
navimus  dilectos  et  fideles  nostros  Robertum  de  Flixthorpe 
et  Johannem  de  Wakerle  personam  ecclesiae  de  Westona,  vel 
alterum  ipsorum,  quoties  atnbo,  altero  eorum  gravi  infirmitate 
praepedito,  interesse  non  possunt,  ad  dictas  undecimam  et 
septimam  in  comitatu  praedicto  assidendas,  taxandas,  levandas 
et  colligendas,  et  ad  scaccarium  nostrum  deferendas  et  ibidem 
solvendas  ad  termiuos  subscriptos ;  videlicet  unam  medietatem 
citra  festum  Purificationis  Beatae  Mariae  proximo  futurum,  et 
aliam  medietatem  citra  festum  Pentecostes  proximo  sequentis. 
Et  ideo  vobis  mandamus  quod  praedictis  Roberto  et  Johanni  in 
praemissis  sitis  intendentes,  respondentes,  consulentes  et  auxili- 
antes,  in  forma  praedicta,  prout  ipsi  v»bis  scire  facient  ex  parte 
nostra.  In  cujus  etc.  Teste  Rege  apud  "Westmonasterium  II1I. 
die  Decembris. — (Foedera,  i.  833.) 


A.D.  1297.     CONFIRMATION  OF  THE  CHARTERS. 

More  than  half  of  the  year  1296  was  spent  by  Edward  in  the 
conquest  and  settlement  of  Scotland.  The  war  with  France  was 
conducted  in  the  meantime  by  Edmund  of  Lancaster,  who  died 
in  July ;  but  the  constant  negotiations  for  a  truce  gave  the  king 
time  to  draw  closer  his  chain  of  alliances  with  the  Germans  and 
Flemings,  and  to  prepare  for  inflicting  a  deadly  blow  on  Philip 
the  Fair.  On  the  26th  of  August,  at  Berwick-upon-Tweed, 
the  writs  of  summons  were  issued,  calling  a  parliament  at  Bury 
8.  Edmunds  for  the  3rd  of  November.  These  writs  were  ad- 
dressed as  in  1295:  to  the  archbishops  and  bishops,  with  the 
praemunientes  clause;  to  the  abbots,  priors,  and  heads  of 
orders  ;  to  the  earls  and  barons  ;  and  to  the  sheriffs,  command- 
ing the  election  and  return  of  knights,  citizens,  and  burgesses. 
On  the  24th  of  September  a  supplementary  writ  was  directed 
to  the  citizens  and  probi  homines  of  twenty-two  principal  towns, 
ordering  the  election  of  two  of  their  number  to  meet  the  king 
at  S.  Edmunds  on  the  day  fixed  for  the  parliament,  to  give  him, 
in  conjunction  with  four  elected  citizens  of  London,  their  advice 


Edward  I.  [PART 

on  a  new  constitution  for  the  town  of  Berwick.  This  writ 
perhaps  indicates  the  way  in  which  on  former  occasions  the 
merchants  of  the  great  towns  had  been  consulted,  and  is 
analogous  to  the  summons  of  the  boroughs  to  the  council  at 
Shrewsbury  in  1283. 

In  the  parliament  which  assembled  on  the  3rd  of  November, 
the  line  of  proceedings  which  had  been  taken  in  1295  was 
followed.  The  barons  and  knights  who  had  then  granted  an 
eleventh,  now  granted  a  twelfth  ;  and  the  citizens  and  burgesses 
who  had  granted  a  seventh,  now  granted  an  eighth.  But  the 
clergy  were  unable  to  follow  the  example.  Boniface  YIII  had 
on  the  24th  of  February,  1296,  in  the  bull  '  Clericis  laicos,' 
absolutely  forbidden  the  ^payment  by  the  clergy  to  laymen 
of  any  tax  whatever  on  the  revenues  of  their  churches.  The 
archbishop  alleged  to  the  king  the  impossibility  of  evading  this 
command,  and  the  writs  for  the  collection  of  the  lay  grant  being 
issued,  the  discussion  of  the  clerical  one  was  postponed  to  the 
feast  of  S.  Hilary,  1297.  In  preparation  for  this  meeting, 
Archbishop  Winchelsey,  not  content  with  the  assembling  of  the 
clergy  under  the  royal  writ,  summoned  a  very  large  council  at 
S.  Paul's.  His  mandate  was  addressed,  on  the  usual  plan  for 
convocation,  to  the  Bishop  of  London,  but  ordered  the  summons 
of  the  bishops,  the  deans,  precentors,  chancellors  and  treasurers 
of  the  cathedrals,  the  archdeacons,  abbots,  priors  and  heads  of 
collegiate  churches,  a  single  proctor  to  represent  each  chapter, 
and  two  the  clergy  of  each  diocese.  The  assembly  was  an 
anomalous  one,  but  must  have  contained  every  well  endowed 
priest  in  the  province  of  Canterbury.  The  mandate  was  dated 
Nov.  27th.  The  difficulty  raised  by  the  pope's  inhibition  did 
not  diminish  on  further  consideration.  The  clergy  persisted  in 
their  refusal  of  a  grant,  and  the  king  put  them  out  of  his  pro- 
tection, practically  outlawing  the  whole  body,  and  confiscating 
the  estates  of  the  see  of  Canterbury.  This  alarming  proceeding 
gave  some  of  the  clergy  an  opportunity  of  yielding  :  it  was  one 
thing  to  pay  a  tax,  another  to  ransom  themselves  from  outlawry; 
the  money  that  was  refused  as  an  aid  was  forthcoming  in 
the  shape  of  a  fine.  But  the  assembled  convocation  and  the 


TO-]  Confirmation  of  Charters.  489 

archbishop  could  not  so  temporise.  On  the  seventh  day  of 
the  council,  two  bishops  were  sent  to  treat  with  the  king, 
and  matters  remained  as  they  were  until  the  next  meeting  of 
parliament.  This  was  to  be  on  S.  Matthias's  Day,  the  24th  of 
February,  for  which  day  the  summonses  were  issued,  but  to  the 
baronage  only ;  the  session  was  to  be  at  Salisbury :  the  clergy, 
even  the  prelates  in  their  baronial  capacity,  were  studiously 
ignored.  This  meeting  of  the  baronage  is  entitled  a  parliament, 
both  in  the  endorsement  of  the  writ  and  by  the  historians. 
The  resistance  of  the  clergy  to  the  royal  demands  had  proved 
infectious.  The  king  laid  his  plans  for  the  war  before  the 
baronage  ;  he  proposed  to  go  to  Flanders  in  person,  and 
requested  some  of  the  earls  to  undertake  the  expedition  to 
Gascony.  He  was  met  by  a  flat  refusal  from  the  constable 
and  marshall  ;  they  would  undertake  no  service  abroad  but 
in  attendance  on  the  sovereign.  An  undignified  personal  alter- 
cation between  the  king  and  the  earl  marshall  followed ;  and 
the  assembly  broke  up  in  confusion.  The  earls  retired  to  their 
estates,  and  prepared  to  resist  the  king  in  arms.  Edward, 
yielding  again  to  the  temptation  to  arbitrary  exaction,  seized 
the  wool  of  the  merchants,  paying  for  it  by  tallies,  and  levied 
a  large  amount  of  provisions  on  the  counties  in  the  same  way. 
This  reckless  proceeding  united  all  classes  against  him — the 
clergy  outlawed,  the  baronage  in  arms,  and  the  merchants 
beggared. 

The  condition  of  the  clergy  was  already  felt  to  be  intolerable. 
Before  the  result  of  the  Salisbury  parliament  was  known,  the 
archbishop  summoned  a  new  convocation  for  the  26th  of  March. 
His  mandate  to  the  Bishop  of  London  orders  the  assembling  of 
the  bishops,  abbots,  priors,  and  deans,  the  chapters  of  the  several 
cathedrals  by  a  single  proctor  for  each,  and  the  parochial  clergy 
also  by  one  representative  of  each  diocese.  In  this  council  the 
archbishop  seems  to  have  receded  somewhat  from  his  former 
position,  and  he  wound  up  the  discussion  by  recommending  the 
clergy  to  act  each  man  on  his  own  responsibility ;  '  salvet  suam 
animam  unusquisque.' 

Edward  proceeded  in  his  preparations  for  the  war,  not  without 


490  Edward  I.  [PART 

watching  the  progress  of  events,  but  only  recognising  it  in  his 
public  acts  so  far  as  was  absolutely  necessary.  His  obligations 
to  his  allies  forbade  his  drawing  back  :  and  his  own  sense  of 
prudence  warned  him  that  it  was  of  no  use  to  postpone  the 
crisis.  On  the  1 5th  of  May  he  issued  writs  for  a  military  levy 
of  the  whole  kingdom  to  meet  at  London  on  the  7th  of  July : 
these  are  addressed  to  the  barons,  bishops,  and  sheriffs,  the 
latter  of  whom  were  to  enjoin  the  attendance  in  arms  of  all  per- 
sons holding  lands  to  the  value  of  £20  per  annum. 

On  the  7th  of  July  the  crisis  came :  the  military  force  met : 
the  earl  marshall  and  constable  refused  to  perform  their  official 
duties,  and  being  superseded  thereupon  by  two  other  officers, 
left  the  court.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  reconciled  him- 
self with  the  king,  and  had  his  estates  restored  :  and  Edward 
prevailed  upon  the  barons  and  commons  who  continued  with 
him  to  make  a  money  grant.  This  proceeding  was  unconstitu- 
tional in  the  extreme  :  the  leading  men,  who  had  not  been  sent 
to  London  for  any  such  purpose,  assembled  in  the  royal  cham- 
ber; and  although  in  no  respect  a  parliament,  or  qualified  to 
act  as  one,  granted  an  eighth  of  the  moveables  of  the  barons 
and  knights,  and  a  fifth  of  those  of  the  cities  and  boroughs. 
The  reward  of  this  concession  was  to  be  the  confirmation  of  the 
Great  Charter  and  of  the  Charter  of  the  Forest.  The  king  then 
asked  the  archbishop  for  a  grant,  and  he  immediately  summoned 
a  convocation  to  meet  at  the  New  Temple  on  the  loth  of 
August.  The  mandate  states  the  condition  of  affairs  to  be 
alarming,  and  the  purpose  of  the  meeting  to  be  to  obtain  the 
confirmation  of  the  charters.  It  is  dated  on  the  1 6th  of  July, 
and  contains  the  first  intimation  that  the  confirmation  of  the 
charters  had  been  brought  in  question.  The  archbishop,  now 
restored  to  the  king's  confidence,  next  undertook,  in  conjunction 
with  several  other  bishops,  to  negotiate  with  the  barons.  On 
the  I  pth  he  proposed  to  meet  them  at  Waltham,  Barking,  or 
Stratford,  on  any  day  they  might  name.  They  consented  to  a 
parley  at  Waltham,  and  on  the  23rd  the  archbishop  fixed  for 
the  day  of  the  interview  the  27th.  On  that  day,  instead  of  the 
two  earls,  Robert  Fitz  Roger  and  John  Segrave  met  the  arch- 


Vii.]  Confirmation  of  Charters.  491 

bishop,  and  accompanied  him  to  S.  Albans,  to  visit  the  king  on 
the  28th  and  to  receive  safe  conducts  for  the  earls.  The  earls 
however  neither  presented  themselves  in  person  nor  sent  ex- 
cuses ;  and  on  the  3oth  the  king  ordered  the  collection  of  the 
fifth  and  eighth :  proceeding  shortly  after  to  Winchelsea,  where 
he  proposed  to  embark.  The  writ  directing  the  collection  speci- 
fically declares  the  confirmation  of  the  charters  to  be  the  ground 
of  the  grant. 

The  convocation  met  on  the  loth  of  August,  and  replied  to 
the  king's  request,  that  they  entertained  good  hope  of  procuring 
the  assent  of  the  pope  to  their  granting  an  aid.  On  the  strength 
of  this  promise  Edward,  on  the  2oth,  issued  an  order  for  the 
collection  of  a  third  of  the  temporal  goods  of  the  clergy  ; 
their  lay  fees  are  to  be  taxed  with  those  of  the  laity :  their 
spiritual  revenues,  tithes,  and  offerings  are  not  to  be  taxed, 
but  whoever  will  compound  by  a  fifth  of  all  revenue,  tem- 
poral and  spiritual,  will  be  allowed  to  do  so.  In  the  mean- 
time, on  the  1 2th  of  August  the  king  had  published  a 
statement  of  his  case  by  letters  patent,  as  against  the  earls, 
appealing  to  the  people  to  maintain  the  peace  during  his 
absence. 

After  this  appeal,  it  would  seem,  he  received  from  the  earls 
the  statement  of  their  claims,  framed  as  a  gravamen  of  the 
whole  community,  demanding  relief  from  the  heavy  taxation 
imposed  unconstitutionally  by  the  king,  redress  from  the  hard- 
ships inflicted  contrary  to  the  charters,  and  the  relaxation  of  the 
new  custom  imposed  on  wool  in  the  preceding  Lent.  (See 
pp.  442-444.)  The  king  replied  that  he  could  not  now  return  a 
specific  answer:  he  was  at  a  distance  from  his  council,  and 
trusted  that  they  would  maintain  the  peace  until  his  return. 
On  the  i  Qth  he  wrote  to  forbid  the  archbishop  and  bishops 
to  excommunicate  the  officers  who  were  seizing  the  corn  and 
other  goods  for  his  use :  a  fact  which  seems  to  indicate  some 
approximation  between  the  bishops  and  the  malcontent  earls. 
On  the  22nd  he  sailed,  leaving  his  son  Edward  regent,  with 
Reginald  de  Grey  as  his  chief  counsellor. 

The  departure  of  the  king  gave  the  earls  the  opportunity 


492  Edward  1.  £PART 

they  had  waited  for.  On  the  23rd  they  appeared  in  the 
Exchequer,  and  formally  forbade  the  barons  to  proceed  in  the 
collection  of  the  aid  before  the  promised  confirmation  of  the 
charters  had  taken  place.  To  this  demonstration  the  young 
regent  replied  on  the  2  8th  by  a  proclamation,  that  the  col- 
lection of  the  eighth  should  not  be  drawn  into  a  precedent. 
No  more  is  heard  of  the  fifth  which,  according  to  the  king,  had 
been  granted  by  the  boroughs. 

Two  days  before  he  embarked,  the  king  had  summoned  to  his 
son's  assistance  a  large  number  of  knights  and  barons,  who  were 
to  meet  at  Rochester  for  a  Colloquium  on  the  8th  of  September; 
before  that  day,  however,  it  had  been  determined  to  call  a  more 
complete  council  for  the  3oth,  to  which  the  archbishop  and  the 
earls  were  invited  by  a  writ  dated  on  the  pth.  It  would  appear 
probable  that  the  turning-point  in  the  regent's  councils  should 
be  fixed  to  this  date.  On  the  fifth  of  the  month  a  summons  is 
addressed  to  the  bishop  of  London,  and  several  others  of  the 
royalist  side;  it  is  not  until  the  pth  that  the  archbishop,  the 
marshall,  and  constable  are  summoned.  If  this  were  so,  the 
necessity  for  further  concession  must  have  become  quickly  ap- 
parent:  for  on  the  I5th,  a  fortnight  before  the  date  of  the  » 
proposed  council,  writs  of  election  of  representatives  of  the 
Commons  were  addressed  to  the  sheriffs.  The  writs  declare  that 
the  king  is  determined  to  confirm  the  charters  iu  consideration 
of  the  aid  of  an  eighth,  and  the  representatives  are  summoned 
to  receive  their  copies  of  the  famous  privileges  on  the  6th  of 
October.  This  assembly  was  certainly  called  in  an  informal 
manner,  the  writs  of  the  bishops  containing  no  mention  of  the 
clergy,  and  those  of  the  whole  baronage,  clerical  and  lay,  fixing 
a  day  of  meeting  a  week  earlier  than  that  fixed  for  the  Com- 
mons. In  other  respects  it  was  a  sufficient  parliament.  It  met 
as  appointed,  and  received  the  confirmation  promised  in  the 
summons.  The  whole  of  the  proceedings  were,  however,  tumul- 
tuary. The  two  earls  appeared  with  a  large  military  force,  and 
prescribed  the  terms,  supplementary  to  the  charter,  which  they 
had  already  presented  to  the  king.  The  prince,  under  the 
advice  of  his  council,  accepted  them ;  confirmed  the  charters 


vii.]  Confirmation  of  Charters.  493 

with  these  additions,  and  despatched  them  to  his  father  for 
further  corroboration.  On  the  loth  of  October,  not  content 
with  the  granting  of  their  demand,  the  earls  insisted  further 
that  the  illegal  proceedings  taken  in  the  granting  of  the  aid 
should  be  treated  as  null.  Not  even  the  grant  of  the  eighth 
was  allowed  to  be  legal ;  a  new  grant  was  made,  of  a  ninth, 
by  the  whole  of  the  laity  in  parliament,  and  then  the  strife 
ceased.  The  two  charters  were  further  confirmed  by  inspeximus 
on  the  1 2th  of  October;  and  the  clergy  of  the  southern  pro- 
vince granted  a  tenth,  those  of  the  northern  a  fifth,  in  aid  of 
the  war  with  Scotland. 

The   above   is    a  bare    chronological    statement  of  the   two 
trains  of  events  which  led  to  this  great  and   most  important 
act ;    the  one  starting  from  the  Bull  Clericis  laicos,  the  other 
from  the  refusal   of  the  earls  to  go  to  Gascony  without  the 
king.     Here,  as  in  the  events  which  led  to  the  Great  Charter, 
we  trace  two  distinct  but  concurrent  forces,  supplementing  each 
other ;  each  of  them  the  summation  of  a  series  of  accumulating 
influences,  but  timed  by  an  extraordinary  coincidence,  through 
the  king's  necessities.      Neither  the  heavy  imposts  laid  on  the 
clergy,  nor  the  demand  of  foreign  service  from  the  earls,  nor  the 
seizure  of  the  wool  by  the  king,  has  any  direct  technical  bear- 
ing on  the  question  of  the  confirmation  of  the  charters  of  King 
John.    Yet  these  charters  are  the  rallying-point  of  the  oppressed 
and  offended ;  the  essence,  as  it  was  thought,  of  the  constitution. 
If  the  actual  effects  of  the  two  distinct  forces  are  carefully  ex- 
amined, it  will  be   seen  that  whilst   the  confirmation   of  the 
charters  is  due  mainly  to  the  action  of  Archbishop  Winchelsey, 
the  addition  of  the  new  articles  seems  to  be  the  result  of  the 
measures  of  the  earls.     It  would  be  too  much  to  suppose  that 
Winchelsey  was  to  them  what  Langton  had  been  to  the  barons 
at  Eunnymede,  nor  is  there  clear  evidence  that  he  was  acting  in 
concert  with  them  after  his  reconciliation  with  Edward.     The 
additional  articles  may,  however,  have  been  drawn  up  with  his 
concurrence  before  the  reconciliation,  and  they  certainly  appear 
as  the  gravamina   of  the  whole   estates  of  the  realm.      (See 

P-  443-) 


494  Edward  I.  [PART 

The  confirmation  of  his  son's  act  by  the  king  at  Ghent  in 
November  did  not  entirely  satisfy  the  barons.  In  the  summer 
of  1298  the  two  earls  demanded  a  second  assurance  as  a  con- 
dition of  service  in  Scotland ;  and  a  further  formal  confirma- 
tion was  made  by  the  king  in  consequence  on  the  8th  of 
March,  1299,  with  a  provision  saving  the  rights  of  the  Crown. 
This  form  did  not  content  the  people ;  and  the  process  was 
repeated  without  the  salvo.  A  delay  in  carrying  out  the  pro- 
cess of  disforesting  under  the  Carta  de  Foresta  produced  a 
new  suspicion,  and  the  charters  were  again  confirmed,  March 
6th,  1300,  in  a  statute  called  'Articuli  super  Cartas,'  an  im- 
portant act,  containing  many  alleviations  of  popular  complaints, 
but  not  repeating  the  points  conceded  on  the  loth  of  October, 
1297.  A  final  confirmation  was  bestowed  in  1301,  when,  after 
the  completion  of  the  perambulation  of  the  forests,  the  king, 
at  the  parliament  of  Lincoln,  issued  letters  patent  confirming 
the  charters,  it  is  said,  for  the  thirty-second  time.  It  is  memor- 
able that  in  all  these  confirmations  the  constitutional  articles 
of  the  Charter  of  John,  omitted  in  the  re-issue  of  1216,  were 
never  replaced. 

I.  EDWARD  par  la  grace  de  Dieu,  roy  Dengleterre,  seignur 
Dirland  et  dues  Daquitaine,  a  toutz  ceus  qui  cestes  presentes 
lettres  verront  ou  orront,  saluz.  Sachiez  nous  al  honeur  de 
Dieu  et  de  seinte  Eglise  et  au  profit  de  tut  notre  roiaume, 
aver  grante  pur  nous  et  pur  nos  heirs,  qe  la  grande  chartre 
des  franchises  et  la  chartre  de  la  forest  leg  qucles  furent  faites 
par  commun  assent  de  tut  le  roiaume  en  tens  le  rey  Henry 
notre  pei'e,  seient  tenuz  en  toutz  leur  pointz,  sanz  nulblemishment. 
E  volonis  qe  meismes  celes  chartres  de  suth  notre  seal  seient 
envoiez  a  nos  justices,  ausi  bien  de  la  forest,  come  as  autres,  e  a 
toutz  les  viscontes  des-  contez,  et  a  toutz  nos  autres  ministres,  a 
totes  nos  citees  par  mi  la  terre,  ensemblement  ove  nos  briefs,  en 
les  queux  sera  contenu  qil  facent  les  avantdites  chartres  pupplier, 
e  qil  facent  dire  au  poeple  qe  nous  les  avoms  grauntees  de  tenir 
les  en  toutz  leur  pointz ;  e  a  nos  justices,  viscontes,  maires  e 
autres  ministres,  qi  la  ley  de  la  terre  de  south  nous  et  par  nous 
ount  a  guier,  meismes  les  chartres  en  toutz  leur  pointz,  en 
plez  devaunt  eus  e  en  jugementz,  les  facent  alower,  cest  a  savoir 
la  grande  chartre  des  franchises  come  lay  commune,  e  la  chartre 


vii.]  Confirmation  of  Charters.  495 

de  la  forest  solom  lassise  de  la  forest,  al  amendement  de  notre 
poeple. 

II.  E  voloms  qe  si  mils  jugementz  soient  donez  desoremes 
encontre  les  pointz  des  chartres  avautdites,  par  justices  et  par 
autres  nos  ministres  qui  centre  les  pointz  des  chartres  tenent 
plez  devant  eus,  seient  defaitz  e  pur  nient  tenuz. 

III.  E  voloms  qe  mesmes  celes  chartres  de  suth  notre  seal 
Beient  envoiez  as  eglises  cathedrales  parmi  notre  roiaume  et  la 
demorgent ;  e  seient  deufoitz  par  an  lues  devant  le  poeple. 

IV.  E  qe  ercevesques  et  evesques  doignent  sentences  du  "rant 
escomenger  contre  toutz  ceus  qui  centre  les  avantdites  chartres 
vendront,  en  fait,    ou  en  ayde,    ou   en  conseil,    ou   nul   point 
enfreindront,  ou  encontre  veudront.     E  qe  celes  sentences  seient 
denuncies  e  pupplies  deufoitz  par  an  par  les  avantditz  prelatz. 
E  si  mesmes  les  prelatz  evesques  ou  nul  de  eus  seient  negli- 
gentz  en  la  denunciacion  susdite  faire,  par  les  ercevesques  de 
Canterbire  e  de  Everwyk,  qui  pur  tens  serront,  sicome  covient, 
soient  repris  et  destreins  a  mesme  cele  denunciacion  faire  en  la 
fourme  avauntdite. 

V.  E  pur  ceo  qe  aucunes  gentz  de  notre  roiaume  se  doutent 
qe  les  aides  e  les  mises,  les  queles  il  nous  ount  fait  avant  ces 
oures  pur  nos  guerres  et  autre  bosoignes,  de  leur  grant  e  leur 
bone  volunte,  en  quele  manere  qe  faitz  seient,  pussent  turner  en 
servage  a  eus,  e  a  leur  heirs,  par  ce  qil  serroient  autrefoitz  trovez 
en  roule,  e  ausi  prises  qe  ont  este  faites  par  mi  le  roiaume  par 
nos  miuistres,  en  notre  noun,  avoms  grante  pur  nous  et  pur  nos 
heirs,  qe  mes  tieles  aides,  mises,  ne  prises,  ne  treroms  a  jcustume, 
pur  nule  chose  qe  soit  fait  ou  qe  par  roule  ou  en  autre  maniere 
peust  estre  trove. 

VI.  E  ausi   avoms   grante  pur   nous  e  pur  nos  heirs  as 
ercevesques,  evesques,  abbes,   e   priurs,    e   as  autres  gentz  de 
seinte  eglise,  et  as  contes  et  barons  et  a  tote  la  communaute  de  la 
terre,  qe  mes  pur  nule  busoigne  tieu  manere  des  aides,  mises, 
ne  prises,  de  notre  roiaume  ne  prendroms,  fors  qe  par  commun 
assent   de    tut   le  roiaume,  et  a  commun  profit   de  meisme  le      I 
roiaume,  sauve  les  auncienes  aides  et  prises  dues  et  custumees.  ^* 

VII.  E  pur  ceo  qe  tut  le  plus  de  la  communaute  del  roiaume 
se  sentent  durement  grevez  de  la  male  toute  des  leines,  cest 
asavoir  de  chescun   sak  de  leine  quarante  soudz,  e  nous  ont 
prie  que   nous  les  vousissoms  relesser,  nous  a  leur  priere  les 
avoms  pleinement  relesse  ;    e  avoms  grante  qe  cele  ne  autre 
mes  ne  prendroms,  sanz  lour  commun  assent  e  leur  bone  vo- 
lunte ;  sauve  a  nous  e  a  nos  heirs  la  custume  des  leines,  peaua 
e  quirs  avant  grantez  par  la  communaute  du  roiaume  avantdit. 


496  Edward  I.  [PART 

En  temoignance  de  queux  choses  nous  avoms  fait  faire  cestes  nos 
lettres  overtes.  Tesmoigne  Edward  notre  fitz  a  Londres  le  disme 
jour  de  October,  Ian  de  notre  regne  vintisme  quynt. 

E  fet  a  remembrer  qe  meisme  ceste  chartre  suth  meimes  les 
paroles,  de  mot  en  mot,  fust  sele  en  Flaundres,  de  suth  le  grant 
seal  le  rey,  cest  asaver  a  Gaunt,  le  quint  jour  de  November, 
Ian  del  regne  lavantdit  notre  seignur  le  rey  vintisme  quint,  e 
envee  en  Engleterre. 

TRANSLATION. 

I.  Edward,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  England,  Lord  of  Ireland,  and 
Duke  of  Guyan,  to  all  those  that  these  present  letters  shall  hear  or  see, 
greeting.     Know  ye  that  we  to  the  honour  of  God  and  of  holy  Church,  and 
to  the  profit  of  our  realm,  have  granted  for  us  and  our  heirs,  that_ihfi 
Charter  of  Liberties  and  the  Charter  of  the  Forest,  which  were  made  by 
comm  on"  assent  of  all  the  realm,  m  the  time  of  King  Henry  pur  father, 
sTiall  be  kept  in  every  point  without  breach.     And  we  will  that  the  same 
charters  shall  be  sent  under  our  seal  as  well  to  our  justices  of  the  forest  as 
to  others,  and  to  all  sheriffs  of  shires,  and  to  all  our  other  officers,  and  to  all 
our  cities  throughout  the  realm,  together  with  our  writs  in  the  which  it 
shall  be  contained,  that  they  cause  the  aforesaid  charters  to  be  published, 
and  to  declare  to  the  people  that  we  have  confirmed  them  in  all  points, 
and  that  our  justices,  sheriffs,  mayors,  and  other  ministers  which  under  us 
have  the  laws  of  our  land  to  guide,  shall  allow  the  said  charters  in  pleas 
before  them  and  in  judgments  in  all  their  points  ;  that  is  to  wit,  the  Great 
Charter  as  the  common  law  and  the  Charter  of  the  Forest  according  to  the 
Assize  of  the  Forest,  for  the  wealth  of  our  realm. 

II.  And  we  will  that  if  any  judgment  be  given  from  henceforth,  contrary  , 
to  the  points  of  the  charters  aforesaid,  by  the  justices  or  by  any  other  our  j 
ministers  that  hold  plea  before  them  against  the  points  of  the  charters,  it 
shall  be  undone  and  holden  for  nought. 

III.  And  we  will  that  the  same  charters  shall  be  sent  under  our  seal  to 
cathedral  churches  throughout  our  realm,  there  to  remain,  and  shall  be 
read  before  the  people  two  times  by  the  year. 

IV.  And  that  all  archbishops  and  bishops  shall  pronounce   the  sentence 
of  great  excommunication  against  all  those  that  by  word,  deed,  or  counsel 
do  contrary  to  the  foresaid  charters,  or  that  in  any  point  break  or  undo 
them.     And  that  the  said  curses  be  twice  a  year  denounced  and  published 
by  the  prelates  aforesaid.     And  if  the  same  prelates  or  any  of  them  be 
remiss  in  the  denunciation  of  the  said  sentences,  the  Archbishops  of  Canter- 
bury and  York  for  the  time  being,  as  is  fitting,  shall  compel  and  distrein 
them  to  make  that  denunciation  in  form  aforesaid. 

V.  And  for  so  much  as  divers  people  of  our  realm  are  in  fear  that  the 
aids  and  tasks  which  they  have  given  to  us  beforetime  towards  our  wars 
and  other  business,  of  their  own  grant  and  goodwill,  howsoever  they  were 
made,  might  turn  to  a  bondage  to  them  and  their  heirs,  because  they 
might  be  at  another  time  found  in  the  rolls,  and  so  likewise  the  prises 
taken  throughout  the  realm  by  our  ministers  :  we  have  granted  for  us  and 
our  heirs,  that  we  shall  not  draw  such  aids,  tasks,  nor  prises  into  a  custom 
for  anything  that  hath  been  done  heretofore  or  that  may  be  found  by  roll 
or  in  any  other  manner. 

VI.  Moreover  we  have  granted  for  us  and  our  heirs,  as  well  to  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  abbots,  priors,  and  other  folk  of  holy  Church,  as  also  to 


vn.]  Confirmation  of  Charters.  497 

>   earls,  barons,  and  to  all  the  commonalty  of  the  land,  that  for  no  business 
from  henceforth  will  we  take  such  manner  of  aids,  tasks,  nor  prises,  but  by 
the  common  assent  of  the  realm,  and  for  the  common  profit  thereof;  saving 
\.  the  ancient  aids  and  prises  due  and  accustomed. 

VII.  And  for  so  much  as  the  more  part  of  the  commonalty  of  the  reabnA  * 
find   themselves  sore  grieved  with  the  maletote  of  wools,  that  is  to  wit  »\ 
toll  of  forty  shillings  for  every  sack  of  wool,  and  have  made  petition  to  us  \ 
to  release  the  same  ;  we,  at  their  requests,  have  clearly  released  it,  and  have   1 
granted  for  us  and  our  heirs  that  we  shall  not  take  such  thing  nor  any 
other  without  their  common  assent  and  goodwill  ;   saving  to  us  and  our  I 
heirs  the  custom  of  wools,  skins,  and  leather  granted  before  by  the  com-> 
monalty  aforesaid.     In  witness  of  which  things  we  have  caused  these  our 
letters  to  be  made  patents.     Witness  Edward  our  son  at  London,  the  loth 
day  of  October,  the  five  and  twentieth  year  of  our  reign. 

And  be  it  remembered  that  this  same  charter  in  the  same  terms,  word 
for  word,  was  sealed  in  Flanders  under  the  king's  great  seal,  that  is  to  say 
at  Ghent,  the  5th  day  of  November  in  the  Sjth  year  of  the  reign  of  our 
aforesaid  lord  the  king,  and  sent  into  England. — (Statutes  of  the  Realm, 
i.  124,  125.) 


A.D.  1297.     DE  TALLAGIO  NOS  CONCEDEXDO. 

The  following  articles  are  given  by  Walter  of  Hemingburgh 
under  the  title  'Articuli  insert!  in  Magna  Carta,'  as  the  Latin 
equivalent  to  the  act  of  confirmation  in  French  :  they  were 
referred  to  as  a  statute  in  the  preamble  to  the  Petition  of  Right, 
and  were  decided  by  the  judges  in  1637  to  be  a  statute.  But 
they  are  not  found  in  any  authoritative  record,  and  are  now 
held  to  be  an  abstract,  imperfect  and  unauthoritative,  of  the 
regent's  act  of  confirmation  and  of  the  pardon  of  the  two  earls. 
It  will  be  seen  that  the  omission  of  any  qualifying  word  before 
'  tallagium  vel  auxilium'  in  the  first  clause  (the  tieu  of  the  Con- 
firmation, clause  vi.),  and  of  the  saving  words  in  clauses  vi.  and 
vii.  of  the  Confirmation,  gives  to  this  document  a  much  greater 
restrictive  force  than  is  possessed  by  the  undoubtedly  authentic 
one.  It  is  certain  that  Edward  did  not  regard  himself  as  pre- 
cluded by  the  act  of  October  10  from  exacting  the  ancient 
custom  on  wool,  or  from  talliaging  the  towns  and  demesne, 
which  he  did  in  1304.  The  obligations  under  which  the 
king  placed  himself  must  be  construed  literally  from  the  act 
just  given. 

f      I.   Nullum   talliagium  vel   auxilium   per  nos  vel  haeredes 
{'•  nostros  de  cetero  in  regno  nostro  imponatur  seu  levetur,  sine 

Kk 


498  Edward  I.  [PAET 

(voluntate  et  assensu  communi  archiepiscoporum,  episcoporum 
et  aliorum  praelatorum,  coniitum,  baronum,  militum,  burgen- 
sium  et  aliorum  liberorum  hominum  in  regno  nostro. 
II.    Nullus  minister  noster  vel  haeredum   nostrorum  capiat 
blada,  lanas,  coria,  aut  aliqua  alia  bona  cujuscunque,  sine  volun- 
tate et  assensu  illius  cujus  fuerint  hujusmodi  bona. 
I      III.    Nihil  capiatur  de  cetero  nomine  vel  occasione  malae 
1  toltae  de  sacco  lanae. 

IV.  Volumus  etiam  et  concedimus  pro  nobis  et  haeredibus 
nostris,  quod  omnes  clerici  et  laici  de  regno   nostro   habeant 
omnes  leges,  libertates  et  liberas  consuetudines  suas  ita  libere  et 
integre  sicut  eas  aliquo  tempore  plenius  et  nielius  habere  con- 
sueverunt.     Et  si  contra   illas  vel  quemcunque    articulum    in 
praesenti  carta  contentum  statuta  fueriut  edita  per  nos  vel  per 
antecessores  nostros,  vel  consuetudines  introductae,  volumus  et 
concedimus  quod  hujusmodi  consuetudines  et  statuta  vacua  et 
nulla  sint  in  perpetuum. 

V.  Remisimus  etiam  Humfrido  de  Boun  comiti  Herefordensi 
et  Essexiensi  constabulario  Angliae,  Rogero  Bygot  comiti  North- 
folciae  marescallo  Angliae,  et  aliis  comitibus,  baronibus,  mili- 
tibus,  armigeris,  Johanni  de  Ferrariis  ac  omnibus  aliis  de  eorum 
societate,  confoederatione,  et  concordia,  existentibus,  necnon  om- 
nibus viginti  libratas  terrae   tenentibus  in  reguo    nostro   sive 
de    nobis  in  capite  sive   de  alio  quocunque,  qui  ad   transfre- 
tandum  nobiscum  in  Flandriam  certo  die  notato  vocati  fuerunt: 
et  non  venerunt,  rancorem  nostrum  et  malam  voluntatem  quam ' 
ex  causis  praedictis  erga  eos  habuimus ;  et  etiam  transgressiunes 
si  quas  nobis  vel  nostris  fecerint  usque  ad  praesentis  cartae 
confectionem. 

VI.  Et  ad  majorem  hujus  rei   securitatem  volumus  et  con- 
cedimus  pro  nobis  et   haeredibus  nostris,   quod   omnes  archi- 
episcopi    et   episcopi  Angliae,  in  perpetuum  in  suis  cathedra- 
libus  ecclesiis  habita  praesenti  carta  et  lecta,  excommunicent 
publice  et  in  singulis  parochialibus  ecclesiis  suarum  diocesium 
excommunicare  seu  excommunicates  denunciare  faciaut,  bis  in 
anno,  omnes  qui  contra  tenorem  praesentis  cartae,  vim  et  effec- 
tum,  in  quocunque  articulo  scienter  feceritit,  aut  fieri  procu- 
raverint,    quoquomodo.      In    cujus   rei   testimonium    praesenti 
cartae  sigillum  nostrum  est  appensum,  una  cum  sigillis  archi- 
episcoporum, episcoporum,  couiitum,  baronum  et  aliorum  qui 
sponte  juraverunt   quod   tenorem   praesentis   cartae,    quatenus 
in  eis  est,  in  omnibus  et  singulis  articulis  observabunt,  et  ad 
ejus   observationem  consilium    suum   et  auxilium    fidele  prae- 
stabunt  in  pe,rpetuum. — (W.  de  Heminglurgh,  ii.  153,  154.) 


VII.]  Parliament  of  Lincoln. 


499 


A.D.    1301.     SUMMONS  TO  THE  PARLIAMENT  OP  LINCOLN. 

This  writ,  issued  in  September  1300,  is  especially  curious  as 
directing  the  return  to  the  new  parliament,  to  be  held  the  next 
January,  of  the  representatives  of  the  counties  and  boroughs 
who  had  served  in  the  preceding  one.  The  reason  of  this  pro- 
bably was,  that  the  session  was  held  to  receive  the  report  of  the 
perambulations,  the  arrangements  for  which  had  been  made  in 
the  last  parliament 

It  was  in  this  parliament  that  the  charters  received  their  last 
confirmation,  Feb.  14,  1301.  An  aid  of  a  fifteenth  was  voted 
in  consequence.  Here  also  was  drawn  up  the  reply  of  the 
nation  to  the  letter  of  Boniface  VIII  claiming  the  superiority 
over  Scotland. 


REX  vicecomiti  Cumbriae,  salutem.  Cum  nuper  pro  communi 
ntilitate  populi  nostri  etc,  etc.  tibi  praecipimus  firmiter  injun- 
gendo  quod  venire  facias  coram  nobis  ad  parliamentum  nostrum 
apud  Lincolniam  in  octavis  Sancti  Hilarii  proximo  futuri  duos 
milites  de  balliva  tua,  illos  videlicet  qui  pro  communitate  comi- 
tatus  praedicti  ad  parliamentum  nostrum  ultimo  praeteritum 
per  praeceptum  nostrum  venerunt,  et  etiam  de  qualibet  civitate 
infra  baillivam  tuam  eosdem  cives,  et  de  quolibet  burgo  eosdem 
burgenses  qui  ad  prnedictum  parliamentum  nostrum  alias  sic 
venerunt.  Et  si  forte  aliquis  militum,  civium,  aut  burgensium 
praedictorum,  mortuus  fuerit  aut  infirmus,  per  quod  ad  dictos 
diem  et  locum  venire  nequiverint,  tune  loco  illius  mortui  aut 
infirmi  unum  alium  idoneum  ad  hoc  eligi  et  ad  dictum  parlia- 
mentum nostrum  venire  facias  :  ita  quod  milites,  cives,  et 
burgenses  praedicti,  dictis  die  et  loco  modis  omnibus  intersint 
cum  plena  potestate  audiendi  et  faciendi  ea  quae  ibidem  in 
praemissis  ordinari  continget  pro  communi  commodo  dicti  regui. 
Et  eisdem  rnilitibus  de  communitate  comitatus  praedicti,  civibus 
de  civitatibus,  et  burgensibus  de  burgis  praedictis,  rationabiles 
expensas  suas  habere  facias,  in  veuiendo  ad  dictum  parlia- 
mentum nostrum,  ibidem  morando,  et  etiam  redeundo.  Tibi 
insuper  praecipimus  sicut  prius  quod  per  totam  ballivam  tuam 
sine  dilatione  publice  facias  proclamari,  quod  omnes  illi  qui 
terras  aut  tenementa  habent  infra  metas  forestae  nostrae  in 
balliva  tua,  et  qui  perambulationem  in  aliquo  cuhunniari  volue- 
•rint,  quod  sint  coram  nobis  in  parliameuto  nostro  praedicto, 

E  k  2 


Edward  L  [PART 

ostensuri  in  hac  parte  rationes  suas  et  calumnias  si  quas  habent. 
Et  habeas  ibi  nornina  praedictorum  militum,  civium  et  bur- 
gensium,  et  hoc  breve.  T.  R.  apud  la  Kose,  XXVI.  die 
Septembris. —  (Parliamentary  Writs,  i.  90.) 


A.D.  1303.     WBIT  OF  SUMMONS  TO  A  'COLLOQUIUM' 
OF  MERCHANTS. 

The  heavy  expenses  of  the  French  and  Scottish  wars  compelled 
the  king  to  look  about  him  for  new  sources  of  revenue.  In 
1302  he  had  fallen  back  on  the  aid  'pur  fille  marier,'  which  had 
been  voted  in  1290,  but  never  paid.  He  now  attempted  to  get 
the  consent  of  the  merchants  to  raise  the  custom  on  wine,  wool, 
and  merchandise.  The  assembly  called  is  anomalous,  but  would, 
if  it  had  been  submissive,  have  given  him  authority  sufficient 
to  enable  him  to  approach  the  parliament  with  a  plausible  case. 
The  opposition,  however,  was  very  strong,  and  the  project 
dropped. 

/  EDWARDUS  Dei  gratia  etc.,  majori  et  vicecomitibus  Lon- 
/  doniarum,  salutem.  Quia  intelleximus  quod  diversi  mercatores 
regni  nostri,  ut  ipsi  de  prisis  nostris  quieti  esse  et  diversis  liber-^ 
tatibus  per  nos  mercatoribus  extraneis  et  alienigenis  concessis  utP 
valeant  et  gaudere,  nobis  de  bonis  et  mercandisis  suis  solvere 
volunt  quasdam  novas  praestationes  et  custumas  quas  dicti 
mercatores  extranei  et  alienigenae  nobis  de  bouis  et  mercandisis 
suis  solvunt  infra  regnum  et  potestatem  nostram  ;  nos  volentes 
super  praemissis  cum  mercatoribus  dicti  regni  nostri  habere 
colloquium  et  tractatum ;  vobis  praecipimus  quod  de  civitate 
nostra  praedicta  duos  vel  tres  cives  venire  faciatis  ad  scaccarium 
nostrum  Eboraci,  ita  quod  sint  ibidem  in  crastino  Sancti  Johannis 
Baptistae  proximo  future,  cum  plena  potestate  pro  communitate 
civitatis  nostrae  praedictae,  ad  faciendum  et  recipiendum  quod 
tune  de  nostro  et  eorum  ac  mercatorum  dicti  regni  nostri  consilio 
et  assensu  ordinabitur  in  praemissis ;  et  habeatis  ibi  tune  hoc 
breve.  T.  me  ipso  apud  Novum  castrum  super  Tynam,  VIII. 
\  die  Maii,  anno  regni  nostri  XXX°I°. 

Forty-two  towns  sent  representatives  : 

Qui  omnes  venerunt  XXV.  die  Junii  coram  consilio  domini 
regis  apud  Eboracum  per  summonitionem  brevis  supradicti,  et 
dixerunt  unanimi  consensu  et  voluntate,  tarn  pro  se  ipsis  quam 


vn-]  Collection  of  Talliage.  5oi 

pro  communitatibus  civitatum  et  burgorum  supradictorum,  quod 
ad  incrementum  maltolliae  nee  ad  custumas  in  praedicto  brevi 
contentas,  per  alienigenas  et  extraneos  mercatores  domino  regi 
concessas,  nullo  modo  consentient  nisi  ad  custumas  antiquitus 
debitas  et  consuetas. — (Parliamentary  Writs,  i.  134,  135.) 

A.D.  1304.    WRIT  FOR  THE  COLLECTION  OF  TALLIAGE. 

This  is  another  monument  of  Edward's  financial  difficulties  and 
ingenuity.  The  right  of  talliaging  demesne  was  not  formally  taken 
from  the  king  by  the  act  of  October  10,  1297,  although  it  was 
contrary  to  the  interpretation  of  that  act  in  the  '  De  Tallagio 
lion  Concedendo.'  This  exaction,  however,  in  conjunction  with 
the  attempt  to  raise  the  custom  on  wool  in  1303,  and  the  abso- 
lution obtained  in  1305  from  Clement  V  from  the  observance 
of  the  Confirmation  of  Charters,  are  made  a  ground  of  accusation 
of  bad  faith  against  Edward.  The  second  of  these  counts  is  of 
no  importance.  The  exaction  of  the  talliage  was  the  act  of  a 
man  of  very  precise  and  legal  mind,  in  great  financial  difficulty, 
avoiding  a  breach  of  the  letter  of  the  law :  supposing  a  simple 
talliage  not  to  be  contrary  to  his  obligations.  The  Bull  of 
Clement  V  rehearses  no  more  than  is  true  of  the  compulsion 
by  which  the  Confirmation  of  Charters  was  wrested  from  the 
young  Edward  :  but  the  real  answer  to  the  charge  inferred  f 
from  it  is  that  Edward  did  not  act  upon  the  absolution. 

/"*  REX  dilectis  et  fidelibus  suis,  Eogero  de  Hegham,  Waltero  de 
Gloucestria,  et  Johanni  de  Sandale,  salutem.  Sciatis  quod  con- 
stituimus  vos  vel  duos  vestrum  ad  assidendum  tallagium  nostrum 
in  civitatibus.  bunris^t  dominicis  nbstris  infra  comnatus  Kanciae,  I 
Middlesexiae,  Ixmaoniae,  Surreiae  et  Sussexiae,  separatim  per  \ 
capita  vel  in  communi,  prout  ad  commodum  nostrum  magis 
videritis  expedire  :  et  ideo  vobis  mandamus  quod  sine  dilatioiie 
accedatis  ad  civitates,  burgos  et  dominica  praedicta,  ad  dictum 
tallagium  secundum  facultatem  tenentium  eorundem  civitatum, 
burgorum  et  dominicorum,  assidendum  in  forma  praedicta ;  ita 
quod  tallagium  illud  ad  citius  quod  poteritis  assideatur;  et 

\quod  divitibus  non  deferatur  nee  pauperes  nimis  in  hac  parte 
graventur.  Et  extractus  totius  tallagii  praedicti  liberetis  sub 


503  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamentum.  [PART 

sigillis  vestris  certis  personis  per  vos  eligendis  ad  tallagium  illud 
sine  dilatione  levandum  et  nobis  ad  scaccarium  nostrum  inde 
respondendum.  Et  tale  in  circa  praemissa  expedienda  diligen- 
tiam  apponatis  quod  vos  inde  merito  commendare  debeamus, 
nullatenus  omittentes  quin  sitis  ad  scaccarium  praedictum  quam 
cito  commode  poteritis,  ad  certificandum  thesaurario  et  baroni- 
bus  nostris  de  eodem  scaccario  de  eo  quod  feceritis  in  prae- 
missis.  Mandavimus  enim  vicecomitibus  nostris  comitatuum 
praedictorum,  quod,  cum  a  vobis  vel  duobus  vestrum  fuerint 
praemuniti,  venire  faciant  coram  vobis  vel  duobus  vestrum 
omnes  illos  de  civitatibus,  burgis  et  dominicis,  quos  ad  dictum 
tallagium  assidendum  videiitis  necessarios,  et  vobis  ad  hoc  siiit 
auxiliantes  et  intendentes,  prout  eis  injungetis  ex  parte  nostra. 
In  cujus,  etc.  Teste  Rege  apiid  Dunfermelyn,  VI°  die  Feb- 
ruarii,  anno  etc.  XXXII0. — (Rolls  of  Parliament,  i.  266.) 


MODUS  TENENDI  PARLIAMENT!. 

The  following  short  treatise  is  a  somewhat  ideal  description  of 
the  constitution  of  parliament  in  the  middle  of  the  I4th  century, 
and  is  a  fitting  appendix  to  the  series  of  documents  given  in  this 
volume.  Its  authenticity  has  been  bitterly  assailed,  and  it  is  of 
course  absurd  to  regard  it  as  a  relic  of  the  times  of  the  Conque- 
ror. But  it  is  not  therefore  a  modern  forgery.  It  is  found  in 
manuscripts  of  the  1/j.th  century,  and  although,  on  reference  to 
contemporary  writs  arid  documents,  it  is  found  to  be  frequently 
misleading,  it  may  be  accepted  as  a  theoretical  view  for  which  the 
writer  was  anxious  to  find  a  warrant  in  immemorial  antiquity. 
The  following  recension  is  taken  from  the  edition  published  in 
1846  by  the  present  Deputy  Keeper  of  the  Records,  Sir  Thomas 
Duffus  Hardy,  and  with  his  permission. 

Hie  describitur  modus,  quomodo  parliamentum  regis  Angliae 
et  Anglicorum  suorum  tenebatur  tempore  regis  Edwardi  filii 
regis  Etheldredi ;  qui  quidem  modus  recitatus  fuit  per  discre- 
tiores  regni  coram  Willelmo  duce  Normanniae  et  Conquestore 
et  rege  Angliae,  ipso  Conquestore  hoc  praecipiente,  et  per  ipsum 
approbatus,  et  suis  temporibus  ac  etiam  temporibus  successorum 
suorum  regum  Angliae  usitatus. 


vii.]  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamentum.  503 

Summonitio  Parliament}. 

Summonitio  parliamenti  praecedere  debet  priraum  diem  par- 
liament! per  quadraginta  dies. 

Ad  parliamentum  summoneri  et  venire  debent,  ratione  tenurae 
suae,  omnes  et  singuli  archiepiscopi,  episcopi,  abbates,  priores,  et 
alii  majores  cleri,  qui  tenent  per  comitatum  vel  baroniam,  ratione 
hujusmodi  tenurae,  et  nulli  minores  nisi  eomm  praesentia  et 
eventus  aliutide  quam  pro  tenuris  suis  requiratur,  ut  si  Bint  de 
consilio  regis,  vel  eorum  praesentia  necessaria  vel  utilis  reputetur 
ad  parliamentum ;  et  illis  tenetur  rex  ministrare  sumptus  et 
expensas  suas  de  veniendo  et  morando  ad  parliamentum;  nee 
debent  hujusmodi  clerici  minores  summoneri  ad  parliamentum, 
sed  rex  solebat  talibus  pariter  inittere  brevia  eua  rogando  quod 
ad  parliamentum  suum  interessent. 

Item,  rex  solebat  facere  summonitiones  suas  archiepiscopi s, 
episcopis,  et  aliis  exemptis  personis,  ut  abbatibus,  prioribus, 
decanis,  et  aliis  ecclesiasticis  personis,  qui  habent  jurisdictiones 
per  hujusmodi  exemptiones  et  privilegia  separatim,  quod  i^si 
pro  quolibet  decanatu  et  archidiaconatu  Angliae  per  ipsos  deca- 
natus  et  archidiaconatus  eligi  facerent  duos  peritos  et  idoneos 
procuratores  de  proprio  arcliidiaconatu  ad  veniendum  et  inter- 
essendum  ad  .  parliamentum,  ad  illud  subeundum,  allegaudum 
et  faciendum  idem  quod  facerent  omnes  et  singulae  personae 
ipsorum  decanatuum  et  archidiaconatuum,  si  ibidem  personaliter 
interessent. 

Et  quod  hujusmodi  procuratores  veniant  cum  warantis  suis 
duplicatis,  sigillis  superiorum  suorum  signatis,  quod  ipsi  ad 
hujusmodi  procurationem  clerici  missi  sunt,  quarum  litterarum 
una  liberabitur  clericis  de  parliamento  ad  irrotulandum  et  alia 
residebit  penes  ipsos  procuratores ;  et  sic  sub  istis  duobus  gene- 
ribus  summoneri  debet  totus  clerus  ad  parliamentum. 

De  Laicis. 

Item,  summoneri  et  venire  debent  omnes  et  singuli  comites  et 
barones,  et  eorum  pares,  scilicet  illi  qui  habent  terras  et  redditus 
ad  valentiam  comitatus  vel  baroniae  integrae,  videlicet  viginti 
feoda  unius  militis,  quolibet  feodo  computato  ad  vigiuti  libratas, 
quae  faciunt  quadringentas  libratas  in  toto,  vel  ad  valentiam 
unius  baroniae  integrae,  scilicet  tresdecim  feoda  et  tertiam 
partem  unius  feodi  militis,  quolibet  feodo  computato  ad  viginti 
libratas,  quae  faciunt  in  toto  quadringentas  marcas  ;  et  nulli 
-  minores  laici  summoneri  nee  venire  debent  ad  parliamentum, 


504  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamentum.  [PART 

- 

ratione  tenurae  suae,  nisi  eorum  praesentia  aliis  de  causis  fiierit 
utilis  vel  necessaria  ad  parliamentum,  et  tune  de  illis  fieri  debet 
sicut  dictum  est  de  minoribus  clericis,  qui  ratione  tenurae  suae 
ad  parliamentum  venire  minime  tenentur. 

De  Baronibus  Portuum. 
4 

Item,  rex  tenetur  mittere  brevia  sua  custodi  Quinque  Portuura 
quod  ipse  eligi  faciat  de  quolibet  portu  per  ipsum  portum  duos 
idoneos  et  peritos  barones  ad  veniendum  et  interessendum  ad 
parliamentum  suum,  ad  respondendum,  subeundum,  allegandum, 
et  faciendum  idem  quod  baroniae  suae,  ac  si  ipsi  de  baroniis 
\  illis  omnes  et  singuli  personaliter  interessent  ibidem ;  et  quod 
barones  hujusmodi  veniant  cum  warantis  suis  duplicatis,  sigillis 
communibus  portuum  suorum  signatis,  quod  ipsi  rite  ad  hoc 
electi,  et  attornati  sunt,  et  missi  pro  baroniis  illis,  quarum  una 
liberabitur  clericis  de  parliamento,  et  alia  residebit  penes  ipsos 
barones.  Et  cum  hujusmodi  barones  portuum,  licentia  optenta, 
de  parliamento  recessum  fecerant,  tune  solebant  habere  breve  de 
magno  sigillo  custodi  Quinque  Portuum,  quod  ipse  rationabiles 
sumptus  et  expensas  suas  hujusmodi  baronibus  habere  faceret  de 
comm  unit  ate  portus  illius,  a  primo  die  quo  versus  parliamentum 
venerint  usque  ad  diem  quo  ad  propria  redierint,  facta  etiam 
expressa  mentione  in  brevi  illo  de  mora  quam  fecerint  ad  parlia- 
mentum, de  die  quo  venerint,  et  quo  licentiati  fuerint  redeundi; 
et  solebat  mentio  fieri  aliquando  in  brevi  quantum  hujusmodi 
barones  capere  debent  de  commnnitatibus  illis  per  diem,  scilicet 
aliqui  plus,  aliqui  minus,  secundum  personarum  habilitates, 
honestates,  et  respectus,  nee  solebat  poni  per  duos  barones  per 
diem  ultra  viginti  solidos,  habito  respectu  ad  illorum  moras, 
labores  et  expensas,  nee  solent  hujusmodi  expensae  in  certo 
reponi  per  curiam  pro  quibuscumque  personis  sic  electis  et 
missis  pro  commnnitatibus,  nisi  personae  ipsae  fuerint  honeste 
et  bene  se  habentes  in  parliamento. 

De  Militibus. 

Item,  rex  solebat  mittere  brevia  sua  omnibus  vicecomitibus 

Angliae,  quod  eligi  facerent  quilibet  de  suo  comitatu  per  ipsum 

comitatum  duos  milites  idoneos,  et  honestos,  et  peritos,  ad  veni- 

endum  ad  parliamentum  suum,  eodem  modo  quo  dictum  est  de 

\    baronibus  portuum,  et  de  warantis  suis  eodem  modo,  sed  pro 

\  expensis  duorum  militum  de  uno  comitatu  non  solet  poni  ultra 

\  tmam  marcam  per  diem. 


vii.]  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamentum.  505 

De  Civibus. 

Eodem  modo  solebat  mandari  majori  et  vicecomitibus  Lon- 
domarum,  et  majori  et  ballivis  vel  majori  et  embus  Eboraci 
et  aliarum  civitatum,  quod  ipsi  pro  communitate  civitatis  suae 
eligerent  duos  idoueos,  honestos,  et  peritos  cives  ad  veniendum 
et  interessendum  ad  parliamentum  eodem  modo  quo  dictum 
est  de  baronibus  Quinque  Portuum  et  militibus  comitatuum ;  et 
solebant  cives  esse  pares  et  aequales  cum  militibus  comitatuum 
in  expensis  veniendo,  morando  et  redeundo. 

De  Burgensibu*. 

Item,  eodem  modo  solebat  et  debet  mandari  ballivis  et  probis 
hominibus  burgorum,  quod  ipsi  ex  se  et  pro  se  eligant  duos 
idoneos,  honestos,  et  peritos  burgenses  ad  veniendum  et  inter- 
essendum ad  parliamentum  eodem  modo  quo  dictum  est  de 
civibus ;  sed  duo  burgenses  non  solebant  percipere  pro  expensis 
suis  per  unum  diem  ultra  decem  solidos,  et  aliquando  ultra 
dimidiam  marcam,  et  hoc  solebat  taxari  per  curiam,  secundum 
magnitudinem  et  potestatem  burgi  et  eecundum  honestatem 
personarum  missarum. 

De  Pnncipalibus  Clericis  Parliamenti. 

Item,  duo  clerici  principales  parliament!  sedebunt  in  medio 
justiciariorum,  qui  irrotulabunt  omnia  placita  et  negotia  par- 
liamenti. 

Et  sciendum  quod  illi  duo  clerici  non  sunt  subjecti  quibus- 
cumque  justiciariis,  nee  est  aliquis  justiciarius  Angliae  in  par- 
liamento,  nee  habent  per  se  recorda  in  parliament©,  nisi  qua- 
tenus  assignata  vel  data  fuit  eis  nova  potestas  in  parliamento 
per  regem  et  pares  parliamenti,  ut  quando  assignati  sunt  cum 
aliis  sectatoribus  parliamenti  ad  audiendum  et  terminandum 
diversas  petitiones  et  querelas  in  parliameuto  porrectas ;  et  sunt 
illi  duo  clerici  immediate  subjecti  regi  et  parliamento  suo  in 
communi,  nisi  forte  unus  justiciarius  vel  duo  assignentur  eis  ad 
examinanda  et  emendanda  eorum  irrotulamenta,  et  cum  pares 
parliamenti  assignati  sunt  ad  audiendas  et  examinandas  aliquas 
petitiones  specialiter  per  se,  tune  cum  ipsi  fuerint  unanimes  et 
Concordes  in  judiciis  suis  reddendis  super  ejusmodi  petitionibus, 
rccitabunt  et  processum  super  eisdem  habitum  et  reddent  judicia 
in  pleno  parliamento,  ita  quod  illi  duo  clerici  principal iter 
irrotulent  omnia  placita  et  omnia  judicia  in  principali  rotulo 


506  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamentum.  [PART 

parliament!,  et  eosdem  rotulos  liberent  ad  thesaurarium  regis 
antequam  parliamentum  licentietur,  ita  quod  omni  modo  siut 
illi  rotuli  in  thesauraria  ante  recessum  parliamenti,  salvo  tamen 
eisdem  clericis  incle  transcripto,  sive  contrarotulo,  si  id  liabere 
velint.  Isti  duo  clerici,  nisi  sint  in  alio  officio  cum  rege,  et 
feoda  capiant  de  eo,  ita  quod  inde  honeste  vivere  poterint,  de 
rege  capiant  per  diem  unam  marcam  pro  expensis  suis  per 
aequales  portiones ;  nisi  sint  ad  mensam  domini  regis,  tune 
capient  praeter  mensam  suam  per  diem  dimidiam  marcam  per 
aequales  portiones,  per  totum  parliamentum. 

De  quinque  Clericis. 

Item,  rex  assignabit  quinque  clericos  peritos  et  approbates, 
quorum  primus  ministrabit  et  serviet  episcopis,  secundus  procu- 
ratoribus  cleri,  tertius  comitibus  et  baronibus,  quartus  militibus 
comitatuum,  quintus  civibus  et  burgensibus,  et  quilibet  eorum, 
nisi  sit  cum  rege  et  capiat  de  eo  tale  feodum  seu  talia  vadia 
quod  inde  honeste  possit  vivere,  capiet  de  rege  per  diem  duos 
solidos  ;  nisi  sint  ad  mensam  domini  regis,  tune  capiant  per 
diem  duodecim  denarios ;  qui  clerici  scribent  eorum  dubitationes 
et  responsiones  quas  faciunt  regi  et  parliamento,  et  intererunt 
ad  sua  consilia  ubicumque  eos  habere  voluerint ;  et,  cum  ipsi 
vacaverint,  juvabunt  clericos  principales  ad  irrotulandum. 

t 

a 

De  Casibus  et  Judiciis  difficilibus. 

Cum  briga,  dubitatio,  vel  casus  difficilis,  sit  pacis  vel  guerrae, 
emergat  in  regno  vel  extra,  referatur  et  recitetur  casus  ille  in 
scriptis  in  pleno  parliamento,  et  tractetur  et  disputetur  ibidem 
inter  pares  parliamenti,  et,  si  necesse  sit,  injungatur  per  regem 
seu  ex  parte  regis,  si  rex  non  intersit,  cuilibet  graduum  parium 
quod  quilibet  gradus  adeat  per  se,  et  liberetur  casus  ille  clerico 
suo  in  scripto,  et  in  certo  loco  recitare  faciant  coram  eis  casum 
ilium ;  ita  quod  ipsi  ordinent  et  considerent  inter  se  qualiter 
melius  et  justius  procedi  poterit  in  casu  illo,  sicut  ipsi  pro  per- 
sona regis  et  eorum  propriis  personis,  ae  etiam  pro  personis 
eorum  quorum  personas  ipsi  representant,  velint  coram  Deo 
respondere,  et  suas  responsiones  et  avisameuta  reportent  in 
scriptis,  ut  omnibus  eorum  responsionibus,  consiliis  et  avisa- 
mentis  hinc  inde  auditis,  secundum  melius  et  saiiius  consilium 
procedatur,  et  ubi  saltern  major  pars  parliamenti  concordet.  Et 
si  per  discordiam  inter  eos  et  regem  et  aliquos  magnates,  vel 
forte  inter  ipsos  magnates,  pax  regni  infirmetur,  vel  populus 
vel  patria  tribuletur,  ita  quod  videtur  regi  et  ejus  cousilio 


vii.]  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamenium.  507 

quod  expediens  sit  quod  negotium  illud  tractetur  et  emen- 
detur  per  considerationem  omnium  parium  regni  sui,  vel  si 
per  guerram  rex  et  regnum  tribulentur,  vel  si  casus  difficilis 
coram  cancellario  Angliae  emergat,  seu  juclicium  difficile 
coram  justiciariis  fuerit  reddendum,  et  hujusmodi,  et  si  forte 
in  hujusmodi  deliberationibus  omnes  vel  saltern  major  pars  con- 
cordare  non  valeant,  tune  comes  senescallus,  comes  constabu- 
larius,  conies  marescallus,  vel  duo  eorum  eligent  viginti  quinqne 
personas  de  omnibus  paribus  regni,  scilicet  duos  episcopos,  et 
tres  procuratores,  pro  toto  clero, — duos  comites  et  tres  barones, 
quinque  milites  comitatuum,  quinque  cives  et  burgenses, — qui 
faciunt  viginti  quinque ;  et  illi  viginti  quinque  possunt  eligere 
ex  seipsis  duodecim  et  condescendere  in  eis,  et  ipsi  duodecim 
sex  et  condescendere  in  eis,  et  ipsi  sex  adhuc  tres  et  conde- 
scendere in  eis,  et  illi  tres  in  paucioribus  condescendere  non 
possunt,  nisi  optenta  licentia  a  domino  rege,  et  si  rex  con- 
sentiat,  illi  tres  possunt  in  duos,  et  de  illis  duobus  alter  potest 
in  alium  descendere  ;  et  ita  demum  stabit  sua  ordinatio  supra 
totum  par]  iamen turn ;  et  ita  condescendendo  a  viginti  quinque  per- 
sonis  usque  ad  unam  personam  solam,  nisi  numerus  major  con- 
cordare  valeat  et  ordinare,  tandem  sola  persona,  ut  est  dictum, 
pro  omnibus  ordinabit,  quae  cum  se  ipsa  discordare  non  potest ; 
salvo  domino  regi  et  ejus  consilio  quod  ipsi  hujusmodi  ordiua- 
tiones  postquam  scriptae  fuerint  examinare  et  emendare  valeant, 
si  hoc  facere  sciant  et  velint,  ita  quod  hoc  ibidem  tune  fiat 
in  pleno  parliamento,  et  de  consensu  parliamenti,  et  non  retro 
parliamentum. 

De  Negotiis  Parliaments. 

N"egotia  pro  quibus  parliamentum  summonitum  est  debent 
deliberari  secundum  kalendariuin  parliament!,  et  secundum 
ordinem  petitionum  liberatarum,  et  affilatarum,  nullo  habito 
respectu  ad  quorumcumque  personas,  sed  qui  prius  proposuit 
prius  agat.  In  kalendario  parliamenti  rememorari  debent 
omnia  negotia  parliamenti  sub  isto  ordine ;  primo  de  guerra 
si  guerra  sit,  et  de  aliis  negotiis  personas  regis,  reginae,  et 
suorum  liberorum  tangentibus ;  secundo  de  negotiis  commu- 
nibus  regni,  ut  de  legibus  statuendis  contra  defectus  legum 
originalium,  judicialium,  et  executoriarum,  post  judicia  reddita 
quae  sunt  maxime  communia  negotia ;  tertio  debent  rememorari 
negotia  singularia,  et  hoc  secundum  ordinem  filatarum  peti- 
tiouum,  ut  praedictum  est. 


508  Modus  Tenendl  Parliamentum.  [PART 

De  Diebus  et  Horis  ad  Parliamentum. 

Parliamentum  non  debet  teneri  diebus  Dominicis,  sed  cunctis 
aliis  diebus,  illo  die  semper  excepto,  aliisque  tribus,  scilicet  Om- 
nium Sanctorum,  et  Animarum,  et  Nativitatis  Sancti  Johannis 
Baptistae,  potest  teneri ;  et  debet  singulis  diebus  inchoari  hora 
media  prima,  qua  hora  rex  tenetur  parliamentum  interesse,  et 
omnes  pares  regni ;  et  parliamentum  debet  teneri  in  loco  pub- 
lico,  et  non  in  privato,  nee  in  occulto  loco  :  in  diebus  festivis 
parliamentum  debet  inchoari  hora  prima  propter  Divinum 
servitium. 

De  Gradibus  Parium. 

Rex  est  caput,  principium,  et  finis  parliament!,  et  ita  non 
habet  parem  in  suo  gradu,  et  ita  ex  rege  solo  est  primus  gradus ; 
secundus  gradus  est  ex  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  abbatibus,  prio- 
ribus,  per  baroniam  tenentibus  ;  tertius  gradus  est  de  procurato- 
ribus  cleri ;  quartus  de  comitibus,  baronibus  et  aliis  magnatibus 
et  proceribus,  tenentibus  ad  valentiam  comitatus  et  baroniae, 
sicut  praedictum  est  in  titulo  de  laicis ;  quintus  est  de  militibus 
comitatuum  ;  sextus  de  civibus  et  burgensibus  :  et  ita  est  par- 
liamentum ex  sex  gradibus.  Sed  sciendum  est  quod  licet  aliquis 
dictorum  graduum  post  regem  absentet,  dum  tamen  omnes 
praemuniti  fuerint  per  rationabiles  summonitiones  parliamenti, 
nihilomiiius  censetur  esse  plenum. 

V 

De  Modo  Parliamenti. 

Ostensa  primo  forma  qualiter  cuilibet  et  a  quanto  tempore 
summonitio  parliamenti  fieri  debet,  et  qui  venire  debent  per 
summonitionem,  et  qui  non;  secundo  dicendum  est  qui  sunt  qui 
ratione  officiorum  suorum  venire  debent,  et  interesse  tenentur 
per  totum  parliamentum,  sine  summonitione  ;  unde  adverten- 
dum  est  quod  duo  clerici  principales  parliamenti  electi  per  regem 
et  ejus  concilium,  et  alii  clerici  secundarii  de  quibus  et  quorum 
officiis  dicetur  specialius  post,  et  principalis  clamator  Angliae 
cum  subclamatoribus  suis,  et  principalis  hostiarius  Angliae ; — 
quae  duo  officia,  scilicet  officium  clamatoriae  et  hostiariae,  sole- 
bant  ad  unum  et  idem  pertinere, — isti  officiarii  tenentur  inter- 
esse primo  die  :  cancellarius  Angliae,  thesaurarius,  camerarius, 
et  barones  de  scaccario,  justiciarii,  omnes  clerici  et  milites  regis, 
una  cum  servientibus  regis  ad  placita,  qui  sunt  de  concilio  regis, 
tenentur  interesse  secundo  die,  nisi  rationabiles  excusationes 
habeant  ita  quod  interesse  non  possent,  et  tune  mittere  debent 
bonas  excusationes. 


vir.]  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamenium.  509 


De  Inchoatione  Parliamenti. 

Dominus  rex  sedebit  in  medio  majoris  banci,  et  tenetur  inter- 
esse,  primo,  sexto  die  parliament!  :  et  solebant  cancellarius 
thesaurarius,  barones  de  scaccario,  et  justiciarii  recordare  defalta 
facta  in  parliamento  sub  ordine  qui  sequitur.  Primo  die  voca- 
buntur  burgenses  et  cives  totius  Angliae,  quo  die  si  non  veniant, 
amerciabitur  burgus  ad  centum  marcas  et  civitas  ad  centum 
libras  :  secundo  die  vocabuntur  milites  comitatuum  totius 
Angliae,  quo  die  si  non  veniant,  amerciabitur  comitatus  undo 
sunt  ad  centum  libras  :  tertio  die  parliamenti  vocabuntur 
barones  Quinque  Portuum,  et  postea  barones,  et  postea  comites ; 
unde  si  barones  Quinque  Portuum  non  veniant,  amerciabitur 
baronia  ilia  unde  sunt  ad  centum  marcas ;  eodem  modo  amer- 
ciabitur baro  per  se  ad  centum  marcas,  et  comes  ad  centum 
libras ;  et  eodem  modo  fiet  de  illis  qui  sunt  pares  comitibus  et 
baronibus,  scilicet  qui  habent  terras  et  redditus  ad  valorem 
unius  comitatus  vel  unius  baroniae,  ut  praedictum  est  in  titulo 
de  summonitione  :  quarto  die  vocabuntur  procurators  cleri, 
quo  die  si  non  veniant,  amerciabuntur  episcopi  sui  pro  quolibet 
archidiaconatu  qui  defaltam  fecerit  ad  centum  marcas :  quinto 
die  vocabuntur  decani,  priores,  abbates,  episcopi,  demum  arcbi- 
episcopi,  qui  si  non  veniant,  amerciabitur  quilibet  archiepiscopus 
ad  centum  libras,  episcopus  tenens  integram  baroniam  ad  centum 
marcas,  et  eodem  modo  de  abbatibus,  prioribus,  et  aliis.  Primo 
die  debet  fieri  proclamatio,  primo  in  aula,  sive  monasterio,  seu 
aliquo  loco  publico  ubi  parliamentum  tenetur,  et  postmodum 
publice  in  civitate  vel  villa,  quod  omnes  illi,  qui  petitiones  et 
querelas  liberare  velint  ad  parliamentum,  illas  liberent  a  primo 
die  parliament!  in  quinque  dies  proximo  sequentes. 

De  Praedicatione  ad  Parliamentum. 

TJnus  archiepiscopus,  vel  episcopus  vel  magnus  clcricus  dis- 
cretus  et  facundus,  electus  per  archiepiscopum  in  cujus  provincial 
parliamentum  tenetur,  praedicare  debet  uno  istorum  primorum 
quinque  dierum  parliamenti  in  pleno  parliamento  et  in  prae- 
sentia  regis,  et  hoc  quando  parliamentum  pro  majori  parte  fuerit 
adjunctum  et  congregatuni,  et  in  sermone  suo  consequenter  sub- 
jungere  toti  parliamento  quod  ipsi  cum  eo  humiliter  Deo  sup- 
plicent,  et  Ipsum  adorent,  pro  pace  et  tranquillitate  regis  et 
regni,  prout  specialius  dicetur  in  sequenti  titulo  de  pronuntia- 
tione  ad  parliamentum. 


510  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamentum.  [PART 


De  Pronuntiatione  in  Parliamento. 

Post  praedicationem  debet  cancellarius  Angliae  vel  capitalis 
justiciarius  Angliae,  ille  scilicet  qui  tenet  placita  coram  rege, 
vel  alius  idoneus,  honestus,  et  facundus,  justiciarius  vel  clei'icus, 
per  ipsos  cancellarium  et  ca])italem  justiciai'ium  electus,  pronun- 
tiare  causas  parliaraenti,  primo  in  genere,  et  postea  in  specie, 
stando ;  et  inde  sciendum  est  quod  omnes  de  parliamento,  qui- 
cumque  fuerint,  dum  loquitur,  stabunt,  rege  excepto,  ita  quod 
omnes  de  parliamento  audire  valeant  eum  qui  loquitur,  et  si 
obscure  dicat  vel  ita  basse  loquatur,  dicat  iterate,  et  loquatur 
altius,  vel  loquatur  alius  pro  eo. 

De  Loquela  Regis  post  Pronuntiationem, 

Rex  post  pronuntiationem  pro  parliamento  rogare  debet  cle- 
ricos  et  laicos,  nominando  omnes  eorum  gradus,  scilicet  archi- 
episcopos,  episcopos,  abbates,  priores,  archidiaconos,  procuratores, 
et  alios  de  clero,  comites,  barones,  milites,  cives,  burgenses,  et 
alios  laicos,  quod  ipsi  diligenter,  studiose  et  corditer  laborent 
ad  pertractandum  et  deliberanduin  negotia  parliamenti,  prout 
majus  et  principalius  hoc  ad  Dei  voluntatem  primo,  et  postea 
ad  ejus  et  eorum  honores,  et  commoda  fore  intellexerint  et 
sentierint 

De  Absentia  Regis  in  Parliamento. 

Rex  tenetur  omni  modo  personaliter  interesse  parliamento, 
nisi  per  corporalem  aegritudiuem  detineatur,  et  tune  potest 
tenere  cameram  suam,  ita  quod  non  jaceat  extra  manerium,  vel 
saltern  villam,  ubi  parliamentum  tenetur,  et  tune  debet  mittere 
pro  duodecim  personis  de  majoribus  et  melioribus  qui  sunimo- 
niti  sunt  ad  pnrliamentum,  scilicet  duobus  episcopis,  duobus 
comitibus,  duobus  baronibus,  duobus  militibus  comitatuum, 
duobus  civibus,  et  duobus  burgensibus,  ad  videndam  personam 
suam  et  testificandum  statum  suum,  et  in  eorum  praesentia 
committere  debet  archiepiscopo  loci,  senescallo,  et  caj)itali  justici- 
ario  suo,  quod  ipsi  conjunctim  et  divisim  inchoent  et  continuent 
parliamentum  nomine  suo,  facta  in  commissione  ilia  expressa 
mentione  adtunc  de  causa  absentiae  suae,  quae  sufficere  debet, 
et  monere  ceteros  nobiles  et  magnates  de  parliamento,  una  cum 
notorio  testimouio  dictorum  duodecim  parium  puorum ;  causa 
est  quod  solebat  clamor  et  murmur  esse  in  parliamento  pro  ab- 
sentia regis,  quia  res  dampnosa  et  periculosa  est  toti  com- 
munitati  parliament!  et  etiam  regni,  cum  rex  a  parliamento 


I 


vii.]  Nodus  Tenendi  Parliamenlum.  511 

absens  fuerit,  nee  se  absentare  debet  nee  potest,  dumtaxat  nisi 
in  casu  supradicto. 

De  Loco  et  Sessionibus  in  Parliamento. 

Primo,  ut  praedictum  est,  rex  sedebit  in  medio  loco  majoris 
banci,  et  ex  parte  ejus  dextra  sedebit  archiepiscopus  Cantua- 
riensis,  et  ex  parte  ejus  sinistra  archiepiscopus  Eboraci,  et  post 
illos  statim  episcopi,  abbates  et  priores  linealiter,  semper  tali 
modo  inter  praedictos  gradus,  et  eorum  loca,  quod  nullus  sedeat 
nisi  inter  suos  pares ;  et  ad  hoc  tenetur  senescallus  Angliae 
prospicere,  nisi  rex  alium  assignaverit :  ad  pedem  regis  dextrum 
sedebunt  cancellarius  Angliae  et  capitalis  justiciarius  Angliae, 
et  socii  sui,  et  eorum  clerici  qui  sunt  de  parliamento ;  et  ad 
pedem  ejus  sinistrum  sedebunt  thesaurarius,  camerarius,  et 
barones  de  scaccario,  justiciarii  de  banco,  et  eorum  clerici  qui 
sunt  de  parliameuto. 

De  Hostiario  Parliamenti. 

Hostiarius  principalis  parliamenti  stabit  infra  magnum  hos- 
tium  monasterii,  aulae,  vel  alterius  loci  ubi  pai-liamentum 
tenetur,  et  custodiet  hostium,  ita  quod  nullus  intret  parlia- 
mentum. nisi  qui  sectam  et  eventum  debeat  ad  parliamentum, 
vel  vocatus  fuerit  propter  negotium  quod  prosequitur  in  par- 
liamento, et  oportet  quod  hostiarius  ille  habeat  cogtutionem 
personarum  quae  ingredi  debent,  ita  quod  nulli  omnino  negetur 
ingressus  qui  parliamentum  interesse  tenetur ;  et  hostiarius  ille 
potest  et  debet,  si  necesse  sit,  habere  plures  hostiarios  sub  se. 

De  Clainatorc  Parliamenti. 

Clamator  parliamenti  stabit  extra  hostium  parliamenti,  et 
hostiarius  denunciabit  sibi  clainationes  suas;  rex  solebat  mittere 
servientes  suos  ad  arma  ad  standum  per  magnum  spatium  extra 
hostium  parliamenti,  ad  custodiendum  hostiura,  ita  quod  nulli 
impressiones  nee  tumultus  facerent  circa  hostia,  per  quod  parlia- 
mentum impediatur,  sub  poena  captionis  corporum  suorum,  quia 
de  jure  hostium  parliamenti  non  debet  claudi,  sed  per  hostiarium 
et  servientes  regis  ad  arma  custodiri. 

De  Stationibus  Loquentium. 

Omnes  pares  parliamenti  sedebunt,  et  nullus  stabit  sed  qnando 
loquitur,  et  loquetur  ita  quod  quilibet  de  parliarnento  eum  audire 


512  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamentum.  [PAIIT 

valeat ;  nullus  intrabit  in  parliamentum,  nee  exiet  de  parlia- 
mento,  nisi  per  unum  hostium,  et  quicumque  loquitur  rem 
aliquam  quae  deliberari  debet  per  parliamentum,  stabunt  omnes 
loquentes ;  causa  est  ut  audiatur  a  paribus,  quia  omnes  pares 
sunt  judices  et  justiciarii. 

De  Auxillo  Regis. 

Rex  non  solebat  petere  auxilium  de  regno  suo  nisi  pro  guerra 
instanti,  vel  filios  suos  milites  faciendo,  vel  filias  suas  maritando, 
et  tune  debent  hujusmodi  auxilia  peti  in  pleno  parliamento,  et  in 
scriptis  cuilibet  gradui  parium  parliamenti  liberari,  et  in  scriptis 
responderi \  et  sciendum  est  quod  si  hujusmodi  auxilia  conce- 
denda  sunt  oportet  quod  omnes  pares  parliamenti  consentiant,  et 
intelligendum  est  quod  duo  milites,  qui  veniunt  ad  parliamen- 
tum pro  comitatu,  mujorem  vocem  habent  in  parliamento  in 
concedendo  et  contradicendo,  quam  major  comes  Angliae,  et 
eodem  modo  procuratores  cleri  unius  episcopatus  majorem  vocem 
habent  in  parliamento,  si  omnes  sint  Concordes,  quam  episcopus 
ipse,  et  hoc  in  omnibus  quae  per  parliamentum  concedi,  negari 
vel  fieri  debent  :  et  hoc  patet  quod  rex  potest  tenere  parliamen- 
tum cum  communitate  regni  sui,  absque  episcopis,  comitibus  et 
baronibus,  dumtamen  summoniti  sunt  ad  parliamentum,  licet 
nullus  episcopus,  comes  vel  baro  ad  summonitiones  suas  veniant; 
quia  olim  nee  fuerat  episcopus,  nee  comes,  nee  baro,  adhuc  tune  •» 
reges  tenuerunt  parliamenta  sua ;  sed  aliter  est  econtra,  licet  7 
communitates — cleri  et  laici — summonitae  essent  ad  parliamen- 
tum, sicut  de  jure  debent,  et  propter  aliquas  causas  venire  nol- 
lent,  ut  si  praetenderent  quod  dominus  rex  non  regeret  eos 
sicuti  deberet,  et  assignarent  specialiter  in  quibus  eos  non  rex- 
erat,  tune  parliamentum  nullum  esset  omnino,  licet  archiepi- 
scopi,  episcopi,  comites  et  barones,  et  omnes  eorum  pares,  cum 
rege  interessent :  et  ideo  oportet  quod  omnia  quae  affirmari  vel 
infirmari,  concedi  vel  negari,  vel  fieri  debent  per  parliamentum, 
per  communitatem  parliamenti  concedi  debent,  quae  est  ex  tri- 
BulT  gradibus  sive  generibus  parliamenti,  scilicet  ex  procura- 
toribus  cleri,  militibus  comitatuum,  civibus  et  burgensibus,  qui 
repraesentant  totam  communitatem  Angliae,  et  non  de  mag- 
natibus,  quia  quilibet  eorum  est  pro  sua  propria  persona  ad 
parliamentum  et  pro  nulla  alia. 

De  Partitions  Parliamenti. 

Parliamentum  departiri  non  debet  dummodo  aliqua  petitio 
pendeat  indiscussa,  vel,  ad  minus,  ad  quam  non  sit  determinata 


vii.]  Modus  Tenendi  Parliamentum.  513 

\  responsio,  et  si  rex  contrarium  permittat,  perjurus  est ;  nullus 
solus  de  paribus  parliament!  recedere  potest  nee  debet  de  parlia- 
mento,  nisi  optenta  inde  licentia  de  rege  et  omnibus  suis  paribus, 
et  hoc  in  pleno  parliamento,  et  quod  de  hujusmodi  licentia  fiat 
rememoratio  in  rotulo  parliament!,  et  si  aliquis  de  paribus, 
durante  parliamento,  infirmaverit,  ita  quod  ad  parliamentum 
venire  non  valeat,  tune  per  triduum  mittat  excusatores  ad  par- 
liamentum, quo  die  si  non  venerit,  mittantur  ei  duo  de  paribus 
suis  ad  videndum  et  testificandum  hujusmodi  infirmitatem,  et  si 
sit  suspicio,  jurentur  illi  duo  pares  quod  veritatem  inde  dicent, 
et  si  comperiatur  quod  finxerat  se,  amercietur  tanquam  pro 
defalta,  et  si  non  finxerat  se,  tune  attornet  aliquem  sufficientem 
coram  eis  ad  interessendum  ad  parliamentum  pro  se,  nee  sanus 
excusari  potest  si  sit  sanae  memoriae. 

Departitio  parliament!  ita  usitari  debet : — Primitus  peti  debet 
et  publics  proclamari  in  parliamento,  et  infra  palacium  parlia- 
ment!, si  sit  aliquis,  qui  petitionem  liberaverit  ad  parliamentum, 
cui  nondum  sit  responsum ;  quod  si  nullus  reclamet,  suppo- 
nendum  est  quod  cuilibet  medetur,  vel  saltern  quatenus  potest 
de  jure  respondetur,  et  tune  primo,  videlicet,  cum  nullus  qui 
petitionem  suam  ea  vice  exhibuerit  reclamet,  Parliamentum 
nostrum  licentiabimus. 

De  Transcriptis  Recordorum  in  Parliamento. 

Clerici  parliamenti  non  negabunt  cuiquam  transcriptum  pro- 
cessus  sui,  sed  liberabunt  illud  cuilibet  qui  hoc  petierit,  et 
capient  semper  pro  deceni  lineis  unurn  denarium,  nisi  forte  facta 
fide  de  impotentia,  in  quo  casu  nihil  capient.  Rotuli  de  parlia- 
mento continebunt  in  latitudine  decem  pollices.  Parliameutum 
tenebitur  in  quo  loco  regni  regi  placuerit. 

Explicit  Modus  temndi  Parliamentum. 


Ll 


.4-  - 


,  . 


.-.  •    • 


M 


hi*  U-vJ, 


APPENDIX. 


A.D.  1628.     PETITION  OF  RIGHT. 
3  CAB.  I.  c.  i. 

The  Petition  exhibited  to  his  Majesty  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Tem- 
poral, and  Commons,  in  this  present  Parliament  assembled,  concerning 
divers  Eights  and  Liberties  of  the  Subjects,  with  the  King's  Majesty's 
royal  answer  thereunto  in  full  Parliament. 

To  the  King's  Most  Excellent  Majesty, 

Humbly  show  unto  our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King,  the  Lords  Spiritual 
and  Temporal,  and  Commons  in  Parliament  assembled,  that  whereas  it  ia 
declared  and  enacted  by  a  statute  made  in  the  time  of  the  reign  of  King 
Edward  I,  commonly  called  Statutum  de  Tallagio  non  Concedendo,  that  no 
tallage  or  aid  shall  be  laid  or  levied  by  the  king  or  his  heirs  in  this  realm, 
without  the  good  will  and  assent  of  the  archbishops,  bishops,  earls,  barons, 
knights,  burgesses,  and  other  the  freemen  of  the  commonalty  of  this  realm ; 
and  by  authority  of  parliament  holden  in  the  five-and-twentieth  year  of 
the  reign  of  King  Edward  III,  it  is  declared  and  enacted,  that  from 
thenceforth  no  person  should  be  compelled  to  make  any  loans  to  the  king 
against  his  will,  because  such  loans  were  against  reason  and  the  franchise 
of  the  land  ;  and  by  other  laws  of  this  realm  it  is  provided,  that  none 
should  be  charged  by  any  charge  or  imposition  called  a  benevolence,  nor 
by  such  like  charge;  by  which  statutes  before  mentioned,  and  other  the 
good  laws  and  statutes  of  this  realm,  your  subjects  have  inherited  this 
freedom,  that  they  should  not  be  compelled  to  contribute  to  any  tax, 
tallage,  aid,  or  other  like  charge  not  set  by  common  consent,  in 
parliament. 

II.  Yet  nevertheless  of  late  divers  commissions  directed  to  sundry  com- 
missioners in  several  counties,  with  instructions,  have  issued;  by  means 
whereof  your  people  have  been  in  divers  places  assembled,  and  required  to 
lend  certain  sums  of  money  unto  your  Majesty,  and  many  of  them,  upon 
their  refusal  so  to  do,  have  had  an  oath  administered  unto  them  not 
warrantable  by  the  laws  or  statutes  of  this  realm,  and  have  been  con- 
strained to  become  bound  and  make  appearance  and  give  utterance  before 
your  Privy  Council  and  in  other  places,  and  others  of  them  have  been 
therefore  imprisoned,  confined,  and  sundry  other  ways  molested  and  dis- 
quieted ;  and  divers  other  charges  have  been  laid  and  levied  upon  your 
people  in  several  counties  by  lord  lieutenants,  deputy  lieutenants,  commis- 

Ll2 


516  Appendix. 

V 

sioners  for  musters,  justices  of  peace  and  others,  by  command  or  direction 
from  your  Majesty,  or  your  Privy  Council,  against  the  laws  and  free 
customs  of  the  realm. 

III.  And  whereas  also  by  the  statute  called  '  The  Great  Charter  of  the 
liberties  of  England,'  it  is  declared  and  enacted,  that  no  freeman  may  be 
taken  or  imprisoned  or  be  disseised  of  his  freehold  or  liberties,  or  his  free 
customs,  or  be  outlawed  or  exiled,  or  in  any  manner  destroyed,  but  by  the 
lawful  judgment  of  his  peers,  or  by  the  law  of  the  land. 

IV.  And  in  the  eight-and-twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Edward 
III,  it  was  declared  and  enacted  by  authority  of  parliament,  that  no  man, 
of  what  estate  or  condition  that  he  be,  should  be  put  out  of  his  land  or 
tenements,  nor  taken,  nor  imprisoned,  nor  disherited,  nor  put   to  death 
without  being  brought  to  answer  by  due  process  of  law. 

V.  Nevertheless,  against  the  tenor  of  the  said  statutes,  and  other  the 
good  laws  and  statutes  of  your  realm  to  that  end  provided,  divers  of  your 
subjects  have  of  late  been  imprisoned   without  any  cause   showed ;    and 
when  for  their  deliverance  they  were  brought    before  your  justices   by 
your  Majesty's  writs  of  habeas  corpus,  there  to  undergo  and  receive   as 
the   court   should    order,   and    their   keepers    commanded    to   certify   the 
causes   of  their  detainer,    no   cause   was   certified,   but   that   they  were 
detained   by  your   Majesty's  special  command,  signified    by  the   lords   of 
your  Privy  Council,  and  yet  were  returned  back  to  several  prisons,  without 
being  charged  with  anything  to  which  they  might  make  answer  according 
to  the  law. 

"VI.  And  whereas  of  late  great  companies  of  soldiers  and  mariners  have 
been  dispersed  into  divers  counties  of  the  realm,  and  the  inhabitants 
against  their  wills  have  been  compelled  to  receive  them  into  their  houses, 
and  there  to  suffer  them  to  sojourn  against  the  laws  and  customs  of  this 
realm,  and  to  the  great  grievance  and  vexation  of  the  people. 

VII.  And   whereas  also  by  authority  of  parliament,  in    the  five-and- 
twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Edward  III,  it  is  declared  and  enacted,, 
that  no  man  shall  be  forejudged  of  life  or  Jimb  against  the  form  of  the  Greati 
Charter  and  the  law  of  the  land  ;  and  by  the  said  Great  Charter  and  other 
the  laws  and  statutes  of  this  your  realm,  no  man  ought  to  be  adjudged  to 
death  but  by  the  laws  established  in  this  your  realm,  either  by  the  customs 
of  the  same  realm,  or  by  acts  of  parliament :    and  whereas  no  offender  of 
what   kind   soever  is  exempted  from   the  proceedings  to   be   used,  and 
punishments  to  be  inflicted  by  the  laws  and  statutes  of  this  your  realm ; 
nevertheless  of  late  time  divers  commissions  under  your  Majesty's  great 
seal  have  issued  forth,  by  which  certain  persons  have  been  assigned  and 
appointed  commissioners  with  power  and  authority  to  proceed  within  the 
land,  according  to  the  justice  of  martial   law,  against    such    soldiers   or 
mariners,  or  other  dissolute  persons  joining  with  them,  as  should  commit  any 
murder,  robbery,  felony,  mutiny,  or  other  outrage  or  misdemeanour  what- 
soever, and  by  such  summary  course  and  order  as  is  agreeable  to  martial 
law,  and  as  is  used  in  armies  in  time  of  war,  to  proceed  to  the  trial  and 
condemnation  of  such  offenders,  and  them  to  cause  to  be  executed  and  put 
to  death  according  to  the  law  martial. 

VIII.  By  pretext  whereof  some  of  your  Majesty's  subjects  have  been  by 
some  of  the  said  commissioners  put  to  death,  when  and  where,  if  by  the 
laws  and  statutes  of  the  land  they  had  deserved  death,  by  the  same  laws 
and  statutes  also  they  might,  and  by  no  other  ought  to  have  been  judged 
and  executed. 

IX.  And  also  sundry  grievous  offenders,  by  colour  thereof  claiming  an 
exemption,  have  escaped  the  punishments  due  to  them  by  the  laws  and 


The  Habeas  Corpus  Act.  517 

statutes  of  this  your  realm,  by  reason  that  divers  of  your  officers  and 
ministers  of  justice  have  unjustly  refused  or  forborne  to  proceed  against 
such  offenders  according  to  the  same  laws  and  statutes,  upon  pretence  that 
the  said  offenders  were  punishable  only  by  martial  law,  and  by  authority  of 
such  commissions  as  aforesaid ;  which  commissions,  and  all  other  of  like 
nature,  are  wholly  and  directly  contrary  to  the  said  laws  and  statutes  of 
this  your  realm. 

X.  They  do  therefore  humbly  pray  your  most  excellent  Majesty,  that  no 
man  hereafter  be  compelled  to  make  or  yield  any  gift,  loan,  benevolence, 
tax,  or  such  like  charge,  without  common  consent  by  act  of  parliament;  and 
that  none  be  called  to  make  answer,  or  take  such  oath,  or  to  give  attend- 
ance, or  be  confined,  or  otherwise  molested  or  disquieted  concerning  the 
same  or  for  refusal  thereof;  and  that  no  freeman,  in  any  such  manner  as  is 
before   mentioned,    be   imprisoned   or   detained ;    and   that  your    Majesty 
would  be  pleased  to  remove  the  said  soldiers  and  mariners,  and  that  your 
people  may  not  be  so  burdened  in  time  to  come ;  and  that  the  aforesaid 
commissions,  for  proceeding  by  martial  law,  may  be  revoked  and  annulled ; 
and  that  hereafter  no  commissions  of  like  nature  may  issue  forth  to  any 
person  or  persons  whatsoever  to  be  executed  as  aforesaid,  lest  by  colour  of 
them  any  of  your  Majesty's  subjects  be  destroyed  or  put  to  death  contrary 
to  the  laws  and  franchise  of  the  land. 

XI.  All  which  they  most  humbly  pray  of  your  most  excellent  Majesty 
as  their  rights  and  liberties,  according  to  the  laws  and   statutes  of  this 
realm ;  and  that  your  Majesty  would  also  vouchsafe  to  declare,  that  the 
awards,  doings,  and  proceedings,  to  the  prejudice  of  your  people  in  any  of 
the  premises,  shall  not  be  drawn  hereafter  into  consequence  or  example ; 
and  that  your  Majesty  would  be  also  graciously  pleased,  for  the  further 
comfort  and  safety  of  your  people,  to  declare  your  royal  will  and  pleasure, 
that  in  the  things  aforesaid  all  your  officers  and  ministers  shall  serve  you 
according  to  the  laws  and  statutes  of  this  realm,  as  they  tender  the  honour 
of  your  Majesty,  and  the  prosperity  of  this  kingdom. 

Qua  quidem  petition*  lecta  et  plenties  intellecta  per  dictum  dominum  rcgcm 
tnliter  est  responsum  in  pleno  parliamento,  viz.  Soit  droit  fait  come  uA 
desirt. — (Statutes  of  the  Realm,  v.  24,  25.) 


A.D.  1679.     THE  HABEAS  CORPUS  ACT. 
31  CAB.  II.  c.  a. 

An  Act  for  the  better  securing  the  Liberty  of  the  Subject,  and  for 
Prevention  of  Imprisonments  beyond  the  Sens. 

Whereas  great  delays  have  been  used  by  sheriffs,  gaolers,  and  other 
officers,  to  whose  custody  any  of  the  king's  subjects  have  been  committed 
for  criminal  or  supposed  criminal  matters,  in  making  returns  of  writs  of 
Habeas  Corpus  to  them  directed,  by  standing  out  an  Alias  and  Plun'ts 
Habeas  Corpus,  and  sometimes  more,  and  by  other  shifts  to  avoid  their 
yielding  obedience  to  such  writs,  contrary  to  their  duty  and  the  known 
laws  of  the  land,  whereby  many  of  the  king's  subjects  have  been  and  here- 
after may  be  long  detained  in  prison,  in  such  cases  where  by  law  they  are 
bailable,  to  their  great  charges  and  vexation : 

II.  For   the   prevention    whereof,    and    the   more   speedy  rehe 
persons  imprisoned  for  any  such  criminal  or  supposed  criminal  matters  ; 
be  it  enacted  by  the  King's  most   excellent  Majesty,  by  and  w.th  the 


5 1 8  Appendix. 

advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  in 
this  present  Parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  thereof,  that 
whensoever  any  person  or  persons  shall  bring  any  Habeas  Corpus  directed 
unto  any  sheriff  or  sheriffs,  gaoler,  minister,  or  other  person  whatsoever,  for 
any  person  in  his  or  their  custody,  and  the  said  writ  shall  be  served  upon 
the  said  officer,  or  left  at  the  gaol  or  prison  with  any  of  the  under-officers, 
under-keepers  or  deputy  of  the  said  officers  or  keepers,  that  the  said  officer 
or  officers,  his  or  their  under-officers,  under-keepers  or  deputies,  shall 
within  three  days  after  the  service  thereof  as  aforesaid  (unless  the  commit- 
ment aforesaid  were  for  treason  or  felony,  plainly  and  specially  expressed 
in  the  warrant  of  commitment)  upon  payment  or  tender  of  the  charges  of 
bringing  the  said  prisoner,  to  be  ascertained  by  the  judge  or  court  that 
awarded  the  s^ame,  and  endorsed  upon  the  said  writ,  not  exceeding  twelve 
pence  per  mile,  and  upon  security  given  by  his  own  bond  to  pay  the  charges 
of  carrying  back  the  prisoner,  if  he  shall  be  remanded  by  the  court  or  judge 
to  which  be  shall  be  brought  according  to  the  true  intent  of  this  present 
act,  and  that  he  will  not  make  any  escape  by  the  way,  make  return  of  such 
writ ;  and  bring  or  cause  to  be  brought  the  body  of  the  party  so  committed 
or  restrained,  unto  or  before  the  Lord  Chancellor,  or  Lord  Keeper  of  the 
great  seal  of  England  for  the  time  being,  or  the  judges  or  barons  of  the  said 
court  from  whence  the  said  writ  shall  issue,  or  unto  and  before  such  other 
person  or  persons  before  whom  the  said  writ  is  made  returnable,  according 
to  the  command  thereof;  and  shall  then  likewise  certify  the  true  causes  of 
his  detainer  or  imprisonment,  unless  the  commitment  of  the  said  party 
be  in  any  place  beyond  the  distance  of  twenty  miles  from  the  place  or 
places  where  such  court  or  person  is  or  shall  be  residing ;  and  if  beyond 
the  distance  of  twenty  miles,  and  not  above  one  hundred  miles,  then 
within  the  space  of  ten  days,  and  if  beyond  the  distance  of  one  hundred 
miles,  then  within  the  space  of  twenty  days,  after  such  delivery  aforesaid, 
and  not  longer. 

III.  And  to  the  intent  that  no  sheriff,  gaoler  or  other  officer  may  pretend 
ignorance  of  the  import  of  any  such  writ;  be  it  enacted  by  the  authority 
aforesaid,  that  all  such  writs  shall  be  marked  in  this  manner,  per  statutum 
tricesimo  primo  Caroli  secundi  reyis,  and  shall  be  signed  by  the  person  that 
awards  the  same ;  and  if  any  person  or  persons  shall  be  or  stand  committed 
or  detained  as  aforesaid,  for  any  crime,  unless  for  felony  or  treason  plainly 
expressed  in  the  warrant  of  commitment,  in  the  vacation- time,  and  out  of 
term,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  and  for  the  person  or  persons  so  com- 
mitted or  detained  (other  than  persons  convict  or  in  execution  by  legal 
process)  or  any  one  on  his  or  their  behalf,  to  appeal  or  complain  to  the 
Lord  Chancellor  or  Lord  Keeper,  or  any  one  of  his  Majesty's  justices, 
either  of  the  one  bench  or  of  the  other,  or  the  barons  of  the  exchequer  of 
the  degree  of  the  coif ;  and  the  said  Lord  Chancellor,  Lord  Keeper,  justices 
or  barons  or  any  of  them,  upon  view  of  the  copy  or  copies  of  the  warrant 
or  warrants  of  commitment  and  detainer,  or  otherwise  upon  oath  made  that 
such  copy  or  copies  were  denied  to  be  given  by  such  person  or  persons  in 
whose  custody  the  prisoner  or  prisoners  is  or  are  detained,  are  hereby 
authorized,  and  required,  upon  request  made  in  writing  by  such  person  or 
persons  or  any  on  his,  her  or  their  behalf,  attested  and  subscribed  by  two 
witnesses  who  were  present  at  the  delivery  of  the  same,  to  award  and  grant 
an  Habeas  Corpus  under  the  seal  of  such  court  whereof  he  shall  then  be 
one  of  the  judges,  to  be  directed  to  the  officer  or  officers  in  whose  custody 
the  party  so  committed  or  detained  shall  be,  returnable  immediate  before 
the  said  Lord  Chancellor  or  Lord  Keeper,  or  such  justice,  baron  or  any 
other  justice  or  baron  of  the  degree  of  the  coif  of  any  of  the  said  courts; 


The  Habeas  Corpus  Act. 

and  upon  service  thereof  as  aforesaid,  the  officer  or  officers,  his  or  their 
under-officer  or  under-officers,  under-keeper  or  under-keepers,  or  their 
deputy,  in  whose  custody  the  party  is  so  committed  or  detained,  shall 
within  the  times  respectively  before  limited,  bring  such  prisoner  or 
prisoners  before  the  said  Lord  Chancellor  or  Lord  Keeper,  or  such  justices 
barons  or  one  of  them,  before  whom  the  said  writ  is  made  returnable  and 
in  case  of  his  absence  before  any  of  them,  with  the  return  of  such  writ,'  and 
the  true  causes  of  the  commitment  and  detainer;  and  thereupon  within 
two  days  after  the  party  shall  be  brought  before  them,  the  said  Lord 
Chancellor  or  Lord  Keeper,  or  such  justice  or  baron  before  whom  the 
prisoner  shall  be  brought  as  aforesaid,  shall  discharge  the  said  prisoner 
from  his  imprisonment,  taking  his  or  their  recognizance,  with  one  or  more 
surety  or  sureties,  in  any  sum  according  to  their  discretions,  having  regard 
to  the  quality  of  the  prisoner  and  nature  of  the  offence,  for  his  or  their 
appearance  in  the  court  of  king's  bench  the  term  following,  or  at  the  next 
assizes,  sessions,  or  general  gaol-delivery  of  and  for  such  county,  city,  or 
place  where  the  commitment  was,  or  where  the  offence  was  committed,  or 
in  such  other  court  where  the  said  offence  is  properly  cognizable,  as  the 
case  shall  require,  and  then  shall  certify  the  said  writ  with  the  return 
thereof,  and  the  said  recognizance  or  recognizances  into  the  said  court 
where  such  appearance  is  to  be  made ;  unless  it  shall  appear  unto  the  said 
Lord  Chancellor  or  Lord  Keeper,  or  justice  or  justices,  or  baron  or  barons, 
that  the  party  so  committed  is  detained  upon  a  legal  process,  order  or 
warrant,  out  of  some  court  that  hath  jurisdiction  of  criminal  matters,  or 
by  some  warrant  signed  and  sealed  with  the  hand  and  seal  of  any  of  the 
said  justices  or  barons,  or  some  justice  or  justices  of  the  peace,  for  such 
matters  or  offences  for  the  which  by  the  law  the  prisoner  is  not  bailable. 

IV.  Provided  always,  and  be  it  enacted,  that  if  any  person  shall  have 
wilfully  neglected  by  the  space  of  two  whole  terms  after  his  imprisonment, 
to   pray  a  Habeas  Corpus  for  his  enlargement,  such  person  so  wilfully 
neglecting  shall  not  have  any  Habeas  Corpus  to  be  granted  in  vacation- 
time,  in  pursuance  of  this  act. 

V.  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  if  any 
officer  or  officers,  his  or  their  under-officer  or  under-officers,  under-keeper  or 
under-keepers,  or   deputy,  shall   neglect  or  refuse  to  make  the  returns 
aforesaid,  or  to  bring  the   body  or   bodies  of  the   prisoner  or  prisoners 
according  to  the  command  of  the  said  writ,  within  the  respective  times 
aforesaid,  or  upon  demand  made  by  the  prisoner  or  person  in  his  behalf, 
shall  refuse  to  deliver,  or  within  the  space  of  six  hours  after  demand  shall 
not  deliver,  to  the  person  so  demanding,  a  true  copy  of  the  warrant  or 
warrants  of  commitment  and  detainer  of  such  prisoner,  which  he  and  they 
are  hereby  required  to  deliver  accordingly ;  all  and  every  the  head  gaolers 
and  keepers  of  such  prisons,  and  such  other  person  in  whose  custody  the 
prisoner  shall  be  detained,  shall  for  the  first  offence  forfeit  to  the  prisoner 
or  party  grieved  the  sum  of  one  hundred  pounds ;   and  for  the  second 
offence  the  sum  of  two  hundred  pounds,  and  shall  and  is  hereby  made 
incapable  to  hold  or  execute  his  said  office;    the  said   penalties  to  be 
recovered  by  the  prisoner  or  party  grieved,  his  executors  or  administrators, 
against  such  offender,   his  executors  or  administrators,  by  any  action  of 
debt,  suit,  bill,  plaint,  or  information,  in  any  of  the  king's  courts  at  West- 
minster, wherein  no  essoin,  protection,  privilege,  injunction,  wager  of  law, 
or  stay  of  prosecution  by  non  vult  ulterius  prosequi,  or  otherwise,  shall  be 
admitted  or  allowed,  or  any  more  than  one  imparlance  ;  and  any  recovery 
or    judgment   at   the   suit   of  any   party    grieved,  shall    be   a   sufficient 
conviction  for   the  first  offence ;    and   any  after  recovery  or  judgment 


520  Appendix. 

at  the  suit  of  a  party  grieved  for  any  offence  after  the  first  judgment, 
shall  be  a  sufficient  conviction  to  bring  the  officers  or  person  within  the 
said  penalty  for  the  second  offence. 

VI.  And  for  the  prevention  of  unjust  vexation  by  reiterated  commit- 
ments for  the  same  offence ;  be  it  enacted  by  the  authority  afores-iid,  that 
no  person  or  persons  which  shall  be  delivered  or  set  at  large  upon  any 
Habeas  Corpus,  shall  at  any  time  hereafter  be  again  imprisoned  or  com- 
mitted for  the  same  offence  by  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  other 
than  by  the  legal  order  and  process  of  such  court  wherein  he  cr  they  shall 
be  bound  by  recognizance  to  appear,  or  other  court  having  jurisdiction  of 
the  cause ;  and  if  any  other  person  or  persons  shall  knowingly  contrary  to 
this  act  recommit  or  imprison,  or  knowingly  procure  or  cause  to  be  recom- 
mitted or  imprisoned,  for  the  same  offence  or  pretended  offence,  any  person 
or  persons  delivered  or  set  at  large  as  aforesaid,  or  be  knowingly  aiding  or 
assisting   therein,  then  he   or  they  shall  forfeit  to  the  prisoner  or  party 
grieved   the   sum  of  five  hundred   pounds;    any  colourable   pretence    or 
variation  in  the  warrant  or  warrants  of  commitment  notwithstanding,  to 
be  recovered  as  aforesaid. 

VII.  Provided  always,  and  be  it  further  enacted,  that  if  any  person  or 
persons  shall  be  committed  for  high  treason  or  felony,  plainly  and  specially 
expressed  in  the  warrant  of  commitment,  upon  his  prayer  or  petition  in 
open  court  the  first  week  of  the  term,  or  first  day  of  the  sessions  of  Oyer 
and  Terminer  or  general  gaol-delivery,  to  be  brought  to  his  trial,  shall  not 
be  indicted  some  time  in  the  next  term,  sessions  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  or 
general  gaol-delivery,  after  such  commitment ;  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful 
to  and  for  the  judges  of  the  court  of  king's  bench  and  justices  of  Oyer  and 
Terminer  or  general  gaol-delivery,  and  they  are  hereby  required,  upon 
motion  to  them  made  in  open  court  the  last  day  of  the  term,  sessions  or 
gaol-delivery,  either  by  the   prisoner  or  any  one  in  his  behalf,  to  set  at 
liberty  the  prisoner  upon  bail,  unless  it  appear  to  the  judges  and  justices  upon 
oath  made,  that  the  witnesses  for  the  king  could  not  be  produced  the  same 
term,  sessions  or  general  gaol-delivery ;  and  if  any  person  or  persons  com- 
mitted as  aforesaid,  upon  his  prayer  or  petition  in  open  court  the  first  week 
of  the  term  or  first  day  of  the  sessions  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  and  general 
gaol-delivery,  to  be  brought  to  his  trial,  shall  not  be  indicted  and  tried  the 
second  term,  sessions  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  or  general  gaol-delivery,  after 
his  commitment,  or  upon  his  trial  shall  be  acquitted,  he  shall  be  discharged 
from  his  imprisonment. 

VIII.  Provided  always,  that  nothing  in  this  act  shall  extend  to  dis- 
charge out  of  prison  any  person  charged  in  debt,  or  other  action,  or  with 
process  in  any  civil  cause,  but  that  after  he  shall  be  discharged  of  his 
imprisonment  for  such  his  criminal  offence,  he  shall  be  kept  in  custody 
according  to  the  law,  for  such  other  suit. 

IX.  Provided  always,  and  be  it  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that 
if  any  person  or  persons,  subjects  of  this  realm,  shall  be  committed  to  any 
prison  or  in  custody  of  any  officer  or  officers  whatsoever,  for  any  criminal 
or  supposed  criminal  matter,  tbat  the  said  person  shall  not  be  removed 
from  the  said  prison  and  custody  into  the  custody  of  any  other  officer  or 
officers  ;  unless  it  be  by  Habeas  Corpus  or  some  other  legal  writ;  or  where 
the  prisoner  is  delivered  to  the  constable  or  other  inferior  officer  to  carry 
such  prisoner  to  some  common  gaol :  or  where  any  person  is  sent  by  order 
of  any  judge  of  assize  or  justice  of  the  peace  to  any  common  workhouse  or 
house  of  correction  ;  or  where  the  prisoner  is  removed  from  one  prison  or 
place   to  another  within   the  same  county,  in  order  to  his  or  her  trial 
or  discharge  in  due  course  of  law  j  or  in  case  of  sudden  fire  or  infection,  or 


The  Habeas  Corpu*  Act. 

other  necessity ;  and  if  any  person  or  persons  shall  after  such  commitment 
aforesaid  make  out  and  sign,  or  countersign  any  warrant  or  warrants  for 
such  removal  aforesaid,  contrary  to  this  act ;  as  well  he  that  makes  or 
signs,  or  countersigns  such  warrant  or  warrants  as  the  officer  or  officers 
that  obey  or  execute  the  same,  shall  suffer  and  incur  the  pains  and 
forfeitures  in  this  act  before  mentioned,  both  for  the  first  and  second 
ottence  respectively,  to  be  recovered  in  manner  aforesaid  by  the  party 
grieved.  J 

X.  Provided  also,  and  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
that  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  and  for  any  prisoner  and  prisoners  as 
aforesaid,  to  move  and  obtain  his  or  their  Habeas  Corpus  as  well  out  of 
the  high  court  of  chancery  or  court  of  exchequer,  as  out  of  the  courts  of 
king's  bench  or  common  pleas,  or  either  of  them ;  and  if  the  said  Lord 
Chancellor  or  Lord  Keeper,  or  any  judge  or  judges,  baron  or  barons  for 
the  time  being,  of  the  degree  of  the  coif,  of  any  of  the  courts  aforesaid,  in 
the  vacation-time,  upon  view  of  the  copy  or  copies  of  the  warrant  or 
warrants  of  commitment  or  detainer,  or  upon  oath  made  that  such  copy 
or  copies  were  denied  as  aforesaid,  shall  deny  any  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus 
by  this  act  required  to  be  granted,  being  moved  for  as  aforesaid,  they  shall 
severally  forfeit  to  the  prisoner  or  party  grieved  the  sum  of  five  hundred 
pounds,  to  be  recovered  in  manner  aforesaid. 

XI.  And  be  it  declared  and  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  an 
Habeas  Corpus  according  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  act,  may 
be  directed  and  run  into  any  county  palatine,  the  cinque-ports,  or  other  privi- 
leged places  within  the  kingdom  of  England,  dominion  of  Wales,  or  town 
of  Berwick  upon  Tweed,  and  the  islands  of  Jersey  or  Guernsey ;  any  law 
or  usage  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

XII.  And  for  preventing  illegal  imprisonments  in  prisons  beyond  the 
seas ;  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  no  subject  of 
this  realm  that  now  is,  or  hereafter  shall  be  an  inhabitant  or  resiant  of  this 
kingdom  of  England,  dominion  of  Wales,  or  town  of  Berwick  upon  Tweed, 
shall  or  may  be  sent  prisoner  into  Scotland,  Ireland,  Jersey,  Guernsey, 
Tangier,  or  into  parts,  gai-risons,  islands  or  places  beyond  the  seas,  which 
are  or  at  any  time  hereafter  shall  be  within  or  without  the  dominions  of 
his  Majesty,  his  heirs  or  successors  ;  and  that  every  such  imprisonment  is 
hereby   enacted  and  adjudged  to  be  illegal ;  and  that  if  any  of  the  said 
subjects  now  is  or  hereafter  shall  be  so  imprisoned,  every  such  person  and 
persons  so  imprisoned,  shall  and  may  for  every  such  imprisonment  maintain 
by  virtue  of  this  act  an  action  or  actions  of  false  imprisonment,  in  any  of 
his  Majesty's  courts  of  record,  against  the  person  or  persons  by  whom  he 
or  she  shall  be  so  committed,  detained,  imprisoned,  sent  prisoner  or  trans- 
ported, contrary  to  the  true  meaning  of  this  act,  and  against  all  or  any 
person  or  persons  that  shall  frame,  contrive,  write,  seal  or  countersign  any 
warrant  or  writing  for  such  commitment,  detainer,  imprisonment,  or  trans- 
portation, or  shall  be  advising,  aiding  or  assisting  in  the  same,  or  any  of 
them  ;  and  the  plaintiff  in  every  such  action  shall  have  judgment  to  recover 
his  treble  costs,  besides  damages,  which  damages  so  to  be  given,  shall  not 
be  less  than  five  hundred  pounds  ;  in  which  action  no  delay,  stay  or  stop  of 
proceeding  by  rule,  order  or  command,  nor  no  injunction,  protection  or 
privilege  whatsoever,  nor  any  more  than  one  imparlance  shall  be  allowed, 
excepting  such  rule  of  the  court  wherein  the  action  shall  depend,  made  in 
open  court,  as  shall  be  thought  in  justice  necessary,  for  special  cause  to  be 
expressed  in  the  said  rule ;  and  the  person  or  persons  who  shall  knowingly 
frame,  contrive,  write,  seal  or  countersign  any  warrant  for  such  commit- 
ment, detainer,  or  transportation,  or  shall  so  commit,  detain,  imprison  or 


522  Appendix. 

transport  any  person  or  persons  contrary  to  this  act,  or  be  any  ways 
advising,  aiding  or  assisting  therein,  being  lawfully  convicted  thereof,  shall 
be  disabled  from  thenceforth  to  bear  any  office  of  trust  or  profit  within  the 
said  realm  of  England,  dominion  of  Wales,  or  town  of  Berwick  upon 
Tweed,  or  any  of  the  islands,  territories  or  dominions  thereunto  belonging ; 
and  shall  incur  and  sustain  the  pains,  penalties,  and  forfeitures  limited, 
ordained  and  provided  in  and  by  the  statute  of  Provision  and  Praemunire 
made  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  King  Richard  the  second ;  and  be  incapable 
of  any  pardon  from  the  king,  his  heirs  or  successors,  of  the  said  forfeitures, 
losses,  or  disabilities,  or  any  of  them. 

XIII.  Provided  always,  that  nothing  in  this  act  shall  extend  to  give 
benefit  to  any  person  who  shall  by  contract  in  writing  agree  with  any 
merchant  or  owner  of  any  plantation,  or  other  person  whatsoever,  to  be 
transported  to  any  parts  beyond  the  seas,  and  receive  earnest  upon  such 
agreement,  although  that   afterwards   such   person  shall  renounce  such 
contract. 

XIV.  Provided  always,  and  be  it  enacted,  that  if  any  person  or  persons 
lawfully  convicted  of  any  felony,  shall  in  open  court  pray  to  be  transported 
beyond  the  seas,  and  the  court  shall  think  fit  to  leave  him  or  them  in  prison 
for  that  purpose,  such  person  or  persons  may  be  transported  into  any  parts 
beyond  the  seas ;  this  act,  or  anything  therein  contained  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding. 

XV.  Provided  also,  and  be  it  enacted,  that  nothing  herein  contained 
shall  be  deemed,  construed  or  taken,  to  extend  to  the  imprisonment  of  any 
person  before  the  first  day  of  June  one  thousand  six  hundred  seventy  and 
nine,  or  to  anything  advised,  procured,  or  otherwise  done,  relating  to  such 
imprisonment ;  anything  herein  contained  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

XVI.  Provided  also,  that  if  any  person  or  persons  at  any  tune  resiant 
in  this  realm,  shall  have  committed  any  capital  offence  in  Scotland  or 
Ireland,  or  any  of  the  islands,  or  foreign  plantations  of  the  king,  his  heirs 
or  successors,  where  he  or  she  ought  to  be  tried  for  such  offence,  such 
person  or  persons  may  be  sent  to  such  place,  there  to  receive  such  trial,  in 
such  manner  as  the  same  might  have  been  used  before  the  making  of  this 
act ;  anything  herein  contained  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

XVII.  Provided   also,    and  be    it   enacted,  that  no  person  or  persona 
shall  be  sued,  impleaded,  molested  or  troubled  for  any  offence  against  this 
act,  unless  the  party  offending  be  sued  or  impleaded  for  the  same  within 
two  years  at  the  most  after  such  time  wherein  the  offence  shall  be  com- 
mitted, in  case  the  party  grieved  shall  not  be  then  in  prison ;  and  if  he 
shall  be  in  prison,  then  within  the  space  of  two  years  after  the  decease  of 
the  person  imprisoned,  or  his  or  her  delivery  out  of  prison,  which  shall 
first  happen. 

XVIII.  And  to  the  intent  no  person  may  avoid  his  trial  at  the  assizes 
or  general  gaol-delivery,  by  procuring  his  removal  before  the  assizes,  at 
such  time  as  he  cannot  be  brought  back  to  receive  his  trial  there ;  be  it 
enacted,  that  after  the  assizes  proclaimed  for  that  county  where  the  prisoner 
is  detained,  no  person  shall  be  removed  from  the  common  gaol  upon  any 
Habeas  Corpm  granted  in  pursuance  of  this  act,  but  upon  any  such  Habeas 
Corpus  shall  be  brought  before  the  judge  of  assize  in  open  court,  who  is 
thereupon  to  do  what  to  justice  shall  appertain. 

XIX.  Provided  nevertheless,  that  after  the  assizes  are  ended,  any  person 
or  persons  detained,  may  have  his  or  her  Habeas  Corpus  according  to  the 
direction  and  intention  of  this  act. 

XX.  And  be  it  also  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  if  any 
information,  suit  or  action  shall  be  brought  or  exhibited  against  any  person 


Bill  of  Rights.  523 

or  persons  for  any  offence  committed  or  to  be  committed  against  the  form 
of  this  law,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  such  defendants  to  plead  the  general 
issue,  that  they  are  not  guilty,  or  that  they  owe  nothing,  and  to  give  such 
special  matter  in  evidence  to  the  jury  that  shall  try  the  same,  which 
matter  being  pleaded  had  been  good  and  sufficient  matter  in  law  to  have 
discharged  the  said  defendant  or  defendants  against  the  said  information, 
suit  or  action,  and  the  said  matter  shall  be  then  as  available  to  him  or 
them,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if  he  or  they  had  sufficiently  pleaded, 
set  forth  or  alledged  the  same  matter  in  bar  or  discharge  of  such  infor- 
mation, suit  or  action. 

XXI.  And  because  many  times  persons  charged  with  petty  treason  or 
felony,  or  as  accessaries  thereunto,  are  committed  upon  suspicion  only, 
whereupon  they  are  bailable,  or  not,  according  as  the  circumstances  making 
out  that  suspicion  are  more  or  less  weighty,  which  are  best  known  to  the 
justices  of  peace  that  committed  the  persons,  and  have  the  examinations 
before  them,  or  to  other  justices  of  the  peace  in  the  county ;  be  it  therefore 
enacted,  that  where  any  person  shall  appear  to  be  committed  by  any  judge 
or  justice  of  the  peace,  and  charged  as  accessary  before  the  fact,  to  any 
petty  treason  or  felony,  or  upon  suspicion  thereof,  or  with  suspicion  of  petty 
treason  or  felony,  which  petty  treason  or  felony  shall  be  plainly  and 
specially  expressed  in  the  warrant  of  commitment,  that  such  person  shall 
not  be  removed  or  bailed  by  virtue  of  this  act,  or  in  any  other  manner 
than  they  mi>,'ht  have  been  before  the  making  of  this  act. — (Statutes  of  the 
Realm,  v.  935-938.) 


A.D.  1689.     BILL  OP  EIGHTS. 
i  WILL.  &  MAR.  SESS.  a.  c.  2. 

Whereas  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  assembled  at 
Westminster,  lawfully,  fully,  and  freely  representing  all  the  estates  of  the 
people  of  this  realm,  did,  upon  the  thirteenth  day  of  February,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  one  thousand  six  hundred  eighty-eiyht,  present  unto  their 
Majesties,  then  called  and  known  by  the  names  and  style  of  William  and 
Mary,  Prince  and  Princess  of  Orange,  being  present  in  their  proper 
persons,  a  certain  declaration  in  writing,  made  by  the  said  Lords  and 
Commons,  in  the  words  following  ;  viz. : — 

Whereas  the  late  King  James  II,  by  the  assistance  of  diverse  evil 
counsellors,  judges,  and  ministers  employed  by  him,  did  endeavour  to 
subvert  and  extirpate  the  Protestant  religion,  and  the  laws  and  liberties  of 
this  kingdom  : — 

1.  By  assuming  and  exercising  a  power  of  dispensing  with  and  suspend- 
ing of  laws,  and  the  execution  of  laws,  without  consent  of  Parliament. 

2.  By  committing  and  prosecuting  divers  worthy  prelates,  for  humbly 
petitioning  to  be  excused  from  concurring  to  the  same  assumed  power. 

3.  By  issuing  and  causing  to  be  executed  a  commission  under  the  Great 
Seal  for  erecting  a  court,  called  the  Court  of  Commissioners  for  Ecclesiasti- 
cal Causes. 

4.  By  levying  money  for  and  to  the  use  of  the  Crown,  by  pretence  of 
prerogative,  for  other  time,  and  in   other  manner  than   the  same  was 
granted  by  Parliament. 

5.  By  raising  and  keeping  a  standing  army  within  this  kingdom  in  time 
of  peace,  without  consent  of  Parliament,  and  quartering  soldiers  contrary 
to  law. 

6.  By  causing  several  good  subjects,  being  Protestants,  to  be  disarmed, 


524  Appendix. 

at  the  same  time  when  Papists  were  both  armed  and  employed  contrary 
to  law. 

7.  By  violating  the  freedom  of  election  of  members  to  serve  in  Parlia- 
ment. 

8.  By  prosecutions  in  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  for  matters  and  causes 
cognizable  only  in  Parliament ;  and  by  diverse  other  arbitrary  and  illegal 
courses. 

9.  And  whereas  of  late  years,  partial,  corrupt,  and  unqualified  persons 
have  been  returned  and  served  on  juries  in  trials,  and  particularly  diverse 
jurors  in  trials  for  high  treason,  which  were  not  freeholders. 

10.  And  excessive  bail  hath   been   required  of  persons   committed  in 
criminal  cases,  to  elude  the  benefit  of  the  laws  made  for  the  liberty  of  the 
subjects. 

11.  And  excessive  fines   have  been  imposed;    and  illegal   and  cruel 
punishments  inflicted. 

12.  And    several  grants   and  promises   made   of  fines  and  forfeitures, 
before  any  conviction  or  judgment  against  the  persons  upon   whom   the 
same  were  to  be  levied. 

All  which  are  utterly  and  directly  contrary  to  the  known  laws  and 
statutes,  and  freedom  of  this  realm. 

And  whereas  the  said  late  King  James  II  having  abdicated  the 
government,  and  the  throne  being  thereby  vacant,  his  Highness  the  Prince 
of  Orange  (whom  it  hath  pleased  Almighty  God  to  make  the  glorious 
instrument  of  delivering  this  kingdom  from  popery  and  arbitrary  power) 
did  (by  the  advice  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  diverse  princi- 
pal persons  of  the  Commons)  cause  letters  to  be  written  to  the  Lords 
Spiritual  and  Temporal,  being  Protestants,  and  other  letters  to  the  several 
counties,  cities,  universities,  boroughs,  and  cinque  ports,  for  the  choosing  of 
such  persons  as  represent  them,  as  were  of  right  to  be  sent  to  Parliament, 
to  meet  and  sit  at  Westminster  upon  the  two-and-twentieth  day  of 
January,  in  this  year  one  thousand  six  hundred  eighty  and  eight,  in  order 
to  such  an  establishment,  as  that  their  religion,  laws  and  liberties  mi^ht 
not  again  be  in  danger  of  being  subverted ;  upon  which  letters,  elections 
have  been  accordingly  made. 

And  thereupon  the  said  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons, 
pursuant  to  their  respective  letters  and  elections,  being  now  assembled  in 
a  full  and  free  representation  of  this  nation,  taking  into  their  most  serious 
consideration  the  best  means  for  attaining  the  ends  aforesaid,  do  in  the  first 
place  (as  their  ancestors  in  like  case  have  usually  done),  for  the  vindicating 
and  asserting  their  ancient  rights  and  liberties,  declare  : — 

1.  That  the  pretended  power  of  suspending  of  laws,  or  the  execution  of 
laws,  by  rejjal  authority,  without  consent  of  parliament,  is  illegal. 

2.  That  the  pretended  power  of  dispensing  with  laws,  or  the  execution 
of  laws  by  regal  authority,  as  it  hath  been  assumed  and  exercised  of  late, 
is  illegal. 

3.  That  the  commission  for  erecting  the  late  Court  of  Commissioners  for 
Ecclesiastical  causes,  and  all  other  commissions  and  courts  of  like  nature, 
are  illegal  and  peruicious. 

4.  That  levying  money  for  or  to  the  use  of  the  Crown,  by  pretence  of  pre- 
rogative, without  grant  of  parliament,  for  longer  time  or  in  other  manner 
than  the  same  is  or  shall  be  granted,  is  illegal. 

5.  That  it  is  the  right  of  the  subjects  to  petition  the  king,  and  all  com- 
mitments and  prosecutions  for  such  petitioning  are  illegal. 

6.  That  the  raising  or  keeping  a  standing  army  within  the  kingdom  in 
time  of  peace,  unless  it  be  with  consent  of  parliament,  is  agaiust  law. 


Bill  of  Eights.  52- 

7.  That  the  subjects  which  are   Protestants  may  have  arms  for  their 
detence  suitable  to  their  conditions,  and  as  allowed  by  law. 

8.  That  election  of  members  of  parliament  ought  to  be  free. 

9.  That  the  freedom  of  speech,  and  debates  or  proceedings  in  parliament, 
ou;,'ht  not  to  be  impeached  or  questioned  in  any  court  or  place   out  of 
parliament. 

10.  That  excessive  bail  ought  not  to  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines 
imposed ;  nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

n.  That  jurors  ought  to  be  duly  impanelled  and  returned,  and  jurors 
which  pass  upon  men  in  trials  for  high  treason  ought  to  be  freeholdere. 

12.  That  all  grants  and  promises  of  fines  and  forfeitures  of  particular 
persons  before  conviction,  are  illegal  and  void. 

13.  And   that  for  redress  of  all  grievances,  and  for  the    amending, 
strengthening,  and  preserving  of  the  laws,  parliament  ought  to   be   held 
frequently. 

And  they  do  claim,  demand,  and  insist  upon  all  and  singular  the 
premises,  as  their  undoubted  rights  and  liberties ;  and  that  no  declara- 
tions, judgments,  doings  or  proceedings,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  people  in 
any  of  the  said  premises,  ought  in  any  wise  to  be  drawn  hereafter  into 
consequence  or  example. 

To  which  demand  of  their  rights  they  are  particularly  encouraged  by  the 
declaration  of  his  Highness  the  Prince  of  Orange,  as  being  the  only  means 
for  obtaining  a  full  redress  and  remedy  therein. 

Having  therefore  an  entire  confidence  that  his  said  Highness  the  Prince 
of  Orange  will  perfect  the  deliverance  so  far  advanced  by  him,  and  will 
still  preserve  them  from  the  violation  of  their  rights,  which  they  have  here 
asserted,  and  from  all  other  attempts  upon  their  religion,  rights,  ar«l 
liberties : 

11.  The  said  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  assembled  at 
Westminster,  do  resolve,  that  William  and  Mary,  Prince  and  Princess  of 
Orange,  be,  and  be  declared,  King  and  Queen  of  England,  France,  and 
Ireland,  and  the  dominions  thereunto  belonging,  to  hold  the  Crown  and 
royal  dignity  of  the  said  kingdoms  and  dominions  to  them  the  said  Prince 
and  Princess  during  their  lives,  and  the  life  of  the  survivor  of  them  ;  and 
that  the  sole  and  full  exercise  of  the  regal  power  be  only  in,  and  executed 
by,  the  said  Prince  of  Orange,  in  the  names  of  the  said  Prince  and  Princess, 
during  their  joint  lives ;  and  after  their  deceases,  the  paid  Crown  and  royal 
dignity  of  the  said  kingdoms  and  dominions  to  be  to  the  heirs  of  the  body 
of  the  said  Princess  ;  and  for  default  of  such  issue  to  the  Princess  Anne  of 
Denmark,  and  the  heirs  of  her  body  ;  and  for  default  of  such  issue  to  the 
heirs  of  the  body  of  the  said  Prince  of  Orange.     And  the  Lords  Spiritual 
and  Temporal,  and   Commons,  do  pray  the  said  Prince  and  Princess  to 
accept  the  same  accordingly. 

III.  And  that  the  oaths  hereafter  mentioned  be  taken  by  all  j«ersons  of 
whom  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy  might  be  required  by  law, 
instead  of  them ;  and  that  the  said  oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy  be 
abrogated. 

I.  A.  B.,  do  sincerely  promise  and  swear.  That  I  will  be  faithful  and  b«ar 
true  allegiance  to  their  Majesties  King  William  and  Queen  Mary  : 

So  help  me  God. 

I,  A.  B.,  do  swear,  That  I  do  from  my  heart,  abhor,  detest,  and  abjure 
as  impious  and  heretical,  that  damnable  doctrine  and  position,  that  Princes 
excommunicated  or  deprived  by  the  Pope,  or  any  authority  of  the  See  of 


526  Appendix. 

Rome,  may  be  deposed  or  murdered  by  their  subjects,  or  any  other  what- 
soever. And  I  do  declare,  That  no  foreign  prince,  person,  prelate,  state, 
or  potentate  hath,  or  ought  to  have,  any  jurisdiction,  power,  superiority, 
pre-eminence,  or  authority  ecclesiastical  or  spiritual,  within  this  realm  : 

So  help  me  God. 

IV.  Upon  which  their  said  Majesties  did  accept  the  Crown  and  royal 
dignity  of  the   kingdoms   of    England,   France,   and    Ireland,    and    the 
dominions  thereunto  belonging,  according  to  the  resolution  and  desire  of 
the  said  Lords  and  Commons  contained  in  the  said  declaration. 

V.  And  thereupon  their  Majesties  were  pleased,  that   the   said    Lords 
Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  being  the  two  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment, should  continue  to  sit,  and  with  their  Majesties'  royal  concurrence 
make  effectual   provision   for   the   settlement   of  the   religion,   laws,  and 
liberties  of  this  kingdom,  so  that  the  same  for  the  future  might  not  be  in 
danger  again  of  being  subverted ;   to  which  the  said  Lords  Spiritual  and 
Temporal,  and  Commons,  did  agree  and  proceed  to  act  accordingly. 

VI.  Now  in  pursuance  of  the  premises,  the  said  Lords   Spiritual  and 
Temporal,  and  Commons,  in  parliament  assembled,  for  the  ratifying,  con- 
firming, and   establishing   the  said  declaration,  and   the   articles,  clauses, 
matters,  and  things  therein  contained,  by  the  force  of  a  law  made  in  due 
form  by  authority  of  parliament,  do  pray  that    it   may  be  declared  and 
enacted,  That  all  and  singular  the  rights  and  liberties  asserted  and  claimed 
in  the  said  declaration,  are  the  true,  ancient,  and  indubitable  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  people  of  this  kingdom,  and  so  shall  be  esteemed,  allowed, 
adjudged,  deemed,  and  taken  to  be,  and  that  all  and  every  the  particulars 
aforesaid  shall  be  firmly  and   strictly  holden   and   observed,  as  they  are 
expressed  in  the  said  declaration  ;  and  all  officers  and  ministers  whatsoever 
shall  serve  their  Majesties  and  their  successors  according  to  the  same  in  all 
times  to  come. 

VII.  And   the  said    Lords    Spiritual    and    Temporal,   and    Commons, 
seriously  considering  how  it  hath  pleased  Almighty  God,  in  his  marvellous 
providence,  and  merciful  goodness  to  this  nation,  to  provide  and  preserve 
their  said  Majesties'  royal  persons  most  happily  to  reign  over  us  upon  the 
throne  of  their  ancestors,  for  which  they  render  unto  Him  from  the  bottom 
of  their  hearts  their  humblest  thanks  and  praises,  do  truly,  firmly,  assuredly, 
and  in  the  sincerity  of  their  hearts,  think,  and  do  hereby  recognize,  acknow- 
ledge, and  declare,  that  King  James  II  having  abdicated  the  government, 
and  their  Majesties  having  accepted  the  Crown  and  royal  dignity  afore- 
said, their  said  Majesties  did  become,  were,  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be, 
by  the  laws  of  this  realm,  our  sovereign  liege  Lord  and  Lady,  King  and 
Queen  of  England,  France,  and    Ireland,    and   the   dominions  thereunto 
belonging,  in  and  to  whose  princely  persons  the  royal  State,  Crown,  and 
dignity  of  the  same  realms,  with  all  honours,  styles,  titles,  regalities,  pre- 
rogatives, powers,  jurisdictions  and  authorities  to  the  same  belonging  and 
appertaining,  are  most  fully,  rightfully,  and  entirely  invested  and  incor- 
porated, united,  and  annexed. 

VIII.  And  for  preventing  all  questions  and  divisions  in  this  realm,  by 
reason  of  any  pretended  titles  to  the  Crown,  and  for  preserving  a  certainty 
in  the  succession  thereof,  in  and  upon  which  the  unity,  peace,  tranquillity, 
and  safety  of  this  nation  doth,  under  God,  wholly  consist  and  depend,  the 
said   Lords    Spiritual   and   Temporal,    and   Commons,   do    beseech    their 
Majesties  that  it  may  be  enacted,  established,  and  declared,  that  the  Crown 
and  regal  government  of  the  said  kingdoms  and  dominions,  with  all  and 
singular  the  premises  thereunto  belonging  and  appertaining,  shall  be  and 


of  Eights.  527 

continue  to  their  said  Majesties,  and  the  survivor  of  them,  during  their 
lives,  and  the  life  of  the  survivor  of  them.  And  that  the  entire,  perfect, 
and  full  exercise  of  the  regal  power  and  government  be  only  in,  and 
executed  by,  his  Majesty,  in  the  names  of  both  their  Majesties  during'their 
joint  lives  ;  and  after  their  deceases  the  said  Crown  and  premises  shall  be 
and  remain  to  the  heirs  of  the  body  of  her  Majesty  :  and  for  default  of  such 
issue,  to  her  Royal  Highness  the  Princess  Anne  of  Denmark,  and  the  heira 
of  her  body ;  and  for  default  of  such  issue,  to  the  heirs  of  the  body  of  his 
said  Majesty :  and  thereunto  the  said  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and 
Commons,  do,  in  the  name  of  all  the  people  aforesaid,  most  humbly  and 
faithfully  submit  themselves,  their  heirs  and  posterities,  for  ever :  and  do 
faithfully  promise,  That  they  will  stand  to,  maintain,  and  defend  their  said 
Majesties,  and  also  the  limitation  and  succession  of  the  Crown  herein  speci- 
fied and  contained,  to  the  utmost  of  their  powers,  with  their  lives  and 
estates,  against  all  persons  whatsoever  that  shall  attempt  anything  to  the 
contrary. 

IX.  And  whereas  it  hath  been  found  by  experience,  that  it  is  incon- 
sistent with  the  safety  and  welfare   of  this    Protestant   kingdom,  to   be 
governed  by  a  Popish  prince,  or  by  any  king  or  queen  marrying  a  Papist, 
the  said  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  do  further  pray  that 
it  may  be  enacted.  That  all  and  every  person  and  persons  that  is,  are,  or 
shall  be  reconciled  to,  cr  shall  hold  communion  with,  the  See  or  Church  of 
Rome,  or  shall  profess  the  Popish  religion,  or  shall  marry  a  Papist,  shall  be 
excluded,  and  be  for  ever  incapable  to  inherit,  possess,  or  enjoy  the  Crown 
and  government  of  this  realm,  and  Ireland,  and  the  dominions  thereunto 
belonging,  or  any  part  of  the  same,  or  to  have,  use,  or  exercise  any  regal 
power,  authority,  or  jurisdiction  within  the  same ;  and  in  all  and  every 
such  case  or  cases  the  people  of  these  realms  shall  be  and  are  hereby 
absolved  of  their  allegiance;   and  the  said  Crown  and  government  shall 
from  time  to  time  descend  to,  and  be  enjoyed  by,  such  person  or  persons, 
being  Protestants,  as  should  have  inherited  and  enjoyed  the  same,  in  case 
the  said  person  or  persons  so  reconciled,  holding  communion,  or  professing, 
or  marrying1  as  aforesaid,  were  naturally  dead. 

X.  And  that  every  king  and  queen  of  this  realm,  who  at  any  time  here- 
after shall  come  to  and  succeed  in  the  Imperial  Crown  of  this  kingdom, 
shall,  on  the  first  day  of  the  meeting  of  the  first  parliament,  next  after  his 
or  her  coming  to  the  Crown,  sitting  in  his  or  her  throne  in  the  House  of 
Peers,  in  the  presence  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  therein  assembled,  or  at 
his  or  her  coronation,  before  such  person  or  persons  who  shall  administer 
the  coronation  oath  to  him  or  her,  at  the  time  of  his  or  her  taking  the  said 
oath  (which  shall  first  happen),  make,  subscribe,  and  audibly  repeat  the 
declaration  mentioned  in  the  statute  made  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  the 
reign  of  King  Charles  II,  intituled  '  An  Act  for  the  more  effectual  pre- 
serving the   King's  person  and  government,   by  disabling  Papists  from 
sitting  in  either  House  of  Parliament.'    But  if  it  shall  happen,  that  such 
king  or  queen,  upon  his  or  her  succession  to  the  Crown  of  this  realm,  shall 
be  under  the  age  of  twelve  years,  then  every  such  king  or  queen  shall 
make,  subscribe,  and  audibly  repeat  the  said  declaration   at   his  or  her 
coronation,  or  the  first  day  of  meeting  of  the  first  parliament  as  aforesaid, 
which  shall  first  happen  after  such  king  or  queen  shall  have  attained  the 
said  age  of  twelve  years. 

XI.  All   which   their  Majesties  are   contented  and  pleased  shall 
declared,  enacted,  and  established  by  authority  of  this  present  parliament, 
and  shall  stand,  remain,  and  be  the  law  of  this  realm  for  ever ;  and  the 
same  are  by  their  said  Majesties,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 


528  Appendix. 

the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  in  parliament  assembled, 
and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  declared,  enacted,  or  established 
accordingly. 

XII.  And  be  it  further  declared  and  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  from  and  after  this  present  session  of  parliament,  no  dispensation  by 
lion  obvtante  of  or  to  any  statute,  or  any  part  thereof,  shall  be  allowed,  but 
that  the  same  shall  be  held  void  and  of  no  effect,  except  a  dispensation  be 
allowed  of  in  such  statute,  and  except  in  sucli  cases  as  shall  be  specially 
provided  for  by  one  or  more  bill  or  bills  to  be  passed  during  this  present 
session  of  parliament. 

XIII.  Provided  that  no  charter,  or  grant,  or  pardon  granted  before  the 
three-and-twentieth  day  of  October,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  One  thousand 
six   hundred   eighty-nine,   shall   be    any  ways   impeached    or   invalidated 
by  this  act,  but  that  the  same  shall  be  and  remain  of  the  same  force  and 
effect  in  law,  and  no  other,  than  as  if  this  act  had  never  been  made. — 
(Statutes  of  the  Realm,  vi.  142-145.) 


A.  D.  1700.     THE  ACT  OF  SETTLEMENT. 
12  &  13  WILL.  III. 

An  Act  for  the  further  Limitation  of  the  Crown,  and  better  securing  the 
Bights  and  Liberties  of  the  Subject. 

Whereas  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  your  Majesty,  and  of  our  late 
most  Gracious  Sovereign  Lady  Queen  Mary  (of  blessed  memory)  an  Act 
of  Parliament  was  made,  intituled,  '  An  Act  for  declaring  the  Rights  and 
Liberties  of  the  Subject,  and  for  settling  the  Succession  of  the  Crown,' 
wherein  it  was  (amongst  other  things)  enacted,  established  and  declared, 
That  the  Crown  and  Regal  Government  of  the  kingdoms  of  England, 
France  and  Ireland,  and  the  dominions  thereunto  belonging,  should  be  and 
continue  to  your  Majesty  and  the  said  late  Queen,  during  the  joint-lives  of 
your  Majesty  and  the  said  Queen,  and  to  the  survivor :  And  that  after  the 
decease  of  your  Majesty  and  of  the  said  Queen,  the  said  Crown  and  Regal 
Government  should  be  and  remain  to  the  heirs  of  the  body  of  the  said  late 
Queen  :  And  for  default  of  such  issue,  to  her  Royal  Highness  the  Princess 
Anne  of  Denmark,  and  the  heirs  of  her  body :  And  for  default  of  such 
issue,  to  the  heirs  of  the  body  of  your  Majesty.  And  it  was  thereby  fur- 
ther enacted,  That  all  and  every  person  and  persons  that  then  were, 
or  afterwards  should  be  reconciled  to,  or  should  hold  communion  with  the 
See  or  Church  of  Rome,  or  should  profess  the  Popish  religion,  or  marry  a 
Papist,  should  be  excluded,  and  are  by  that  act  made  for  ever  uncapable 
to  inherit,  possess,  or  enjoy  the  Crown  and  Government  of  this  realm  and 
Ireland,  and  the  dominions  thereunto  belonging,  or  any  part  of  the  same, 
or  to  have,  use,  or  exercise  any  regal  power,  authority,  or  jurisdiction 
within  the  same  :  And  in  all  and  every  such  case  and  cases  the  people  of 
these  realms  shall  be  and  are  thereby  absolved  of  their  allegiance  :  And 
that  the  said  Crown  and  Government  shall  from  time  to  time  descend  to 
and  be  enjoyed  by  such  person  or  persons,  being  Protestants,  as  should 
have  inherited  and  enjoyed  the  same,  in  case  the  said  person  or  persons, 
so  reconciled,  holding  communion,  professing,  or  marrying  as  aforesaid, 
were  naturally  dead.  After  the  making  of  which  statute,  and  the  settle- 
ment therein  contained,  your  Majesty's  good  subjects,  who  were  restored 


The  Act  of  Settlement.  529 

to  the  full  and  free  possession  and  enjoyment  of  their  religion,  rights,  and 
liberties,  by  the  providence  of  God  giving  success  to  your  Majesty's  just 
undertakings  and  unwearied  endeavours  for  that  purpose,  had  no  greater 
temporal  felicity  t^hope  or  wish  for,  than  to  see  a  royal  progeny  descend- 
ing from  your  Majesty,  to  whom  (under  God)  they  owe  their  tranquillity, 
and  whose  ancestors  have  for  many  years  been  principal  assertora  of  the 
reformed  religion  and  the  liberties  of  Europe,  and  from  our  said  most  Gra- 
cious Sovereign  Lady,  whose  memory  will  always  be  precious  to  the  sub- 
jects of  these  realms :  And  it  having  since  pleased  Almighty  God  to  take 
away  our  said  Sovereign  Lady,  and  also  the  most  hopeful  Prince  William 
Duke  of  Gloucester  (the  only  surviving  issue  of  her  Royal  Highness  the 
Princess  Anne  of  Denmark)  to  the  unspeakable  grief  and  sorrow  of  your 
Majesty  and  your  said  good  subjects,  who  under  such  losses  being  sensibly 
put  in  mind,  that  it  standeth  wholly  in  the  pleasure  of  Almighty  God  to 
prolong  the  lives  of  your  Majesty  and  of  her  Royal  Highness,  and  to  grant 
to  your  Majesty,  or  to  her  Royal  Highness,  such  issue  as  may  be  inherit- 
able to  the  Crown  and  regal  Government  aforesaid,  by  the  respective 
limitations  in  the  said  recited  Act  contained,  do  constantly  implore  the 
Divine  Mercy  for  those  blessings  :  and  your  Majesty's  said  subjects  having 
daily  experience  of  your  royal  care  and  concern  for  the  present  and  future 
welfare  of  these  kingdoms,  and  particularly  recommending  from  your 
Throne  a  further  provision  to  be  made  for  the  succession  of  the  Crown  in 
the  Protestant  line,  for  the  happiness  of  the  nation,  and  the  security  of  our 
religion ;  and  it  being  absolutely  necessary  for  the  safety,  peace  and  quiet 
of  this  realm,  to  obviate  all  doubts  and  contentions  in  the  same,  by  reason 
of  any  pretended  title  to  the  Crown,  and  to  maintain  a  certainty  in  the 
succession  thereof,  to  which  your  subjects  may  safely  have  recourse  for 
their  protection,  in  case  the  limitations  in  the  said  recited  Act  should  de- 
termine :  Therefore  for  a  further  provision  of  the  succession  of  the  Crown 
in  the  Protestant  line,  we  your  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects, 
the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  in  this  present  Parlia- 
ment assembled,  do  beseech  your  Majesty  that  it  may  be  enacted  and 
declared,  and  be  it  enacted  and  declared  by  the  King's  most  excellent 
Majesty,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  and 
Temporal,  and  Commons,  in  this  present  Parliament  assembled,  and  by  the 
authority  of  the  same,  That  the  most  Excellent  Princess  Sophia,  Electress 
and  Duchess  Dowager  of  Hanover,  daughter  of  the  most  Excellent  Princess 
Elizabeth,  late  Queen  of  Bohemia,  daughter  of  our  late  Sovereign  Lord 
King  James  I,  of  happy  memory,  be  and  is  hereby  declared  to  be  the  next 
in  succession,  in  the  Protestant  line,  to  the  Imperial  Crown  and  dignity  of 
the  said  realms  of  England,  France  and  Ireland,  with  the  dominions  and 
territories  thereunto  belonging,  after  his  Majesty,  and  the  Princess  Anne 
of  Denmark,  and  in  default  of  issue  of  the  said  Princess  Anne,  and  of  his 
Majesty  respectively :  And  that  from  and  after  the  deceases  of  his  said 
Majesty,  our  now  Sovereign  Lord,  and  of  her  Royal  Highness  the  Princess 
Anne  of  Denmark,  and  for  default  of  issue  of  the  said  Princess  Anne,  and 
of  his  Majesty  respectively,  the  Crown  and  regal  Government  of  the  said 
kingdoms  of  England,  France  and  Ireland,  and  of  the  dominions  thereunto 
belonging,  with  the  royal  state  and  dignity  of  the  said  realms,  and  all 
honours,  stiles,  titles,  regalities,  prerogatives,  powers,  jurisdictions  and 
authorities,  to  the  same  belonging  and  appertaining,  shall  be,  remain  and 
continue  to  the  said  most  Excellent  Princess  Sophia,  and  the  hem  of 
body,  being  Protestants:  And  thereunto  the  said  Lords  Spiritual  and 
Temporal,  and  Commons,  shall  and  will,  in  the  name  of  all  the  people  of 
this  realm,  most  humbly  and  faithfully  submit  themselves,  their  heirs  and 

M  m 


530  Appendix. 

posterities ;  and  do  faithfully  promise  that  after  the  deceases  of  his  Majesty, 
and  her  Royal  Highness,  and  the  failure  of  the  heirs  of  their  respective 
bodies,  to  stand  to,  maintain,  and  defend  the  said  Princess  Sophia,  and  the 
heirs  of  her  body,  being  Protestants,  according  to  the  limitation  and  suc- 
cession of  the  Crown  in  this  Act  specified  and  contained,  to  the  utmost  of 
their  powers,  with  their  lives  and  estates,  against  all  persons  whatsoever 
that  shall  attempt  anything  to  the  contrary. 

II.  Provided  always,  and  it  is  hereby  enacted,  That  all  and  every  person 
and  persons,  who  shall  or  may  take  or  inherit  the  said  Crown,  by  virtue  of 
the  limitation  of  this  present  Act,  and  is,  are  or  shall  be  reconciled  to,  or 
shall  hold  communion  with,  the  See  or  Church  of  Rome,  or  shall  profess 
the  Popish  religion,  or  shall  marry  a  Papist,  shall  be  subject  to  such  in- 
capacities, as  in  such  case  or  cases  are  by  the  said  recited  Act  provided, 
enacted,  and  established ;  and  that  every  King  and  Queen  of  this  realm, 
who  shall  come  to  and  succeed  in  the  Imperial  Crown  of  this  kingdom,  by 
virtue  of  this  Act,  shall  have  the  Coronation  Oath  administered  to  him, 
her  or  them,  at  their  respective  Coronations,  according  to  the  Act  of  Par- 
liament made  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  his  Majesty,  and  the  said  late 
Queen  Mary,  intituled,  '  An  Act  for  establishing  the  Coronation  Oath,'  and 
shall  make,  subscribe,  and  repeat  the  Declaration  in  the  Act  first  above 
recited  mentioned  or  referred  to,  in  the  manner  and  form  thereby  pre- 
scribed. 

III.  And  whereas  it  is  requisite  and  necessary  that  some  further  provi- 
sion be  made  for  securing  our  religion,  laws  and  liberties,  from  and  after 
the  death  of  his  Majesty  and  the  Princess  Anne  of  Denmark,  and  in  de- 
fault of  issue  of  the  body  of  the  said  Princess,  and  of  his  Majesty  respec- 
tively :  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Bang's  most  Excellent  Majesty,  by  and  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons, 
in  Parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same, 

That  whosoever  shall  hereafter  come  to  the  possession  of  this  Crown, 
shall   join  in   communion  with  the  Church  of  England,  as  by  law  esta-  • 
blished. 

That  in  case  the  Crown  and  imperial  dignity  of  this  realm  shall  hereafter 
come  to  any  person,  not  being  a  native  of  this  kingdom  of  England,  this 
nation  be  not  obliged  to  engage  in  any  war  for  the  defence  of  any  domi- 
nions or  territories  which  do  not  belong  to-the  Crown  of  England,  without 
the  consent  of  Parliament. 

That  no  person  who  shall  hereafter  come  to  the  possession  of  this  Crown, 
shall  go  out  of  the  dominions  of  England,  Scotland,  or  Ireland,  without 
consent  of  Parliament. 

That  from  and  after  the  time  that  the  further  limitation  by  this  Act 
shall  take  effect,  all  matters  and  things  relating  to  the  well  governing  of 
this  kingdom,  which  are  properly  cognizable  in  the  Privy  Council  by  the 
laws  and  customs  of  this  realm,  shall  be  transacted  there,  and  all  resolu- 
tions taken  thereupon  shall  be  signed  by  such  of  the  Privy  Council  as  shall 
advise  and  consent  to  the  same. 

That  after  the  said  limitation  shall  take  effect  as  aforesaid,  no  person 
born  out  of  the  kingdoms  of  England,  Scotland,  or  Ireland,  or  the  domi- 
nions thereunto  belonging  (although  he  be  naturalised  or  made  a  denizen, 
except  such  as  are  born  of  English  parents),  shall  be  capable  to  be  of  the 
Privy  Council,  or  a  Member  of  either  House  of  Parliament,  or  to  enjoy  any 
office  or  place  of  trust,  either  civil  or  military,  or  to  have  any  grant  of 
lands,  tenements  or  hereditaments  from  the  Crown,  to  himself  or  to  any 
other  or  others  in  trust  for  him. 

That  no  person  who  has  an  office  or  place  of  profit  under  the  King,  or 


The  Act  of  Settlement.  53 1 

receives  a  pension  from  the  Crown,  shall  be  capable  of  serving  as  a  Member 
of  the  House  of  Commons. 

That  after  the  said  limitation  shall  take  effect  as  aforesaid,  Judges'  Com- 
missions be  made  Quamdiu  se  bene  gesserint,  and  their  salaries  ascertained 
and  established  ;  but  upon  the  Address  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  it 
may  be  lawful  to  remove  them. 

That  no  pardon  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England  be  pleadable  to  an 
impeachment  by  the  Commons  in  Parliament. 

IV.  And  whereas  the  Laws  of  England  are  the  birthright  of  the  people 
thereof,  and  all  the  Kings  and  Queens,  who  shall  ascend  the  Throne  of  this 
realm,  ought  to  administer  the  Government  of  the  same  according  to  the 
said  laws,  and  all  their  officers  and  ministers  ought  to  serve  them  respec- 
tively according  to  the  same :  The  said  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and 
Commons,  do  therefore  further  humbly  pray.  That  all  the  Laws  and  Sta- 
tutes of  this  realm  for  securing  the  established  religion,  and  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  people  thereof,  and  all  other  Laws  and  Statutes  of  the  same 
now  in  force,  may  be  ratified  and  confirmed,  and  the  same  are  by  his 
Majesty,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  and 
Temporal,  and  Commons,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  ratified  and 
confirmed  accordingly. — (Statutes  of  the  Beakm,  vii.  636-638.) 


M  ni  2 


GLOSSARY. 


This  Glossary  does  not  contain  the  French  or  Anglo-Saxon  words  con- 
tained in  the  Translations  given  in  the  body  of  the  work ;  nor  medieval 
forms  of  classical  words  differing  in  spelling  only  from  the  accepted 
usage ;  nor  has  it  been  thought  necessary  to  specify  the  ordinary 
meanings  of  words  the  peculiar  senses  of  which  only  are  worth 
noting,  such  as  invenirc. 


Abbatia,  an  abbey. 

Acatum,  a  purchase.     Cf .  Fr.  achat ;  from  the  Low  Lat.  accaptare. 

Accersire,  to  summon.    Medieval  form  of  arcesso. 

Accipitrarius,  the  keeper  of  the  hawks. 

Acquietare,  to  acquit,  quietum  redderc. 

Acra,  an  acre.     A.  S.  cecer. 

Admerciare,  to  punish  by  a  pecuniary  mulct,  or  amercement. 

Adresciare,  or  Adreciare,  to  give  redress.     Fr.  adresser. 

Adulterinus,  unlawful  j  applied  to  the  castles  erected  without  royal 
licence. 

Advocare,  to  avouch,  to  vouch  to  warranty,  to  recognise  as  superior  lord, 
and  hence  to  hold  an  estate  as  a  fief  from  such  a  lord. 

Advocatio,  an  advowson,  the  right  of  nominating  a  clerk  to  a  benefice. 

Aerea,  an  eyrie. 

Affilare,  to  file,  to  thread  on  a  string,  bills,  papers,  &c. 

Affirmare,  (p.  261)  to  fix  the  rent  of  a  ferm. 

Afforestare,  to  make  into  a  forest. 

Affortiare,  to  fortify. 

Agistamentum,  the  right  of  turning  cattle  into  the  woods  at  particular 
times  of  the  year. 

Agistare,  to  turn  cattle  into  the  woods  to  feed. 

Agrarius,  relating  to  the  country.  Agrarius  miles  is  a  country  knight, 
or  the  owner  of  a  knight's  foe,  as  opposed  to  a  courtier  or  a  warrior. 

Alanius,  an  exactor,  (p.  205) ;  an  obscure  and  perhaps  corrupt  word,  pos- 
sibly from  alanus,  a  hound,  from  the  power  of  scenting  taxable  property. 

Aldermannus,  (p.  105)  an  ealdorman  of  a  hundred  ;  (p.  377)  an  alderman 
of  a  borough. 


534  Glossary. 

Allegare,  to  allege. 

Allegiare,  (p.  107)  to  purge  oneself  by  oath  or  ordeal,  lex.    THORPB. 

Allocare,  to  allow. 

Amerciamentum,  a  pecuniary  mulct. 

Amerciare,  to  punish  by  a  pecuniary  mulct. 

Amodo,  from  henceforth. 

Andegavensis,  Angevin.     Andegavensis  moneta,  the  money  of  the  county 

of  Anjou,  was  worth  a  fourth  of  the  English  money  of  the  same  name. 
Angaria,  hardship. 

Angylde,  legal  value.     At  p.  63  probably  equivalent  to  wer. 
An-scote,  see  Scot. 

Apostolicus,  the  pope.     In  med.  Fr.  I'apostoile. 

Appellare,  to  appeal,  the  term  used  of  a  private  person  bringing  a  crimi- 
nal charge.     But  the  word  is  very  frequently  used  in  the  regular  sense 

of  recourse  to  a  higher  tribunal. 
Appellum,  the  act  of  appealing,  or  the  bringing  of  a  criminal  charge  by  a 

private  person. 

Appretiare,  to  appraise,  to  value. 
Arentare,  to  let  at  a  rental. 

Arestare,  to  arrest.     Also  arrestare.     Fr.  arreier. 
Argentarius,  the  officer  who  presides  over  the  essaying  of  silver  in  the 

Exchequer. 

Arismeticus,  arithmetical. 
Armiger,  an  esquire. 

Ascriptitius,  bound  to  the  soil ;  applied  to  the  condition  of  a  villanus. 
Asportare,  to  carry  away. 
Assalire,  to  assault.     Med.  Lat.  for  assilire. 
Assartum,  a  clearing  in  a  wood.     See  Essartum. 
Assecurare,  to  assure.     Old  Fr.  asseurer. 

Assidere,  to  assess  ;  (p.  200)  to  have  a  seat  in  the  Exchequer. 
Assisa,  an  assize :  (i)  an  assessment ;  (2)  a  law  or  edict ;  (3)  a  mode  of 

trial  prescribed  bv  such  a  law  ;  (4)  the  select  body  employed  to  carry 

out  the  trial ;  (5)  the  trial  itself. 

Assisus,  assessed.     Part,  of  assideo,  applied  to  redditus,  assised  rent. 
Asturcarius,  keeper  of  the  asturcae,  great  hawks. 
Atenere,  to  extend,  to  hold  from  such  a  time  onwards. 
Attachiamentmn,  a  seizure  of  person  or  goods  by  legal  process. 
Attachiare,  to  seize  person  or  goods  by  legal  process. 
Attaintus,  Attinctus,  convicted.     Fr.  atteint. 
Atterminare,  to  appoint  a  term  for  hearing. 
Attornare,  to  appoint  a  substitute. 

Aubergel;  Aubergellum,  a  hauberk,  a  coat  of  mail.     Germ.  Halsbei-y. 
Auxilium,  an  aid  ;  the  feudal  contribution  so  called. 
A  ventura,  an  adventure. 

Averia,  all  animals  used  in  husbandry.     Fr.  avoir. 
Averus,  =  affrus,  a  farm  horse.     Fr.  avoir. 


Bacheleria,  (p.  332)  probably  means  the  body  of  knights  bachelor ;  used 
loosely  in  this  place,  apparently,  for  the  gentry  of  England,  the  landed 
interest,  beneath  the  rank  of  barons.  The  Low  Lat.  baccalarius  was 
originaTy  the  owner  of  a  baccalaria  or  grazing  farm;  from  bacca=* 
caeca,  a  cow. 

Baillia,  Baillivus,  Bailliva;  see  Ballia,  Ballivus,  Balliva. 


Balistarius,  a  crossbow-man. 

Ballia    Balliva;  a  charge,  an  office  of  trust;  translated  in  English  'a 

ba.hwick,  and  sometime,  used  for  the  area  over  which  the  functions  of 

the  office  extend ;  from  bajulare,  to  carry. 
BaUivus,  a  bailiff,  a  person  put  in  charge  by  his  superior.    The  praepotitu, 

or  reeve,  might  be  an  elective  officer,  but  the  bailiff  is  the  nominee  of 

tti6  lord. 

Ballium,  charge. 

Bancus,  the  bench,  the  tribunal  of  judges.     Old  High  Germ  bane 
Bannerettus,  a  banneret;  a  person  knighted  on  the-  field  of 'battle;  more 

loosely  and  obscurely,  a  nobleman  below  the  degree  of  baron  who  leads 

his  retainers  under  his  own  banner. 
Baro,  properly  a  vassal,  =  homo  ;  but  generally  a  tenant  hi  chief  holding 

by  barony. 

Baronagium,  the  collected  barons,  as  an  estate  of  the  realm. 
Baronia,  a  barony,  containing,  definitely,  thirteen  knights'  fees  and  a 

third,  (p.  503)  but  more  loosely,  any  amount  of  land  held  in  chief  of 

the  Crown  under  grant  as  a  barony. 
Bassus,  low  ;  Basse,  in  a  low  voice. 
Bedellus,  a  beadle. 
Bellum,  trial  by  battle,  =  duellum. 
Beneplacitum,  good  pleasure. 

Bercheria,  a  sheepfold.     Fr.  bergerU,  from  the  Latin  vertex,  or  berbex. 
Bernarius,  bear-ward  ;  the  keeper  of  the  kings's  bears. 
Bisia,  a  hind  or  doe.     Fr.  bicke. 
Bladum,  corn.     Fr.  bU. 
Blancus,  white.     Old  High  Germ,  blanch. 

Blod-wit,  the  fine  imposed  for  drawing  blood  ;  fori-factura  sanguini* 
Bocland,  land  the  possession  of  which  was  secured  by  book,  i.  e.  charter. 
Born,  a  surety ;  plegium  or  plegius. 
Boscus,  wood.     Fr.  bois. 
Bot,  amends,  reparation.     Lat.  emendatio. 
Botteleria,  a  buttery. 
Bovaria,  a  cowhouse.     Fr.  bouveric. 
Braciare,  to  brew.     Fr.  brasser. 
Braciator,  a  brewer. 

Brasium,  Braseum,  malt.    Pliny  gives  brace  as  a  Gaulish  word. 
Breve,  a  writ.     Fr.  bref. 

Brid-tol,  or  Brud-tol,  an  obscure  impost,  perhaps,  =  brycg-tol,  or  pontage. 
Briga,  a  dispute.     Med.  Lat.  brica,  Fr.  briffiu. 
Brig-bot,  Bric-bot,  one  of  the  three  oblii:»tion8  of  alodial  ownership, 

called  the  trinoda  necesxitas ;  the  repair  of  bridges,  pontis  rtparatio. 
Bulla,  the  seal  of  gold  or  lead  appended  to  papal,  imperial,  and  royal 

letters  :  hence  the  letter  itself,  which  is  properly  cpistola  bullata. 
Burdare,  to  joust.     Fr.  bohourt  or  behourt. 
Burgagium,  tenure  of  land  or  houses  in  a  borough,  equivalent  to  free  and 

common  socage  in  the  country. 
Burg-bryce,  the  violation  of  a  castle  or  palace. 
Burgensis,  a  burgher  or  burgtss. 
Burgus,  a  borough,  burh. 
Burh,  a  fortress,  castle,  borough. 
Burh-bot,  Burcbota,  arcis  reparatio,  the  alodial  obligation  of  repairing 

local  defences. 

Burh-gemot,  meeting  of  the  burghers  in  council. 
Burh-gate-seat,  a  seat  at  the  town-gate,  a  local  court  of  justice. 
Burh- ware-mot,  a  meeting  of  the  burghers,  burh-wara. 


536  Glossary. 

Busca,  bush  or  underwood.     Fr.  busche,  from  bois. 

'  Bytt-fylling,'  '  buccellorum  impletio,'  a  filling  of  butts ;  an  obscure  expres- 
sion referring  probably  to  the  festivities  common  at  the  councils  or  local 
assemblies  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  especially  the  guild-meetings. 


Calculus,  a  counter. 

Calumnia,  a  claim,  not  necessarily  a  false  one. 

Calumniare,  to  claim,  without  the  notion  of  falsehood  or  chicanery. 

Calumniator,  a  claimant. 

Camerarius,  a  chamberlain,  keeper  of  accounts. 

Cancellare,  to  cancel,  to  erase  by  cross-lining. 

Cancellarius,  a  chancellor,  the  chief  clerk  of  the  curia  regis  ;  so  called 
from  sitting  within  cancella,  a  screened  partition :  occasionally  the 
medieval  writers  derived  it  from  his  power  of  modifying  the  king's  writs 
by  cancelling  unjust  provisions  contained  in  them. 

Capella,  the  furniture  required  by  a  priest  for  divine  service  ;  a  chapel. 
^Capellet,  a  head-piece. 
'Capellum,  a  head-piece.     Fr.  chapeau. 

Capere,  '  capere  se,'  to  take  to,  to  have  recourse  for  satisfaction  to  seizure 
of  person  or  goods  of  an  offender. 

Capitale,  capital,  property  in  cattle.  Caput  (as  we  say  a  head  of  cattle), 
capitals,  captale,  catallum ;  whence  both  cattle  and  chattels. 

Capitalis,  chief;  as  capitalis  jmtitia,  chief  justice;  capitalis  dominus, 
chief  lord. 

Capitaneus,  a  captain. 

Capitulum,  (pp.  109,  418)  the  chapter  of  a  cathedral,  collegiate,  or  con- 
ventual church  ;  (p.  327)  an  article  or  chapter  of  a  document. 

Careta,  Caretta,  Carecta,  a  cart.     Fr.  charette. 

Carectarius,  Caretarius,  (sc.  equus),  a  cart-horse. 

Cariagium,  carriage. 

Cariare,  to  carry.     Fr.  charrier. 

Carpentarius,  a  carpenter. 

Caristia,  dearth. 

Caruca,  Carruca,  a  plough.     Fr.  charrue. 

Camcagium,  a  tax  levied  at  so  much  a  plough. 

Carucata,  Carmcata,  the  quantity  of  land  that  could  be  ploughed  by  one 
plough  or  team  in  a  season  ;  long  varying  in  extent,  according  to  the 
locality  or  the  nature  of  the  soU,  but  determined  in  1194  to  be  100 
acres. 

Cassare,  to  quash. 

Catallum,  Catellum,  a  chattel ;  see  Capitale. 

Ceap-gild,  market-price ;  from  ceap,  a  market. 

Centena,  a  hundred. 

Centenarius,  the  head  man  of  the  hundred. 

Centuriata,  Centuriatus,  a  hundred. 

Ceorl,  a  churl,  originally  a  freeman  who  is  not  noble,  in  opposition  to  eorl: 
at  a  later  period  =  villanus. 

Certiorare,  to  make  certain. 

Cervisia,  beer ;  a  Gaulish  word,  according  to  Pliny. 

Chaceare,  to  chase.     Fr.  cha?ser. 

Chamberlengeria,  the  chamberlainship  of  London. 

Childwite,  a  penalty  paid  to  the  lord  for  impregnating  his  female  villein. 


Glossary. 

Chiminagium,  a  tax  upon  waggons  and  other  carriages  going  though  a 

forest.     Fr.  chemin. 
Chiminum,  a  road.     Fr.  chemin. 
Ciflus,  a  cup,  scyphits. 
Cimiterium,  a  church-yard,  cemetery. 
Clamare,  to  claim  ;  to  complain. 
Clamator,  a  crier  of  court. 
Clamor,  a  claim  ;  a  complaint ;  hue  and  cry. 
Claustralis,  belonging  to  a  cloister  or  monastery. 
Clericus,  a  clerk. 
Clems,  the  clergy. 
Cnipulus,  a  knife.     Fr.  cant/. 

Coadunare,  (p.  366)  to  get  together,  to  get  in  (the  harvest). 
Cognoscens,  (p.  151)  confessing. 
Collecta,  a  collection  of  money,  in  alms  or  taxation. 
Combustio,  (p.  151)  burning,  the  crime  of  arson;  (p.  193)  the  process  of 

trying  the  silver  at  the  Exchequer. 

Comes,  a  '  gesith '  or  companion  of  a  lord ;  generally,  an  earL 
Comitatus,  a  county  or  shire ;  the  county  court  or  shiremoot. 
Comitia,  a  pedantic  expression  for  a  legal  assembly,  such  as  the  county 

court. 
Commeare,  to  come  backwards  and  forwards  at  pleasure,  as  opposed  to 

rcsidere,  which  implies  a  fixed  position  and  regular  duties. 
Communa,  an  organised  body  possessing  rights  and  property  in  common  : 

applied  sometimes  to  a  chartered  town,  sometimes  to  the  community  in 

general.     See  pp.  162,  165. 
Communitas,  a  community,  like  communa  ;  latterly  it  comes  to  mean  the 

Commons,  as  an  estate  of  the  realm. 
Compotus,  Computus,  account.     Fr.  compte. 
Computator,  accountant. 
Concanonicus,  a  fellow-canon. 
Concelamentum,  concealment. 
Concredere,  to  answer  for  the  credit  of  a  person. 
Conductitius,  a  hired  follower. 
Conludium,  collusion. 
Conquisitio,  Conquestus,  conquest. 
Consiliarius,  a  counsellor  ;  a  member  of  the  council. 
Consistorium,  the  bishop's  diocesan  tribunal. 
Constabularius,  (p.  1 79)  constable  of  the  king's  court,  coma  stabuli,  the 

staller  ;  (p.  300)  the  constable  of  a  castle;  (p.  372)  the  high  constable 

of  a  hundred  or  wapentake ;  (p.  372)  the  constable  of  a  township. 
Consuetude,  custom,  often  in  the  sense  of  customary  exaction. 
Consulatus,  a  county  ;  a  pedantic  use  of  the  word. 
Consulere,  (p.  140)  to  provide  for. 
Contenementum,  explained  by  Selden  to  mean  the  amcnnt  of  property 

necessary  for  a  man  to  maintain  his  position  as  knight  or  baron. 
Continuare,  to  continue  ;  to  adjourn. 
Contrabreve,  counter-brief;  the  copy  of  a  writ  kept  in  court  after  the 

original  has  been  served. 
Contra-rotulus,  the  counter-roll,  kept  as  a  check  upon  the  public  roll ; 

hence  the  word  control. 
Contra-talea,  counter-tally  ;  the  half  of  the  tally  kept  in  the  treasury  to 

check  the  half  entrusted  to  the  payer. 
Convenire,   (p.  139)  to  make  application  to  a  judge  ;   (p.  288 

agreed ;  convenit,  it  is  agreed ;  (p.  330)  to  come  together ;  (p.  69)  to 

be  convenient ;  (p.  330)  to  consult. 


538  Glossary. 

Conventio,  a  covenant. 

Conventionare,  to  covenant. 

Corditer,  cordially,  unless  it  is  a  clerical  error  for  concorditer. 

Cornare,  to  blow  a  horn. 

Coronator,  a  coroner. 

Coscinum,  (p.  313)  a  measure  of  corn :  the  application  in  this  place  is 

very  uncertain. 
Costa,  the  coast. 
Costera,  the  coast. 
Cotarius,  a  cotter. 
Cotsetus,  a  cotter. 
Credentia,  credence. 
Crementum,  increase  or  profit  of  a  ferm  over  and  above  the  fixed  sum  at 

which  it  is  let. 

Crucesignatus,  one  who  has  taken  the  cross  to  go  on  crusade. 
Cruciatus,  a  crusader. 
Curia,  (i)  a  court  of  justice  (p.  143)  ;  (2)  right  of  jurisdiction  (pp.  77, 

I43>  3O1)  J  (3)  tne  court  of  a  house  (p.  91)  ;  (4)  a  solemn  assembly  in 

the  king's  presence  (p.  128). 

Curialis,  courteous  ;  adv.  curialiter,  courteously. 
Custodia,  (p.  301)  guardianship  ;  (p.  148)  the  tenure  of  a  county  as  custos, 

i.  e.  not  at  fixed  ferm,  but  as  accountable  for  all  particulars. 
Custiuna,  custom,  in  the  sense  o*"  tax. 
Custus,  cost.     From  conttare,  muter. 

Cynebot,  the  atonement  to  the  nation  for  the  killing  of  the  king. 
Cynedom,  the  royal  dignity. 


Danegeldum,  Danegildum,  Danageldum,  Danegeld. 

Dapifer,  a  steward. 

Deafforestare,  to  disforest. 

Dealbare,  to  whiten,  to  blanch;  hence  our  word  daub.  The  process  of 
blanching  a  f erm  is  described  at  p.  2  20. 

Dealbator,  a  bleacher. 

Decanatus,  a  deanery. 

Decania,  a  tithing. 

Decanus,  (p.  77)  the  head  man  of  a  tithing ;  (p.  1 30)  the  dean  of  a  chapter. 

Decennalis,  of  the  number  ten. 

Decima,  (p.  106)  a  tithing  ;  (pp.  134,  160)  a  tithe  or  tenth. 

Decurtator,  a  clipper  of  coin. 

Defalta,  Defaltum,  default. 

Defensum,  prohibition  ;  the  close  or  fence  time  for  fishing  or  hunting. 
Cf.  Fr.  defense  and  defendre.  Defrndere  is  used  in  the  same  way. 

Defortiare,  to  deforce,  to  dispossess  by  violence. 

Demands,  a  demand  or  application. 

Demandare,  (p.  384)  to  demand  or  request;  (p.  431)  to  ordain  by  man- 
date. 

Demenium,  demesne,  the  portion  of  a  manor  which  the  lord  retains  ha  his 
own  hands  and  cultivates  by  his  villeins. 

Denageldum ,  see  Danegeldum. 

Denarius,  a  penny  ;  (pp.  144,  162,  200)  money  in  general. 

Departitio,  separation,  closing  of  the  session  of  parliament. 

Depauperare,  to  impoverish. 


Glossary. 


Depraeditatio,  disendowment. 
Detonsor,  a  clipper  of  coin. 
Detruncatio,  mutilation. 


i  because  the  squire  led  it 

Diffidare,  to  defy. 

Disfacere,  to  defeat,  to  disregard. 

Disparagatio,  disparagement. 

Disratiocinare,  Disrationare,  to  prove  one's  cause  or  disprove  one's 
adversary  s  in  a  court  of  law,  to  prosecute  a  suit  to  its  determination 

Dissaisiare,  Dissaisire,  to  dispossess. 

Dissaisina,  dispossession. 

Districtio,  distraint  or  distress ;  sometimes  the  thing  seized  in  the  dis- 
traint. 

Distringere,  to  distrain,  to  compel  by  seizure  of  goods. 

Disturbare,  (p.  149)  to  prevent  the  due  course  of  justice  by  a  bribe  or 
by  hush-money  ;  commonly,  to  disturb. 

Divisa,  a  devise  by  will ;  the  will  itself. 

Divisa,  the  boundary  of  landed  property ;  also  a  court  held  on  the  bound- 
ary to  settle  disputes  of  the  tenants.  THOBPB. 

Domesmenn,  judges. 

Dominicum,  demesne. 

Dominions,  held  as  demesne,  or  connected  with  it. 

Dominium,  demesne. 

Duellum,  trial  by  battle. 

Dyscolus,  perverse :  from  the  Greek. 


Ealdordom,  the  jurisdiction  of  an  paldorman. 

Ealdorman,  the  chief  magistrate  of  a  shire.  Lat.  dux  or  princcpt,  Old 
Ger.  Heretoga. 

Einescia,  seniority.    Fr.  ainesse. 

Emends,  amends. 

Emendare,  to  make  reparation. 

Emendatio,  reparation,  amends  ;  =  A.  S.  bot, 

Eorlas,  noblemen,  opposed  to  ceorlas. 

Equitatura,  the  furniture  of  a  horse,  or  horse  soldier. 

Errare,  to  go  on  the  eyre,  or  itinerate. 

Escaeta,  Eschaeta,  Eskaeta,  Excaeta,  the  reversion  of  a  fief  to  the 
lord,  on  the  extinction  or  corruption  of  the  blood  of  the  tenant ;  the 
estate  so  escheated.  From  the  Old  Fr.  eschoir  =  cadere,  to  fall. 

Escaetor,  an  escheater,  an  officer  who  received  the  escheats  of  the  Crown. 

Escambium,  Excambium,  an  exchange. 

Esnecca,  a  ship  of  transport. 

Essartum,  a  clearance  in  the  forest ;  variously  derived  from  ex-arare, 
ex-ercere,  ex-sarrire ;  spelled  also  assartum. 

Essayum,  Essaium,  trial,  examination  by  fire  ;  examen, 

Essonium,  an  excuse. 

Estoverium,  Estuverium,  fire-wood ;  originally  provision  or  stuff  gene- 
rally. Fr.  etou/er,  Lat.  stti/are. 

Eventus,  (p.  511)  used  apparently  for  attendance  in  parliament. 

Ewagium,  =  aquagium,  a  tax  on  water  carriage. 

Excidentia,  escheats. 


540  Glossary. 

Exhaeredare,  to  dispossess  of  an  inheritance. 

Exitus,  outgoings,  issue. 

Exorbitare,  to  go  beyond  bounds. 

Expeditatio,  the  mutilation  of  dogs,   by   cutting  their  claws  so  as  to 

prevent  them  from  being  used  in  hunting. 
Expeditio,  the  duty  of  military  service,  incumbent  on  all  owners  of  land, 

=fyrd. 
Extraneus,  a  stranger. 


Falco,  a  falcon. 

Falconarius,  a  falconer. 

Falsarius,  a  forger  or  depraver  of  the  coinage. 

Falsonarius,  a  forger ;  (p.  263)  a  forger  of  charters  especially. 

Falsoneria,  forgery  of  coin  or  charters. 

Felonia,  felony. 

Feodatarius,  a  feudal  dependant. 

Feodi-firma,  fee  farm. 

Feodum,  Feodus,  Feudum,  a  fief,  an  estate  held  by  tenure   from   a 

superior  lord ;  (p.  506)  a  fee,  in  the  modern  sense  of  a  payment  as 

honorarium. 

Feoffamentum,  feoffinent,  the  act  of  conveying  an  estate  in  fee. 
Feoffator,  a  feoffor. 

Feoffatus,  a  feoffee,  the  person  receiving  or  holding  such  an  estate. 
Feonatio,  the  fawning  time.     Fr.  foinesun.     Med.  Lat.  fannatio. 
Feorm-fultum,  rent  paid  in  kind  from  royal  demesne  or  public  lands. 
Feos-bot,  (p.  73)  amendment  of  the  coinage. 
Ferdingus,  a  freeman  of  the  lowest  grade. 
Feria,  a  fair. 

Feudatus,  in  possession  of  a  fief. 
Fidejussio,  security. 
Fidelitas,  fealty. 

Filare,  to  file,  to  string  on  a  thread  ;  see  Affilare. 
Filum,  the  thread  or  course  of  a  stream. 
Finis,  a  payment  made  to  procure  the  end  of  a  lawsuit  or  immunity  from 

molestation,  and  in  that  sense  a  fine ;  not  a  mulct  by  way  of  punish- 
ment.    Compare  our  fines  upon  leases. 
Firma,  ferm  or  farm  ;  a  fixed  sum  or  rent  payable  by  way  of  composition ; 

the  profits  of  the  county  jurisdictions  let  at  fixed  sums  to  the  sheriffs. 
Firmarius,  a  person  who  fermed,  compounded  by  an  annual  fixed  pay- 
ment for  the  revenues  of  his  official  position. 
Fiscus,  the  Exchequer ;  revenue  in  general. 
Flyma,  a  runaway. 
Folgare,  to  follow.     Germ,  folgen. 
Folgarius,  a  follower.     Germ.  Folger. 

Folkesmote,  meeting  of  the  folk  or  people  in  the  shiremoot. 
Foreoath,  the  oath  taken  by  plaintiff  and  defendant  at  the  beginning  of  a 

suit. 

Foresta,  forest.     Germ.  Forst. 

Forestel,  an  assault ;  from  fore  and  stellan,  to  spring.     THORPE. 
Forisfacere,  to  transgress  ;  to  forfeit. 
Forisfactura,  forfeiture. 
Forstallatio,    obstruction    or    hindrance;   from    fore    and  stellan;   see 

Forestel. 


Glossary. 

Fortitude,  force. 

Forulus,  a  shelf  or  compartment. 

Fossatum,  a  ditch. 

Francus,  a  freeman,  a  freeholder. 

Francus-plegius,  a  frank-pledge  ;  a  member  of  an  association  for  mutual 
security. 

Francus-tenens,  a  freeholder  ;  generally  in  socage. 

Frittt,  peace. 

Frith-borg,  surety  for  the  keeping  of  the  peace ;  Frithborga,  an  as- 
sociation of  ten  men  for  mutual  security  =  frank-pledge ;  Frithborgua, 
a  member  of  such  an  association.  See  p.  77. 

Fritb-borge-heved,  the  head  of  a  frank-pledge. 

Fritb-bot,  Fritbesbot,  amendment  of  peace,  payment  to  atone  for  breach 
of  peace. 

Fritb-bryce,  breach  of  the  peace. 

Fritb-gegildas,  members  of  an  association  for  mutual  protection. 

Fugare,  to  course. 

Fugatio,  right  of  coursing. 

Fundus,  the  soil :  often  =feodut. 

Furea,  the  gallows. 

Furnum,  an  oven. 

Furragium,  provender.     From  furrare,  to  forage.    Goth.  fodr. 

Fyrd,  the  expeditio  of  the  alodial  system  ;  the  duty  of  military  service  for 
the  defence  of  the  country. 

Fyrdung,  Fierdfare,  the  going  on  the  fyrd. 

Fyrdwite,  the  penalty  for  neglecting  the  fyrd. 


Gablum,  tar ;  from  A.  S.  gafol.    Fr.  gabelle. 

Gafol,  tax. 

Gaiola,  a  prison,  a  gaol.     Fr.  geole ;  from  the  Lat.  caveola. 

Garb  a,  a  trave  of  corn.     Old  High  Germ.     Fr.  gerbe. 

Geldare,  to  pay  tax. 

Geldum,  Gildum,  a  tax  of  any  sort.    Germ.  Geld. 

Gemot,  a  meeting. 

Geneatland,  land  cultivated  by  geneats,  or  persons  holding  by  service. 

Neotan,  to  enjoy.    THORPE. 
Gersumna,  an  exaction. 
Gesithcundman,  a  man  in  the  rank  of  gaith  or  comes;  a  companion  of  a 

king  or  great  lord,  and  so  ennobled  by  service. 
Gewitenemot,  =  witenagemot. 
Gieresgieve,  the  same  as  gersuma,  a  bribe  given  to  the  king's  officers  for 

connivance.  BRADY. 
Gild,  (p.  72)=wer-gild. 
Gilda,  Gylda,  a  voluntary  association  for  mutual  protection,  for  common 

mercantile  aims,  or  for  religious  worship. 
Gildwite,  (p.  310)  probably  a  miswriting  for  childwito. 
Gisarma,  a  dart. 

Grangia,  a  granary,  thence  a  grange,  a  farm-house. 
Grantum,  security  given. 
Gravamen,  a  grievance. 
Gravare,  to  aggrieve. 


542  Glossary. 

Gregarius,  miles  gregarius  seems  to  mean  a  knight  employed  properly 
in  military  command,  as  contrasted  with  one  who  merely  holds  a  knight's 
fee  in  land. 

Grith,  immunity  from  molestation  ;  special  frith  or  localised  peace. 

Guerra,  Gwerra,  war. 

Gwerrina,  in  a  state  of  war. 


Haia,  a  hedge.     Fr.  haie ;  Old  High  Germ.  Haga, 

Halbergettus,  the  material  of  which  the  common  hauberk  was  made. 

Halimotum,  the  hall-moot,  the  local  court  of  a  franchise. 

Hange-witha,  the  penalty  for  hanging  a  thief  without  process  of  law. 
DCCANGE.  Thorpe,  however,  defines  it  as  a  fine  for  letting  a  prisoner 
escape  from  prison. 

Hansa,  a  trade  guild. 

Hanshus,  the  hall  where  the  hansa  or  guild  met. 

Haracia,  a  stud  of  horses.     Fr.  haras. 

Haubio,  a  hauberk. 

Healsfang,  the  sum  a  man  sentenced  to  the  pillory  would  have  to  pay  to 
save  him  from  that  punishment.  THORPE.  Heals-fang  properly  is  the 
pillory  itself.  Schmid,  however,  explains  it  as  really  meaning  a  pay- 
ment of  the  nature  of  wer-gild,  made  to  the  near  relatives  of  a  slain 
man. 

Heimfara,  a  breach  of  peace  by  forcibly  entering  a  man's  house. 

Heorthfest,  having  a  fixed  hearth  or  dwelling. 

Herbagium,  herbage. 

Heriot,  Heriet,  a  heriot ;  from  here-geatwu,  the  military  equipment  of  a 
vassal,  which  on  his  death  reverted  to  his  lord.  In  the  later  laws  the 
heriot  is  often  Latinised,  as  relevium  ;  but  properly  it  differed  from  the 
relief,  which  was  the  payment  made  by  the  heir  to  secure  the  possession 
of  his  inheritance. 

Heyrinus,  a  heron. 

Hida,  a  hide  of  land  :  a  measure  varying  at  the  time  of  Domesday,  but  in 
Henry  IPs  reign  fixed  at  100  acres.  See  p.  209. 

Hlafordsokna,  (p.  66)  the  right  of  the  freeman  to  choose  his  own  lord  ; 
hence  the  jurisdiction  of  the  lord  over  his  men. 

Hokeday,  the  second  Tuesday  after  Easter. 

Hold,  a  Danish  noble. 

Homagium,  homage,  the  process  of  acknowledging  oneself  the  homo  or 
vassal  of  a  feudal  superior. 

Hominium,  homage. 

Homo,  generally  a  vassal. 

Honor,  an  aggregation  of  knights'  fees,  held  as  an  honour,  as  the  qualify- 
ing holding  of  a  baron  or  earl. 

Horn-gelth,  a  tax  upon  horned  cattle,  cornage. 

Hornus,  of  this  year  ;  applied  to  a  hawk  that  has  not  moulted. 

Hospitare,  to  entertain. 

Hospitatus,  inhabited. 

Hostiarius,  =  ostiariw,  a  door-keeper,  an  usher.     Fr.  huissier. 

Hostium,  =  ostium,  a  door. 

Hundredarius,  the  hundred-man,  the  bailiff  of  the  hundred. 

Hundredum,  Hundredus,  Hundretum,  Hundret,  the  local  division 
called  the  hundred ;  frequently  also  the  hundred  court. 


Glossary. 

Husting,  Hustenge,  Hustingus,  the  court  of  a  borongh  held  in  a  house ; 

from  hus,  a  house,  and  thing,  an  assembly. 
Huthesia,  Hutesium,  hue  and  cry  made  after  criminals. 
Hyda,  a  hide  of  land;  see  Hida. 
Hydagium,  a  tax  imposed  at  so  much  a  hide. 
Hynde,  the  number  ten. 

Hynden,  an  association  of  ten  men  in  a  frith-gild. 
Hyndenman,  the  head  man  over  ten  hyndena. 


Imbreviare,  to  register. 

Imbrochiare,  to  tap  a  barrel,  to  broach  a  cask. 

Impetrare,  to  obtain  by  application,  generally  used  of  a  writ  or  papal 
bull. 

Implacitare,  to  implead,  to  bring  an  action  against. 

Imprisonamentum,  imprisonment. 

Imprisonare,  to  imprison. 

Incaustum,  ink.     From  the  Greek,  eyKavarov. 

Incrementum,  increase  of  profit  over  ferm-rent. 

Indictamentum,  indictment. 

Infangentheof,  jurisdiction  over  a  thief  caught  within  the  limit  of  the 
estate  to  which  the  right  belonged. 

Infeodare,  to  enfeof. 

Ingenium,  a  contrivance ;  '  malum  ingenium,'  trickery,  evasion  of  obliga- 
tions. 

Ingravare,  to  burden. 

Inland,  '  terra  dominicalis?  the  demesne. 

Instauramentum,  the  stocking  of  a  farm. 

Instaurare,  to  stock  a  farm. 

Interciare,  to  demand  warranty  of  a  person  in  whose  hands  stolen  property 
is  found.  Fr.  entiercer. 

Interprisa,  a  usurpation. 

Intromittere  (se),  to  meddle  with. 

Invadiare,  to  put  in  pledge  for  a  loan,  to  mortgage. 

Invenire,  to  find,  in  the  sense  of  to  furnish. 

Irrotulamentum,  enrolment. 

Irrotulare,  to  enrol. 


Jieresgieve,  =  gieresgive. 
Jocalia,  jewels.     Fr.  joyav,=jocale. 
Judicium,  (pp.  76,  151)  the  ordeal. 
Juisa,  the  ordeal. 
Jurata,  a  jury. 

Justitia,  —justitiarius,  a  justice  or  judge. 
Justitiabilis,  amenable  to  jurisdiction. 
Justitiare,  to  bring  to  justice. 


Kalendarium,  a  kalendar,  a  list  of  agenda. 
Kidellus,  Kydellus,  a  weir. 


544  Glossary. 


Laga,  law.     Icelandic,  log. 

Lagan,  the  right  to  matters  thrown  up  by  the  sea,  lying  on  the  shore. 

Lageman,  a  person  possessing  jurisdiction  or  qualified  to  exercise  it. 

Lanutus,  woolly ;  pellis  lanuta,  a  wool-fell. 

Lardarium,  a  larder. 

Legalis,  lawful ;  legalis  homo,  a  man  possessed  of  all  the  rights  of  a  free- 
man. 

Leod,  the  people.     Germ.  Leute. 

Leporarius,  a  harrier. 

Lesta,  lading,  a  last,  a  weight  of  leather  and  other  substances. 

Lestagium,  a  custom  exacted  on  a  ship's  lading. 

Lesth,  lading. 

Leuca,  a  measure  of  1500  paces  ;  later,  a  league. 

Leue,  =  leva,  an  exaction,  or  compulsory  gift  to  the  magistrate,  like  scotale. 

Leugata,  the  territory  surrounding  a  town,  at  the  radius  of  a  leuca. 

Lex,  (pp.  144,  301)  the  ordeaL 

Liberare,  to  deliver. 

Liberatio,  a  delivering ;  hence  the  thing  delivered,  equipment,  livery. 

Libra,  a  pound. 

Librata,  an  estate  in  land  worth  a  pound  a  year. 

Licentiare,  to  dismiss. 

Liesing,  the  Danish  freedman. 

Ligantia,  allegiance. 

Ligius,  liege,  ligius  dominus,  the  lord  to  whom  the  oath  of  fealty  was  taken 
contra  omnes  homines  without  exception. 

Lingua,  (p.  485)  tongue,  nation. 

Lista,  the  selvage  or  listing  of  cloth. 

Loquela,  a  legal  claim. 

Lorica,  a  coat  of  mail,  as  worn  by  a  knight ;  hence  the  knightly  tenure. 

Lot,  the  share  of  taxation  imposed  upon  an  individual  payer  towards 
making  up  the  aggregate  required  of  the  community. 


M 

Maeg-burg,  the  kindred. 

Maironia,  timber,  =  meremium. 

Major,  (p.  323)  of  age,  twenty-one  years  old;    (p.  314)  the  mayor  of  a 

community, 
Malatolta,  Malatollia,  the  unjust  custom  on  wool,  the  evil  tolta  or  tax : 

tolta  is  a  rude  participle  from  tollo,  to  take  as  toll. 
Malefactio,  (p.  264)  a  misdoing ;  in  this  place  the  stolen  property. 
Mancus,  an  English  money  of  the  same  value  as  the  mark,  or  30  penings. 
Maneries,  manner,  sort. 
Manerium,  a  manor. 
Mansio,  a  dwelling-house  ;  a  manor. 
Maniing,  the  district  or  population  under  the  jurisdiction  of  a  reeve. 

A.  S.  amanian,  to  exact. 
Manuopere,  with  the  hand  in  the   act ;  hand-habend,  in  possession   of 

stolen  goods. 

Manatenere,  to  maintain. 
Marca,  a  mark,  8  ounces,  two-thirds  of  a  pound ;  the  mark  of  silver  ia 

138.  4cZ. ;  the  mark  of  gold  is  six  pounds  sterling. 


Glossary.  CA  t 


Marcandisa,  merchandise. 

Marescallus,  a  marshal,  the  ancient  hors-thegn ;  from  mar,  horse   tcale 

servant. 

Maritagium,  the  right  of  bestowing  in  marriage  a  feudal  dependant. 
Maritare,  to  give  in  marriage. 

Maritatio,  the  act  of  giving  in  marriage  ;  the  right  of  doing  so. 
Mark  a,  a  mark. 
Marlera,  a  marl-pit. 

Martrinus,  Martrinis,  belonging  to  a  marten. 
Mass-thegn,  (p.  66)  a  priest  holding  thegn's  rank. 
Mastivus,  a  mastiff. 

Mediatus,  mesne  :  mediatut  dominus,  a  niesne  lord. 
Merca,  a  mark,  the  ancient  division  of  land,  so  called  from  its  mark  or 

boundary. 

Mercandisa,  Mercandia,  merchandise. 
Mercarius,  of  merchants. 

Mercata,  the  quantity  of  land  which  is  worth  a  mark  (13*.  4^.)  a  year. 
Mercatum,  a  market. 
Merchet,  the  sum  paid  by  a  villein  to  his  lord  for  leave  to  give  his  daughter 

in  marriage. 

Meremium,  Meremum,  timber;  materiamen,  DUCANGE. 
Mesuagium,  a  mansion. 
Methel,  an  assembly,  =  mallut,  or  gemot. 
Miles,  a  knight ;  Militia,  the  right  of  knighthood. 
Millarium,  a  sum  of  a  thousand. 
Minorare,  to  diminish. 
Minutus,  mean  or  small. 
Misa,  a  capitulation. 
Misericordia,  mercy,  a  mulct  at  discretion :  to  be  at  the  king's  mercy  was 

to  lie  iri  such  a  position  that  the  Icing  might  either  exercise  the  right  of 

complete  forfeiture  or  accept  a  fine  in  commutation. 
Jliskenning,  Mescheninga,  'variatio  loquelae,'  a  shifting  of  the  ground 

of  an  action  after  it  has  come  into  court ;  commonly  the  fine  imposed 

for  such  variation,  levied  on  very  trivial  occasions,  and  abolished  by 

charter  frequently  as  a  privilege. 
Modernus,  of  the  present  day ;  from  modo,  now. 
Molinus,  a  mill. 
Monetagium,  mintage,  a  payment  by  the  moneyers  for  the  privilege  of 

coining  ;  otherwise  explained  as  a  payment  by  the  subjects  to  prevent 

loss  by  the  depreciation  or  change  of  coinage. 
Monetarius,  a  moneyer,  a  person  empowered  to  coin. 
Muratus,  walled. 
Murdrator,  a  murderer. 
Murdrum,  secret  homicide ;  sometimes  the  penalty  paid  by  the  district  in 

which  a  murdered  person  is  found  (see  p.  201);  wilful  murder. 
Mutatorium,  a  change  (of  raiment). 
Mutatus,  changed ;  applied  to  a  hawk  that  has  moulted ;  hence  the  word 


Namiare,  to  distrain. 

Namium,  Namum,   distress,    seizure;    the   thing   taken  by  distress,  - 

districtio.     Germ,  nehmen,  to  take. 
Nativus,  a  neif,  or  unfree  dependant. 

K  n 


Glossary. 


Nothing,  a  worthless  person. 
Nocumentum,  a  nuisance. 
Nundinae,  a  fair. 
Nundinarius,  having  a  fair. 


Obelus,  a  halfpenny. 

Occasio,  an  excuse. 

Occasionare,  to  molest,  to  spoil. 

Occasiuncula,  a  mean  excuse. 

Oferhyrnes,  contempt,  disobedience  ;  commonly  the  penalty  of  contempt 
of  jurisdiction. 

On-hlote,  =lot,  the  share  of  taxation  apportioned  to  the  individual  mem- 
ber of  a  community. 

Ora,  a  varying  sum  of  pennies  or  denarii ;  twenty,  sometimes  sixteen. 

OrtUlus,  the  claw  of  a  dog's  foot. 


Pacabilis,  payable  ;    applied  to  a  beast  that  is  a  lawful  tender  in  payment 

in  kind. 

Pacatio,  payment. 

Palefridus,  a  horse.     Med.  Lat.  paraveredus. 
Pannagium,  the  privilege  of  feeding  swine  in  the  woods.     Old  Fr.  pasnage, 

pasture ;  from  pastinaticum,  a  derivative  from  pastionem. 
Parlamentum,  Parliamentum,  parliament :  =  colloquium,  from  parabolare, 

to  speak ;  whence  parole  and  parley. 
Parliamentatio,  parliamentary  discussion. 
Parochianus,  a  parishioner. 

Passagium,  (p.  440)  a  voyage  ;  (p.  108)  a  tax  upon  passengers. 
Pecunia,  money  or  stock  :  pecunia  viva,  live  stock. 
Pedo,  a  foot-soldier. 
Pelota,  the  ball  of  the  foot  of  a  dog. 
Pensum,  weight,  as  opposed  to  scala,  rate. 
Percognitio,  a  recognition  ;  see  Recognitio. 
Pereussiira,  coining. 
Perdonum,  pardon,  remission  of  payment. 
Peregrinatio,  pilgrimage. 
Perire,  to  fail  in  the  ordeal. 

Perquirere,  to  acquire,  to  purchase  ;  (p.  138)  to  seek  or  contrive. 
Perquisitio,  acquisition. 
Persolta,  =  per-soluta  ;  seep.  231. 
Persona,  a  beneficed  clergyman. 
Pertica,  a  perch,  a  measure  of  land. 
Pilatus,  a  bolt  for  shooting. 
Pilleus,  a  cap. 
Pincerna,  a  butler. 
Placitum,  a  plea,  a  lawsuit. 
Plegium,  a  surety,  the  condition  of  a  surety. 

Plegius,  a  surety,  a  person  pledging  himself  for  the  appearance  of  another. 
Port,  (p.  66)  a  mercantile  town. 
Pontagium,  bridge-toll. 


Glossary. 

Portreeve,  the  chief  magistrate  of  a  port,  or  mercantile  town. 

Portsocha,  Portsoka,  the  jurisdiction  of  a  portreeve. 

Praebenda,  (p.  194)  provender;  (p.  366)  a  prebend  in  a  cathedral   or 

college. 

Praeconarius,  belonging  to  a  crier. 
Praemunire,  to  premonish. 
Praemunitio,  a  premonition. 
Praepositura,  office  of  reeve. 
Praepositus,  =  reeve. 

Praesentatio,  the  right  of  nominating  a  clerk  to  a  benefice. 
Praestatio,  a  payment. 
Praetaxare,  to  define  beforehand. 
Praevaricare,  to  break  or  evade  an  obligation. 
Prindere,  to  take  ;  a  form  of  prehendere. 
Prisa,  a  taking,  an  exaction. 
Priso,  a  prisoner. 
Prisona,  a  prison. 

Probator,  an  approver,  king's  evidence. 
Procurator,  a  proctor,  the  person  who  holds  a  proxy. 
Procuratorius,  conveying  delegated  power:  procuratoriaelitterae,  letters 

of  proxy. 

Proficuum,  profit. 

Prolongare,  to  remove,  to  dispossess,  by  delaying  seisin. 
Prosolta,  =pro-soluta  ;  see  p.  231. 
Protojustitiarius,  the  Chief  Justice. 
Providentia,  (p.  334)  a  provision  or  ordinance. 
Publicatus,  notorious  by  report. 
Purprestura,  an  encroachment. 
Purpunctus,  a  sword-proof  or  spear-proof  coat. 


Quarterium,  a  quarter,  a  measure  of  capacity. 
Quietantia,  quittance. 

Quietum  clamare,  to  quit-claim,  release  from  obligation. 
Quindena,  a  quinzaine,  a  day  over  the  fortnight. 

Quinquagenarhis,  (p.  439)  a  captain  of  fifty,  used  figuratively  with  refer- 
ence to  2  Kings  i. 


Ran,  =  rare/i,  rapine. 

Hecautum,  a  counter  tally ;  see  Contratalea,  a  security ;  from  re-caveo. 

.Becepta,  receipt. 

Becidivare,  to  relapse. 

Becognitio,  an  inquest  by  oath  of  twelve  men,  under  the  system   o 

assize;  (p.  137)  a  declaratory  statement  of  the  law. 
Becognoscens,  a  person  acknowledging  his  offence. 
Becordum,  a  record. 
Hectare,  see  Bettare. 
Bectitudo,  right. 
Bedemptio,  ransom. 
Bedimere.  (p.  loo)  to  redeem ;  (p.  251)  to  compel  to  red 

N'  n  2 


Glossary. 

Regratarius,  a  retailer  who  buys  goods  in  order  to  sell  them  again  at 
a  higher  price. 

Reguardor,  a  person  acting  as  visitor  in  a  reguard. 

Reguardum,  Reguarda,  a  visitation  of  the  forests. 

Rehabere,  to  recover  possession. 

Relevare,  to  relieve,  to  take  up  an  inheritance  by  payment  of  relief. 

Relevatio,  the  act  of  relieving ;  the  relief. 

Relevium,  the  relief,  the  money  paid  by  the  incoming  heir  for  admission 
to  his  inheritance. 

Remandare,  to  remand. 

Rememorare,  to  regard,  or  to  place  in  the  agenda  of  parliament. 

Renegator,  a  renegade,  heretic. 

Replegiare,  to  remand  under  surety. 

Respectus,  respite. 

Retare,  Rettare,  to  accuse ;  from  the  Norse  rett,  an  imputation  or 
accusation :  not  connected  with  the  Lat.  rectum,  although  early  con- 
founded with  it :  hence  the  form  rectare  for  rettare. 

Retonsor,  a  clipper  of  coin. 

Retta,  Return,  Rettum,  an  accusation.     Norse,  rett. 

Revelach,  A.  S.  reqflac,  theft ;  from  reafian,  to  rob,  to  bereave. 

Riparia,  Rivaria,  a  river.     Fr.  riviere. 

Robator,  a  robber.     Germ.  Raufoer. 

Roberia,  robbery, 

Rumbus,  a  turbot. 

Runcinus,  a  horse. 

Russettus,  a  common  red  cloth. 

Rusticus,  a  native,  a  villein. 

Ruttarius,  a  routier,  a  mercenary  soldier.     Low  Lat.  ruptuarius. 


S 

Saca,  Sacha,  jurisdiction  in  matters  of  dispute. 

Saisiare,  Saisire,  to  seize,  to  take  possession  of.   Old  High  Germ,  sazjan. 

Saisina,  possession. 

Salvagius,  wild.     Fr.  sauvage,  from  silcaticus. 

Scaccarium,  the  Exchequer. 

Scala,  scale,  rate  as  opposed  to  weight. 

Scannum,  a  bench. 

Schedula,  a  schedule,  list  of  articles. 

Schira,  Scira,  a  shire,  =  comitatus. 

Sebirereva,  Scyr-gerefa,  a  sheriff:  the  king's  representative  in  the 
shire,  as  the  praepositus  or  gerefa  (Ger.  Graf;  Engl.  reeve)  was  in  the 
township.  Lat.  mcecomes. 

Scbot,  a  tax  generally ;  from  sceatta,  money. 

Scir-gemot,  Scyres-gemot,  meeting  of  the  shire;  county  court;  comitatus. 

Sctrman,  the  headman  of  the  shire,  probably  =  sheriff 

Scotagiuxn,  =  scutagium. 

Scothala,  Scotteshale,  'Public  compotations  at  the  charge  of  some  for  the 
benefit  of  others.'  SPELMAN.  'Abuses  put  on  the  king's  people  by  his 
officers,  who  invited  them  to  drink  ale  and  then  made  a  collection,  to 
the  end  they  should  not  vex  or  inform  against  them  for  the  crimes 
they  had  committed  or  should  commit.'  BRADY.  A  forced  contribution 
levied  on  the  pretence  or  occasion  of  a  festivity. 


Glossary. 

Scrinium,  a  shrine. 

Scriptorium,  a  writing-room. 

Seota,  (p.  401)  suit,  attendance  at  a  court;  (p.  364)  suit,  pursuit  of  the 
hue  and  cry. 

Sectator,  a  suitor. 

Seedlip,  a  measure  of  wheat ;  a  seed  basket. 

Seisina,  possession  of  land. 

Senescallus,  a  steward,  the  senior  scale  or  servant  in  a  household. 

Septimana,  a  week.     Fr.  semaine. 

Sequestrare,  to  separate  litigants,  to  settle  the  matter  between  them ; 
more  commonly  to  sequestrate. 

Sergantia,  Sergantisa,  Sergenteria,  serjeanty,  a  tenure  of  land  by  pecu- 
liar service  of  special  duty  to  the  person  of  the  lord. 

Sermocinari,  to  preach. 

Serrura,  a  lock.     Fr.  serrure ;  from  Lat.  serare. 

Servians,  a  serjeant;  serviens  ad  placita,  serjeant  at  pleas;  serriens  ad 
arma,  serjeant  at  arms. 

Sextarius,  a  measure  of  four  gallons. 

Sithessocna,  explained  to  mean  the  jurisdiction  of  a  ge*ith,  any  private 
franchise ;  but  the  word  occurs  only  in  the  form  of  Sipesocna,  which 
has  been  understood  to  mean  the  district  liable  to  furnish  a  ship  to  the 
king's  fleet.  The  former  explanation  is  however  the  most  probable. 

Soca,  Socca,  Socna,  Soka,  Soken,  jurisdiction ;  '  interpcllatio  majorii 
audientiae,'  a  liberty,  privilege,  or  franchise  granted  by  the  Icing  to  a 
subject ;  also  the  area  within  which  that  franchise  is  exercised. 

Socagium,  Sokagium,  tenure  of  land  on  condition  of  fixed  and  determi- 
nate services,  especially  that  of  suit  to  the  lord's  court  or  soken. 

Sochemannus,  a  man  who  has  to  pay  suit  to  a  soken ;  hence  a  tenant  ic 
socage. 

Solemnium,  a  solemnity. 

Solidarius,  a  paid  soldier. 

Solidata,  the  quantity  of  land  that  is  worth  a  shilling  a  year. 

Solidus,  a  shilling.     Fr.  sous. 

Sollagium,  =  solagium,  an  impost  claimed  by  the  lord  of  the  soil,  by  way 
of  ground  rent. 

Solta,  =  soluta;  see  p.  231. 

Speruarius,  a  sparrow-hawk.     Fr.  ipervier. 

Stabilitio,  probably  the  duty  of  erecting  the  hunting- camp  of  the  king 
or  lord  of  a  forest,  and  otherwise  providing  for  the  carrying  out  of  the 
hunt. 

Stallagium,  payment  for  having  a  stall  in  the  market. 

Staurare,  to  stock  a  farm. 

Stengesdint,  from  stenge  (A.S.),  a  pole,  and  dingan,  to  strike  :  sense 
obscure. 

Sterilensis,  Sterlingus,  sterling ;  lawful  and  current  money  of  England. 
The  derivation  is  extremely  uncertain. 

Strata,  street. 

Suanimotum,  the  court  of  the  freemen  in  the  forest;  from  'twain,  Mere 
tenens.' 

Subclamator,  a  sub-crier,  of  parliament. 

Submonire,  to  summon.  . 

Sumagium,  (p.  350)  a  burden;  from  summa,  Fr.  tomme.  Mod.  .Lat.  sa 
=  tagma;  Ger.  Saum,  in  Saumthier. 

Summagium,  (p.  167)  a  team  of  beasts  of  burden. 

Summarius,  a  beast  of  burden  ;  a  sumpter-horse. 


550  Glossary. 

Suxnmonere,  to  summon. 
Summonitio,  a  summons. 
Supersedere,  to  treat  as  superfluous. 


Tachiamentum,  an  arrest. 

Tailagium,  Taylagium,  Tallagium,  Talliagium,  a  tax,  from  taillare, 
tattler,  to  tax  ;  specially  a  talliage,  an  aid  demandable  of  demesne  lands 
at  the  will  of  the  lord. 

Tailliare,  Tailleare,  Talliare,  to  tax  or  talliage. 

Talea,  Tallia,  Taleola,  a  tally,  a  long  piece  of  wood  on  which  the  sums 
received  at  the  Exchequer  were  notched ;  the  tally  being  then  split,  and 
half  kept  by  the  court,  half  by  the  payer,  so  that  each  was  a  check 
on  the  other. 

Tannator,  a  tanner. 

Taxare,  (p.  211)  to  fix. 

Team,  Theam,  Them,  Theim,  the  right  of  compelling  the  person  in 
whose  hands  stolen  or  lost  property  was  found  to  vouch  to  warranty, 
that  is,  to  name  the  person  from  whom  he  received  it. 

Tenementum,  a  holding,  an  estate  held  feudally. 

Ten-manne-tale,  =  frank-pledge. 

Tenseria,  a  tax. 

Tenura,  the  mode  of  holding  an  estate  feudally ;  the  holding  itself. 

Testimonium,  (p.  145)  character;  (p.  188)  attestation. 

Thegn,  Thegen,  Tein,  Thaynus,  Taimis,  a  thegn,  or  thane :  originally  a 
young  man,  or  warrior;  hence  often  a  servant,  especially  an  armed 
servant ;  then  one  who  becomes  noble  by  serving  the  king  in  arms  ;  the 
possessor  of  five  hides  of  land.  The  thegn  before  the  Conquest  occupied 
nearly  the  same  position  socially  as  the  knight  did  after  it. 

Theoden,  a  lord,  as  opposed  to  Thegen,  a  servant. 

Theofgyld,  money  paid  in  compensation  for  robbery. 

Thing,  an  assembly. 

Thingemannus,  a  Danish  soldier,  perhaps  =  huscarl. 

Thrymsa,  a  coin  worth  three  pence  Mercian. 

Timbre,  a  bundle  of  skins. 

Tithing,  Tethinga,  a  union  of  ten  freemen  for  mutual  security ;  or  a  local 
subdivision  of  the  hundred,  in  some  parts  of  England. 

Tithingman,  the  head  of  a  tithing. 

Tol,  Thol,  Toll,  Theloneum,  Thelonium,  Telonium,  Toloneum, 
Theoloneum,  duty  on  imports. 

Tolta,  a  tax ;  from  tollo,  to  raise  by  taxation. 

Trespas,  a  fine  for  trespass. 

Trethingius,  a  third  part  of  a  county,  a  riding. 

Treuga,  a  truce. 

Tun-grevius,  the  reeve  of  a  township,  praepositus  villatae. 

Turniare,  to  attend  a  tournament. 

Tunms,  the  tourn  or  periodical  court  of  the  sheriff. 

Twyhynde,  a  man  whose  wer-gild  was  aoo  shillings.  The  twelf-hynde 
man's  was  worth  1 200. 

Tyenthe-heved,  the  head  of  a  frank-pledge  of  ten  men. 

Tyhtbysig,  of  bad  reputation;  tihtle,  accusation,  and  bysig,  implicated. 
THOBPE. 


Glossary. 


Unfrith,  state  of  being  out  of  the  king's  peace. 
TJsuro,  to  bear  interest. 
Uthesium,  hue  and  cry ;  see  Hutesium. 
Utlagare,  to  outlaw ;  TJtlagatus,  outlawed. 
Utlagia,  Outlawry. 
Utlagus,  TJtlagb,,  an  outlaw. 

Utware,  explained  as  a  grant  of  land  by  the  king  from  the  public  land. 
THOKPE. 


Vadium,  a  wager,  surety,  gage;  wages;  ad  remanens,  security  by  way 
of  deposit.  LYTTELTON. 

Vaivus,  a  waif,  a  vagabond. 

Valentia,  value. 

Vastus,  waste.     Cf.  Fr.  guaster,  gater,  to  spoil. 

Vavassor,  an  inferior  baron,  or  vassal  holding  of  a  baron. 

Venatio,  privilege  of  hunting,  venison. 

Veredictum,  verdict. 

Vicarius,  a  deputy. 

Vicecomes,  a  sheriff.  The  word  used  after  the  Conquest  to  describe 
the  scyr-gerefa  ;  probably  because  the  duties  of  the  Norman  vicecomes 
corresponded  with  those  of  the  English  sheriff.  The  latter,  howevtr, 
was  a  royal  officer,  and  not  the  substitute  for  the  earl  or  comes :  but 
an  earl  was  sometimes  hereditary  vicecomes  of  his  shire. 

Vicedominus,  the  deputy  of  a  lord. 

Vicinetum,  Vicinia,  Visinetum,  Visnetum,  the  neighbourhood,  the 
venue. 

Vigena,  a  score. 

Villa,  a  town  ;  villa  mercata,  a  market  town. 

Villanus,  a  villein ;  see  N ativus,  Rusticus,  Ceorl. 

Villata,  a  township. 

Villenagium,  villein  tenure :  state  of  villenage. 

Villula,  a  village ;  villula  nundinaria,  a  village  that  has  the  privilege 
of  holding  a  fair. 

Viridarius,  a  verderer. 

Viridis,  the  privilege  of  using  the  wood  in  the  forest ;  vert . 

Vivarium,  a  fish  pond. 


•w 

Wambais,  a  gambeson ;  a  doublet  or  purpoint  of  mail. 
"Wannagium,  "Waynagium,  Wainnagium,  properly  the  extent  of  land 
worked  by  the  plough ;  in  some  places  it  seems  to  mean  farming  stock, 
but  this  is  uncertain. 

"Wapentaccus,  Wapentakius,  "Wapentagium,   a  wapentake,  a   subdi- 
vision of  the  riding. 
Warantia,  warranty. 


552  Glossary. 

Warantizare,  to  guarantee,  to  authorise. 

Warantum,  a  warrant,  a  warranty. 

Warantus,  a  warrantor. 

Warda,  pupillage,  wardship ;  an  estate  held  by  the  lord  in  wardship. 

Warde-mota,  meeting  of  the  ward  in  a  corporate  town. 

Warennarius,  a  warrener. 

Warennia,  Warenna,  a  rabbit  warren. 

"Warnistura,  garnishing. 

Wedd,  a  pledge  or  gage,  =  vadium. 

"Wer,  the  pecuniary  estimation  of  a  man,  by  which  the  value  of  his  oath 
and  the  payment  for  his  death  were  determined. 

"Wer-gild,  the  payment  for  the  slaying  of  a  man. 

Werra,  war. 

"Widrigildum,  a  Frank  word,  meaning  probably  the  same  as  bot  or  com- 
pensation, and  distinguished  by  Grimm  from  the  wergild. 

Witan,  wise  men,  sapientes. 

Wite,  "Wita,  a  mulct,  a  payment  by  way  of  punishment,  opposed  to  bot, 
which  is  compensation  to  the  injured. 

Witena-gemot,  meeting  of  the  wise  men. 

"Wrec,  wreck. 


X 

Xenium,  a  present ;  more  commonly  written  exenium.     From  the  Greek, 


Yeresgieve,  see  Gieresgieve. 


DATE  DUE 


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fLltlf   JUfl 

*       ip 

3  1967 
29  1977 

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XV  v 

i.Y  3     1977 

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GAYLORD 

PRINTED  IN  U.S.  A. 

UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  UBRARY  FACUTY 

A     000  539  669 


